Journal articles on the topic 'Charities Charitable uses'

This article uses charitable bingo to explore the sociolegal regulation of volunteers. Using case studies of two provincial bingo revitalization initiatives in Canada, I explore how charities and government officials manage the tension between regulating and incentivizing volunteers. I show that bingo revitalization plans in Alberta and Ontario increased surveillance of nonregularized workers and failed to protect charity service users from unpaid labor requirements. Moreover, revitalization initiatives reframe the volunteer role to focus on customer service and explaining how charities benefit the community. The potential for bingo volunteering to promote spaces of mutual aid with players will thus likely decline. I suggest that the allied power of charity and state over unpaid workers is increasing, giving charities better‐protected interests in volunteer labor and changing the tasks that volunteers do. The need for more research exploring the interests of volunteers as regulatory stakeholders in their own right is thus pressing.

Charity fundraising organizers increasingly attempt to predict the donations to their causes to maximize the effectiveness of their expenditures and achieve their “social good” objectives. Much of the scholarly work in cause-related fundraising uses organization-specific demographic, geographic, psychographic and behavioral information about its donors to forecast donation amounts. Instead of distinguishing the potential donors, this study focuses on the prediction of the donations from existing donors. Specifically, a large dataset containing four years worth of transactional, appeals, source, and donor data related to a leading U.S. charitable organization was made available to the authors by the Direct Marketing Educational Foundation. The current paper contributes to the literature on donor lifetime value by documenting, in the context of a case study, the results of seven models for predicting future contributions using historic data over four years related to the cohort group of acquired donors.

Purpose The purpose of this study develops and validates a model of new donor decision-making in the charity sector. Drawing upon dual process theory, the model incorporates brand salience and brand attitude as antecedents of brand choice intention, moderated by donor decision involvement. Design/methodology/approach Study 1 generates measures using interviews with marketing, media and research managers, and new donors from two international aid and relief organizations. Study 2 uses an experimental design to first test scenarios of disaster relief, and then validate and confirm a new donor decision model using large-scale consumer panels for the international aid and relief sector in Australia. Findings The results replicated across four leading international aid-related charities reveal that brand salience is positively related to brand choice intention through the mediating effect of brand attitude. Furthermore, the effect of brand salience on brand choice intention is significantly stronger when donor decision involvement is low. Conversely, the effect of brand attitude on brand choice intention is stronger for higher levels of donor decision involvement. Practical implications Managers should understand the importance of brand salience/attitudes and the implications for the communication strategy. Managers should also strive to understand the level of decision involvement and the relative influence of brand attitude/salience on brand choice intention. Originality/value This study advances the literature on charitable giving by proposing and testing a moderated mediation model of donor choice when selecting a charity for donation. Findings provide new insights into the extent to which brand salience, brand attitude and donor decision-making influence how new donors choose between charities for donation.

Analysis in this study demonstrates how differences in strategy can be incorporated into evaluations and comparisons of financial statements of charitable organizations. The ratio of program spending to total spending, a metric commonly used in practice to evaluate charities, is the focus of the analysis. Our approach involves classifying charities according to how they access markets for donated resources and then using regression analysis to predict an organization's program-spending ratio, given the organization's strategic choice, size, and charitable objective. We then compare the predicted ratio to the organization's actual ratio to identify candidates for further review and investigation. In doing so, this paper illustrates how considering strategic choice enhances the analysis of financial statements of charitable organizations and informs assessments of organization effectiveness.

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan peran pondok pesantren An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo dalam pemberdayaan ekonomi masyarakat sekitarnya, ditinjau dari perspektif ekonomi islam. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dengan strategi studi kasus. Teknik analisis dengan mendasarkan pada preposisi teoritis, yaitu mengikuti preposisi teoritis yang menuntun studi kasus. Teknik keabsahan data menggunakan teknik triangulasi sumber, yaitu menguji kredibilitas data yang telah diperoleh dengan mengeceknya melalui beberapa sumber. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan Pondok Pesantern An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo memiliki amal-amal usaha diantaranya usaha berupa SPBU, koperasi pondok pesantren, bengkel, Bank Wakaf Mikro dan juga budidaya perikanan. Amal-amal usaha tersebut menjadikan Pondok pesantren An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo ini bisa memberdayakan ekonomi masyarakat sekitar dengan merekrut masyarakat sekitar untuk dijadikan karyawan dari beberapa amal usaha yang dimiliki pondok pesantren, Pondok pesantren An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo juga membuka peminjaman dana (tanpa agunan dan bunga) di Bank Wakaf Mikro milik pondok pesantren bagi masyarakat yang ingin membuka usaha sendiri atau ada keperluan lain. Pondok pesantren An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo juga melakukan pendistribusian tahunan berupa parcel saat Idul fitri dan juga hasil qurban saat Idul adha. Pondok pesantren An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo juga membuka kerjasama dengan para masyarakat seperti disediakan stan untuk masyarakat yang ingin berjualan saat pondok pesantren mengadakan bazaar atau acara pengajian umum, masyarakat sekitar juga bisa bekerja sama dengan pihak pondok pesantren seperti menitipkan barang dagangannya ke pihak pondok pesantren (menitipkan di kantin & koperasi pondok pesantren);Kata Kunci: pondok pesantren, pemberdayaan ekonomi, masyarakat sekitar, ekonomi Islam ABSTRACTThis study aims to describe the role of the An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo Islamic boarding school in the economic empowerment of the surrounding community, from an Islamic economic perspective. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach with a case study strategy. The analysis technique is based on theoretical prepositions, namely following theoretical prepositions that guide case studies. The data validity technique uses the source triangulation technique, which is to test the credibility of the data that has been obtained by checking it through several sources. Data collection was carried out through interviews, observation and documentation. The results showed that the An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo Islamic Boarding School has business charities including business in the form of gas stations, Islamic boarding school cooperatives, workshops, Micro Waqf Bank and fisheries cultivation. These charitable efforts have enabled the An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo Islamic boarding school to empower the economy of the surrounding community by recruiting local people to become employees of several charitable businesses owned by the Islamic boarding school. (without collateral and interest) in the Micro Waqf Bank belonging to the Islamic boarding school for people who want to open their own business or have other needs. Pondok Pesantren An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo also distributes annual parcels during Eid al-Fitr and also qurban results during Eid al-adha. The An-Nur II Al-Murtadlo Islamic boarding school also opens cooperation with the community, such as providing stands for people who want to sell when the boarding school holds a bazaar or general recitation event, the surrounding community can also cooperate with the Islamic boarding school such as entrusting merchandise to the boarding school. pesantren (entrusted to the canteen & pesantren cooperative)Keywords: Islamic boarding schools, economic empowerment, local communities, Islamic economy

Charities that use direct mailings or other activities that combine a public education effort with fundraising appeals must allocate the joint costs related to these activities to programs, fundraising, and administration. This study investigates whether charities use joint-cost allocations to manage the program ratio—a widely used measure of spending efficiency. Using a hand-collected dataset of 708 organization-year observations from 1992 to 2000, we find evidence that charities use joint costs to mitigate changes in the program ratio.

The current study aimed at a scientific objective that is to determine the role of the members of the boards of directors of charitable societies in making planning decisions at different stages in women charity societies in Riyadh. It also aimed at a practical goal that is reaching a theoretical knowledge framework that enables decision makers, specialists, and experts to identify 1) the importance of the participation of the members of the boards of directors of charitable societies in making planning decisions; 2) the planning capabilities of the members of the boards of directors of charitable societies needed to play their role in making planning decisions; 3) examine the role of the members of the boards of charitable societies in the different stages of decision-making; and explore the mechanisms for activating their role in planning decisions for women charities in Riyadh. The nature of the study is descriptive and analytical, using the comprehensive social survey method for the analysis of the members of the boards of the women's charities in Riyadh. The study used the Statistical Package Program (SPSS No. 17) in the statistical analysis of the questionnaire for members of the boards of directors of these associations. Scientific and practical results were reached by answering its questions. Based on the theoretical framework, a number of recommendations were suggested.

Charity could do the most good if every dollar donated went to causes that produced the greatest welfare gains. In line with this proposition, the effective-altruism movement seeks to provide individuals with information regarding the effectiveness of charities in hopes that they will contribute to organizations that maximize the social return of their donation. In this research, we investigated the extent to which presenting effectiveness information leads people to choose more effective charities. We found that even when effectiveness information is made easily comparable across options, it has a limited impact on choice. Specifically, people frequently choose less effective charity options when those options represent more subjectively preferred causes. In contrast to making a personal donation decision, outcome metrics are used to a much greater extent when choosing financial investments and when allocating aid resources as an agent of an organization. Implications for effective altruism are discussed.

Purpose For the past decade, sub-post offices (POs) in the UK have been subject to intensive pressures to marketise their business. Actual or threatened closures have led charities to become involved in projects to preserve community post offices. This paper aims to investigate the attitudes of the trustees and staff involved in six charity-backed POs to answer the research question “Do those involved with charity-backed POs prioritise profit generation or community resourcing?” Design/methodology/approach This research adopted a neo-empiricist stance on the collection and interpretation of data. The authors treated “attitudes” as real phenomena that are subjectively experienced and concretely expressed through activities in an objectively real world. Data were gathered from four or more people in each of six POs by sampling their services and conducting face-to-face interviews. The emphasis was on achieving verstehen – a rich understanding of a specific approach to social enterprise grounded in interpretations of human activity under conditions of naturalistic inquiry. Findings The authors found that charity-backed POs were focussed on preserving POs as a community resource but articulated this by framing profitability in three distinct ways: as a PO generating a surplus that can be gifted or reallocated to a (parent) charity’s other activities; as an activity that offsets a charity’s fixed costs; or enables or promotes its public benefit aims. Research limitations/implications There are few peer-reviewed studies of the potential of sub-POs as sites for social enterprise, and none (that could be located) on the role of charities. In this study, the authors contest Liu and Ko’s view (2014, p. 402) that the key task is “to install market-oriented managerial beliefs and values into the charity retailer’s decision-making”. A counter view is offered that trading can represent a further diversification of the innovations used to support charitable endeavours. Originality/value This is the first academic study to confront the complexities of differentiating “profitability” from “profit generation” in charity-backed POs. The subtleties in the articulation of this difference by study participants helped to account for the findings of the study and to make sense of the strong consensus that POs should be seen primarily as a community resource while responding to marketisation pressures.

There has recently been public discussion of the rewards available to senior staff in English and Welsh charities. However, that discussion is usually based on examples of individual salaries, or on unrepresentative and small subsets of the charity population. To provide a robust and informed basis for debate, we have conducted analyses of evidence on the payment of high salaries (defined as the numbers of people paid above £60,000 p.a., a reporting threshold used by the Charity Commission) in: (a) a representative sample of c.10,000 English and Welsh charities, and (b) surveys of individuals regarding comparative salary levels in different sectors of the economy. Overall, survey data show that the proportion of staff in receipt of high salaries is lower than average in the third sector than in other sectors. Information from charity annual accounts is used to demonstrate which charities are more likely than others to pay such salaries, and to relate the likelihood of paying high salaries to charity characteristics (income, location and subsector). We show that the distribution of high pay in the charitable sector is largely a function of the size and complexity of organisations, and is generally unrelated to subsector or income mix.

In charitable foundations throughout the world, different approaches are used to allocate funding. As many projects with good will (i.e., enthusiasm-based charity) actually fail to help those who really need it, it is argued that the evidence-based approach (i.e., charity guided by scientific evidence) represents the best strategy to support projects that can really help the needy. Using this approach, scientific research findings are systematically used to (1) understand the nature of the problem and/or social needs, (2) design appropriate intervention programs based on the best available evidence, and (3) systematically evaluate the outcomes of the developed program. Using the Project P.A.T.H.S. funded by the Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust as an example, the characteristics underlying this approach are outlined. The systematic use of scientific evidence in the Project P.A.T.H.S. is exemplary in different Chinese societies. This project provides much insight for charitable foundations and funding bodies locally and globally.

AbstractIn the USA, the regulatory framework for fundraising by charitable organizations has been described as a “50-state mix of fees, registration, auditing, and financial reporting requirements” (Irvin 2005, “State Regulation of Nonprofit Organizations: Accountability Regardless of Outcome.” Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 34 (2):161–178). However, little is known about how differences in state fundraising regulations might affect the ability of organizations to raise funds from donors. State charities regulation is intended to cultivate an environment that incentivizes giving and reduces fraud, where donor dollars are maximized for the mission to which they are given. Whether current charitable solicitation regulations actually succeed or impede this regulatory goal is the subject of this paper. For this research, we create an index of fundraising regulatory breadth, based on the presence or absence of key components of state charitable solicitation regulations. We use a nationally representative, longitudinal database to examine the impact of state fundraising regulations on fundraising performance. The database, which contains details of over 110 million gift transactions recorded by charities between 2006 and 2016, permits the creation of several organization-level metrics used by professional fundraisers. These metrics serve as dependent variables in multivariate models, where the control variables characterize the charitable environment of the states where the organizations are located. Although space does not permit a complete description of our results, we suggest that further research will add to the understanding of how to construct effective regulation of these and other transactions. The analysis compares state-level measures of fundraising performance, which summarize the organization-level metrics calculated from the multivariate analysis, with the state-level values of the regulatory breadth index. The results of the analysis suggest that organizations tend to have lower values for these fundraising metrics, controlling for the characteristics of the state’s charitable environment, in states that have more robust regulatory regimes (where more activities are covered). However, these results appear to be largely a result of the influence of those states where both (1) regulatory breadth is greater and (2) the oversight system is bifurcated: that is, oversight of fundraising is located in both the state attorney general’s office and another state agency, such as a secretary of state’s office.

ABSTRACT This study examines the economic consequences of going concern audit reports (GCARs) in nonprofit charitable organizations (NPOs) using a sample of public charities that received initial GCARs between 1998 and 2003. I find that GCARs are negatively correlated with subsequent government grants. This evidence suggests either that the government utilizes GCARs as a screening criterion in its funding decisions or that affected NPOs voluntarily withdraw their grant applications. GCARs and subsequent contributions are also negatively correlated. There is no evidence of a significant correlation between a GCAR and the NPO's subsequent public support. The findings indicate detectable adverse economic consequences of GCARs in the nonprofit sector. Data Availability: Data used in this study are from public sources.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the nature of both charitable and religious fundraising amongst vulnerable older adults. It is a practice that is hidden and opaque. The circumstances surrounding the death of Olive Clarke in spring 2015, however, suggest that it is a practice that involves “intrusive” and “excessive” practices. Fundraising amongst vulnerable older adults is largely unregulated and independently monitored. This paper argues that ensuring the protection of vulnerable older adults requires substantial change and new accountabilities. Design/methodology/approach – This paper explores current approaches to financial abuse and the focus on family and professional carers as the main likely perpetrators. However, using literature from both the USA and Australia, it considers notions of “trust” and professional behaviour, and the way that vulnerable older adults are subject to new forms of abuse as a result of financial technology such as online and telephone banking. It links this with the practices of charitable fundraisers using techniques such as cold calling and direct mail. Findings – The circumstances surrounding the death of Olive Clarke suggest that charities, and those fundraise for charities appear to engage in a practice whereby they sell the names of likely donors to each other. This practice opens opportunities for abusive relationships to take place. At the same time many clergy operate like the single GP surgeries that allowed Shipman to practice unnoticed and unaccountable. The relationship between clergy and their aging congregation, who are relied upon to raise funds for church activities, open up the opportunity for abuse to take to place. Few records on charitable giving exist that permit regulation and independent scrutiny. Research limitations/implications – Current research in this area is limited by the focus on family and professional carers as likely perpetrators of financial abuse, and through attention on child sexual abuse in general. There is a lack of research on charitable giving, and the focus tends to be on altruism rather than the practices and motivations of fundraisers themselves. This paper intends to begin an academic debate to the context in which Olive Clarke took her own life. Practical implications – In the wake of the death of Olive Clarke the Fundraising Standards Board has been tasked with reviewing the way charities raise funds amongst vulnerable older adults. No one has yet used the language of financial abuse, choosing to opt for the terms “excessive” and “intrusive” there is a need to shift this debate and encourage greater regulation and accountability. Social implications – This paper seeks to explore how some of the organisations that are supposed to protect and care for vulnerable people engage in practices that exploit and abuse. It is timely as debates about charitable giving are beginning to increase, and the role of the church and the religious groups in the abuse of children is being considered by the new independent inquiry in the UK. It has significant implications for accountability, trust and regulation. Originality/value – The financial abuse of older adults is rarely considered outside of the family – carer nexus. However, changes in the banking and financial systems means that opportunities for abuse are greater than ever before. Prior to the death of Olive Clarke in spring 2015 very little attention on the nature of charitable and religious fundraising amongst older adults has taken place, and consequently this paper is highly original, but equally timely.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore charitable giving and receiving as a site of social class interaction in Croatia today, particularly in relation to the country’s socialist past and capitalist present. Design/methodology/approach Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted in three charity organisations in Croatia. The reported material is based on participant observation, interviews and informal conversations with organisation members, activists, employees and end users. Findings The authors find that charity activists and recipients of aid occupy distinct but overlapping moral economies in relation to questions of poverty, charity and the role of the state. Originality/value The authors develop a unique perspective on charitable giving and receiving in a context in which memories of socialism shape understandings of the role of the state today vis-à-vis poverty relief.

Cause related marketing describes an activity in which contributions are made to selected charities in response to customers’ purchases. In South Africa, the number of causes requiring help is large due to the on-going shortage of funds and the number of people in need. The objective of this study was to establish the relationship between selected causes and socio-demographic variables. This was a quantitative, cross-sectional study. Quota sampling was used, and questionnaires were administered to 400 candidates in major shopping centres. Correspondence analysis was used to compare and map the results of cause choices against the selected socio-demographic factors. The findings indicated that there are relationships between the demographic factors and the causes selected by the respondents.

Most hospitals are considered charities under common law because they were established for the benefit of the public. The law granted them benefits, but also imposed duties. Under the cy-pres doctrine, if a charitable purpose becomes obsolete or incapable of being carried out, the court could modify those purposes to meet current needs of the organization and the community. Modern laws attempt to find a purpose as near as possible to original purposes set up by donors. In the case of hospital conversion, some regulators say assets must be used to support hospital health care, while others say they can be used in the broad sense of health care. That has been a continuing conflict between communities and regulators.Since 1996, 30 conversion statutes have been enacted, covering hospitals, HMOs, and insurers.

Purpose The charitable organizations must understand the forces influencing donor behaviours. This issue has been debated rigorously among researchers belonging to Western societies; however, the exploration of donation experience among non-Western academics is limited. This study aims to discover the phenomenon of Zakat donation experience – an Islamic religious act of charity donation performed among Muslims to enhance our understanding of religious consumption practices in a Muslim country setting of Pakistan. Design/methodology/approach The authors used phenomenological methodology to collect data from 35 donors via face-to-face interviews. Findings The informants advocate individuality while making Zakat donations and believe that an independent donation experience brings them with higher levels of happiness, intrinsic drive to spend more and spiritual comfort. The Zakat donation is regarded as a great source of self-protection against the realm of evil spirits which is entirely a new finding with respect to charity donations. The informants identified several reasons for not donating through charities which mainly include lack of trust and limited product mix offered by charitable organizations. Practical implications Based on the findings of this research, the authors suggest charitable organizations to ensure procedural transparency and emphasize on Zakat collection, distribution and utilization methods to attract more donors. Originality/value The study contributes generally to charity marketing knowledge and specifically to consumer decision-making of religious acts performed in Muslim societies. The phenomenological method of inquiry and its application to study an Islamic act of donation has limited discussion in previous studies, which is a unique product of this study.

<p><em>The American government targeting of US-based Islamic charities came as response to the shock of the 9/11 attacks, especially its devastating effects on the self-esteem of the American people and their sense of national pride. Actually, they came as part of the “War on Terror”, a phrase used for the first time by President Bush in his famous September 20, 2001 speech.</em></p><p><em>But cracking down on US-based Islamic relief groups meant, first and foremost, keeping them under a tight scrutiny in an attempt to thwart the financing of terrorism, after the government discovered that al-Qaeda and other militant groups had abused charities to fund attacks across the globe. </em></p><p><em>This paper takes the Texas-based Holy Land Foundation as a case study, not only because it was the first of its kind to come under the spotlight of law enforcement officials, but also because it had been the largest Muslim charitable organization before it was shut by the Bush administration in December 2001. More importantly, it explores the controversy over civil rights, especially the unwavering contention opposing advocates of unrestricted governmental powers to preserve national security, to individual liberties champions, more concerned about the consequential erosion of such constitutional rights, and staunchly committed to defend them.</em></p>

This research describes the role of Muhammadiyah organizations in fostering Islamic communities in Enrekang Regency. The problems examined in this paper are focused on the development of Muhammadiyah in Enrekang Regency and the role of Muhammadiyah organizations through the charity of its efforts in fostering the Islamic community in Enrekang Regency. This research is a qualitative descriptive study using historical, sociological, cultural, religious and educational approaches. The instruments used in this study were researchers doing with aids in the form of interview guidelines, cameras and voice recorders. The data analysis technique used is a descriptive data analysis. The results showed that Muhammadiyah association quickly developed branches and branches to all corners of the village, several educational business charities established ranging from paud/kindergarten level to higher education, and the growing number of Muhammadiyah members and sympathizers. The construction of the Muhammadiyah Alliance through branches and branches and charitable efforts in fostering Islamic society slowly shifted the religious attitude of the community coloured by the traditions of Hinduism, animism and dynamism (shirk) to the Tauhid faith.

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has not only affected individuals, but also disease specific not-for-profits and charities. Brain tumor not-for-profit and charitable organizations around the world exist in all shapes and sizes, and address unmet needs of the patients and caregivers they serve. The International Brain Tumor Alliance(IBTA) carried out an international survey to identify organization changes brought about by the virus and the approaches adopted to address operational challenges created by COVID-19. A 37-question survey was sent across the world. In total, 77 organizations from 22 countries responded. Descriptive statistics and content analysis were used to present RESULTS: Responses fell into three categories: 1) organizational characteristics, 2) the impact of COVID-19 on services, and 3) how COVID-19 has affected the financial and human resources in these organizations. Although organizational characteristics vary widely, common concerns reported across organizations were primarily: a) the disruption of activities which impacted organizations’ abilities to offer their usual services and b) challenges to sustaining funding. Although brain tumor organizations have been impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, organizations quickly adjusted to this unprecedented global healthcare crisis.

Over the past decade, there has been a groundswell of support within the sport industry to be “good sports”, as evidenced by a growing number of, and commitment to, “giving” initiatives and “charitable” programs. Consider the following examples:• In 1998, the “Sports Philanthropy Project” was founded, devoted to “harnessing the power of professional sports to support the development of healthy communities.” (Sports Philanthropy Project, 2009) To date, this organization has supported and sustained over 400 philanthropic-related organizations associated with athlete charities, league initiatives, and team foundations in the United States and Canada.• In 2003, “Right To Play” (formerly Olympic Aid) the international humanitarian organization was established, which has used sport to bring about change in over 40 of the world's most disadvantaged communities. Of note is their vision to “engage leaders on all sides of sport, business and media, to ensure every child's right to play” (www.righttoplay.com).• In 2005, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) became one of the first sport organizations to create an internal corporate social responsibility unit, and soon thereafter committed a significant percentage of their revenues to related corporate social responsibility programs (FIFA, 2005).

Current evidence suggests that nonprofits’ use of Twitter is not strongly related to organizational size, unlike other technological developments. However, this evidence is primarily based on studies of large nonprofit organizations. This study uses a random sample of charities, stratified by size, to present evidence that organization size is a significant factor in multiple dimensions of social media use: the percentage of charities owning a Twitter handle, activity on the site, and popularity within the charities’ network. Many charities are using Twitter, but larger charities are making more effective use of the platform to connect to other organizations. The very largest charities exhibit an overwhelming popularity effect in the network, whereas small charities are notably less active than their larger counterparts. Besides the substantive findings, we further demonstrate the methodological potential of using exponential random graph modeling to gain a deeper understanding of the characteristics of nonprofits’ social media networks.

Nonprofits regularly use conditional “thank you” gifts to entice prospective donors to give, yet experimental evidence suggests that their effects are mixed in practice. This paper uses multiple laboratory experiments to test when and why thank you gifts vary in effectiveness. First, we demonstrate that although gifts often increase donations to charities that donors did not rate highly, many of the same gifts had no effects or negative effects for charities that prospective donors already liked. We replicate these findings in a second experiment that uses a different range of charity and gift options as well as different measures of participant perceptions of a charity. We also find that making gifts optional, as is common in fundraising campaigns, does not eliminate these negative gift effects. In additional experiments, we directly test for donor motives using self-report and priming experiments. We find that thank you gifts increase (decrease) the weight that donors place on self-interested (prosocial) motives, leading to changes in donation patterns. Altogether, our results suggest that practitioners may find gifts more useful when appealing to donors not already familiar with or favorably inclined to their charity, such as during donor acquisition campaigns. They may be less useful when appealing to recent donors or others who already favor the charity, in part because the gift may activate mindsets or norms that emphasize self-interested motives instead of more prosocial, other-regarding motives. This paper was accepted by Yan Chen, decision analysis.

AbstractThis study fills a gap in research on the philanthropic outcomes of political events. More specifically, it provides empirical evidence to supplement anecdotal reports that nonprofit organizations experienced a substantial increase in donations following the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Based on daily transaction data from an online giving platform, the study uses random-effect panel Ordinary Least Squares models to examine whether and how charitable giving patterns changed after Election Day 2016. Overall, our analyses show no evidence of increased giving due to the election; however, gender differences are apparent. Women donated in greater amounts than men following Election Day, and they appear to have targeted relevant progressive charities with their giving.

Abstract The Supreme Court’s endorsement in Children’s Investment Fund Foundation (CIFF) (UK) v Attorney-General2 of the exceptional, public nature of charities had a proper place in its reasoning that members of charitable companies owe fiduciary duties. However, while it was unsatisfactory for the majority to insist the case could be brought within an orthodox application of the “non-intervention” principle, Lady Arden JSC’s more persuasive approach, which the majority were content to accept as an alternative, took charitable exceptionalism too far. This analysis ought not and need not have led the court to invoke the court’s special jurisdiction over charities.

How can charities solicit high-capacity donors to provide the funds for matching grants and leadership gifts? In conjunction with Texas A&M University’s fundraising organizations, we conducted a field experiment to study whether high-income donors respond to nonpersonal solicitations. We also designed the experiment to test the impact of allowing for directed giving on the giving behavior of high-income donors and their willingness to direct their donations toward overhead costs. High-income donors are not responsive to letters or emails, regardless of whether they have the option to direct giving; we cannot conclude, therefore, that giving behavior is different for those who could direct giving compared with those who could not. Our results highlight the difficulties of motivating some high-income donors, especially when only impersonal communication is used.

Objective: This study aimed to reflect on the participation status of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) at different levels (i.e., prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation) of Iran’s health care system. Methods: This descriptive cross-sectional study was fulfilled in 2019 based on 40 charitable organizations involved in health care services delivery, which were randomly selected from the Iranian Charities Portal (ICP). Data were collected via a valid and reliable researcher-made questionnaire. SPSS software version 16.0 was used to analyze data. Results: Direct and indirect methods of service delivery were used in 63% of organizations. The most important sources of funding were associated with public donations. Furthermore, 94% of charities were evaluating the health care services with internal and external evaluation and customer satisfaction surveys. Conclusions: The NGOs could be a precious contribution to the health care system. To use this potential as a synergistic factor of the health system, adopting such strategies as creating sustainable funding sources and establishing more coordination between organizations are essential.

Purpose Machine learning is having a major impact on banking, law and other organisations. The speed with which this technology is developing to undertake tasks that are not only complex and technical but also time-consuming and that are subject to constantly changing parameters is astounding. The purpose of this paper is to explore the extent to which machine learning can be used as a solution to lighten the compliance and regulatory burden on charitable organisations in the UK; so that they can comply with their regulatory duties and develop a coherent and streamlined action plan in relation to technological investment. Design/methodology/approach The subject is approached through the analysis of data, literature and domestic and international regulation. The first part of the study summarises the extent of current regulatory obligations faced by charities, these are then, in the second part, set against the potential technological solutions provided by machine learning as of July 2021. Findings It is suggested that charities can use machine learning as a smart technological solution to ease the regulatory burden they face in a growing and impactful sector. Originality/value The work is original because it is the first to specifically explore how machine learning as a technological advance can assist charities in meeting the regulatory compliance challenge.

PurposeWith fundraising appeals for coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) relief efforts and donating to those affected by its spread and impact, donors, volunteers and charities can all play their part and render much-needed support and aid. The purpose of this study is to be part of such effort by empirically examining the intrinsic and extrinsic motivations that drive people's attitudes to engage in fundraising campaigns launched in many communities, providing a richer understanding of donors' responses.Design/methodology/approachThe present work follows a quantitative approach based on an online survey conducted among potential Kuwaiti charitable donors. A total of 565 useable responses (356 females, 209 males) were obtained using snowball sampling and analyzed through smart partial least squares (SmartPLS) software.FindingsWith 90% of respondents financially able to donate who have a monthly income equal to or greater than the average (US$2000), this study confirms the suitability of the model used in predicting donors' attitudes to contribute online to grassroots fundraising campaigns. It reveals that all constructs included in the model (i.e. charitable projects geared for those affected by the pandemic, Internet technology (IT) features and religiosity level) are statistically significant, except for trust in charities.Practical implicationsThis study suggests that in uncertainty and concern surrounding COVID-19, nonprofit organizations, charities and governments should make concerted efforts toward mitigating the impacts of the pandemic on families and workers who are on the frontline against its outbreak. Possible areas need to be improved through suitable proactive strategies to solicit online monetary donations, such as charitable projects with inclusive information, focus attention on IT features (e.g. privacy, trustworthiness, security and effectiveness) and strengthen the religious faith of donors toward the significance of helping vulnerable groups and regions.Originality/valueThe research adds value to the literature on donation and giving behavior by offering an in-depth understanding of what influences online donation attitudes, especially amid such an unprecedented epidemic crisis.

We performed a health needs assessment of the vulnerable population cared for by the <em>Banco</em> <em>Farmaceutico</em>, an Italian non-profit charitable organisation that supplies medicines for many centres belonging to different charities. Drug dispensed in the first half of 2014 by a representative sample of these centres were examined. An independently conducted telephone interview on our centres complemented this data. Adult males and migrants constituted the majority of the user population, and the most dispensed drugs were those for the respiratory system. Of all patients, 40% presented with a chronic problem and more than half needed polypharmacy. Users seek help spontaneously in 70% of the cases, with the centres being able to meet 80% of the existing demand. Patients that could not be managed were referred to local hospitals or collaborating doctors and reasons were explored. We believe our study to be a first attempt to characterise a growing population that is also increasingly represented in emergency departments and internal medicine wards. It is also an evaluation of the quality of data collected by charitable institutions, highlighting a significant need for improvement as they could be the only basis to monitor the health needs of this type of population.

Nowadays there are so many people who are surviving on only one meal per day. Especially in developing countries, it is one of the major problems. On the other hand, there is so much wastage of food every day. Some poor people need clothes and vessels, and children need some books and study kits. Solution to this is that we only need to donate the leftover food to needy people, charities, and our old stuff. For that to happen, we need some sort of platform. This could be any online platform like a website/web application. In Saudi Arabia, there are so many people who are capable of making donations and also there are so many Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) which are helping poor and needy people of Saudi Arabia. But to connection gap is not as blur as it should be. There has to be some simple, fast, intuitive and secure way of doing such online donations so that users can donate easily with just a click. The aim of this work is to design and develop a Web Based Online charitable Donation System. Where, the charitable website will collect the charitable donations (such as clothes, toys, school tools) and delivers it to the children who need it. The proposed system will provide voluntary opportunities for those wishing to be volunteer in delivering the donations to the homes of the poor for free. The proposed work was designed and developed using the Unified Modeling Language (UML), SQL Server for implemented the database, and ASP.net and Visual basic programming languages.

Abstract Background Food insecurity is a growing concern in the UK. Newspaper coverage can reflect and shape public and political views. We examined how frequently food insecurity was reported on in UK newspapers, how the problem and its drivers were described, and which solutions were proposed. Methods Using Factiva, we searched for news articles that were substantively about food insecurity and published in national UK newspapers between 01 January 2016 and 11 June 2019. We examined whether the number of articles differed over the study period, and conducted a thematic analysis to theoretical saturation using a random sample of articles. Results Overall, 436 articles met our inclusion criteria and 132 (30%) were analysed thematically. Reporting was more prevalent in the summer, with mentions of ‘holiday hunger’ among children, and leading up to Christmas, when charity was encouraged. Articles often contained views from advocacy groups and charities, who appeared to play an important role in maintaining news interest in food insecurity. From the thematic analysis, we developed themes related to the problems (‘definitions of food insecurity’ and ‘consequences of food insecurity for individuals’), drivers (‘insufficient income as an immediate driver’ and ‘government versus individual responsibility’), and solutions (‘charitable food aid’ and ‘calls for government action’). The problem of food insecurity was often defined by food bank use or hunger, but other definitions and a range of consequences for individuals were acknowledged. Articles identified government as a driver of food insecurity, especially in relation to the roll-out of Universal Credit. Few articles proposed individual failings as a driver of food insecurity. The reported existing solutions predominantly focused on food banking and redistributing ‘food waste’. The public, charities, and individuals experiencing food insecurity were generally portrayed as supportive of government action to tackle food insecurity. However, contention within government regarding the extent of food insecurity, governmental responsibility and potential solutions was reported. Conclusions Food insecurity was a topic of significant interest within UK newspapers. Newspapers were used to call for government action and advocate for structural, income-based solutions.

Sebagai organisasi kemasayarakatan (Ormas) yang besar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah terus sadar akan pentingnya nilai-nilai pembaharuan (up to date) untuk mengembangkan organisasi yang memiliki amal usaha yang sangat banyak. Amal usaha tersebut melibatkan Sumber Daya Manusia (SDM) yang cukup banyak dengan kompleksitas pengelolaan yang tinggi. Oleh karena itu, program pengabdian ini memiki fokus untuk menyusun sistem informasi kepegawaian muncul di lingkungan Amal Usaha Muhammadiyah (AUM) Pimpinan Daerah Muhammadiyah (PDM) Kota Magelang, Jawa Tengah. Pengelolaan kepegawaian yang sebelumnya menggunakan sistem manual dengan jumlah SDM yang dikelola sebanyak 248 dengan status yang beragam. Metode kegiatan pengabdian ini dilakukan dengan beberapa tahap, yaitu dengan mengidentifikasi masalah yang ada, menganalisis situasi dengan cara observasi lapangan dan wawancara kepada pihak-pihak yang terkait, menetapkan program yang relevan, membuat model sistem kepegawaian yang relevan, melakukan penilaian kelayakan model sistem kepegawaian, dan membuat aplikasi sistem kepegawaian terintegrasi. Penerapan sistem informasi kepegawaian ini memberikan pengaruh yang signifikan terhadap performance organisasi Muhammadiyah Kota Magelang dan meningkatkan produktivitas para SDM. Program pengabdian ini juga telah membangun manajemen organisasi yang lebih profesional dan akuntabel.Kata Kunci: amal usaha muhammadiyah; Kota Magelang; sistem informasi kepegawaian Application of Personnel Information Systems in Muhammadiyah Business Charities in Magelang CityABSTRACTAs a large social organization (Ormas) in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah continues to be aware of the importance of up-to-date values to develop an organization that has a lot of charitable efforts. This charity business involves quite a lot of Human Resources (HR) with high management complexity. Therefore, this service program has a focus on developing a staffing information system to appear in the Muhammadiyah Business Charity (AUM) Regional Leadership of Muhammadiyah (PDM) in Magelang City, Central Java. Personnel management previously used a manual system with 248 human resources with varying status. The dedication method activity is carried out in several stages, namely by identifying existing problems, analyzing the situation by means of field observations and interviews with relevant parties, establishing relevant programs, making relevant staffing system models, conducting an appropriateness assessment of the staffing system model, and create an integrated staffing system application. The application of the staffing information system has a significant influence on the performance of the Muhammadiyah organization in the City of Magelang and increases the productivity of the human resources. This dedication program has also built organizational management which is more professional and accountable.Keywords: amal usaha muhammadiyah; Magelang City; staffing information system

I want to argue here that the use of terms like “disabled” has very concrete and practical consequences; such language choices are significant and constitutive, not simply the abstract subject of a theoretical debate or a “politically correct” storm in a teacup. In this paper I want to examine some significant moments of conflict over and resistance to definitions of “disability” in an arts project, “In the Picture”, run by one of the UK’s largest disability charities, Scope. In the words of its webpages, this project “aims to encourage publishers, illustrators and writers to embrace diversity - so that disabled children are included alongside others in illustrations and story lines in books for young readers” (http://www.childreninthepicture.org.uk/aboutus.htm). It sought to raise awareness of “ableism” in the book world and through its webpage, offer practical advice and examples of how to include disabled children in illustrated children’s books. From 2005 to 2007, I tracked the progress of the project’s Stories strand, which sought to generate exemplary inclusive narratives by drawing on the experiences of disabled people and families of disabled children. My research drew on participant observation and interviews, but also creative audience research — a process where, in the words of David Gauntlett, “participants are asked to create media or artistic artefacts themselves.” Consequently, when I’m talking here about definitions of “disability’, I am discussing not just the ways people talk about what the word “disabled” might mean, but also the ways in which such identities might appear in images. These definitions made a real difference to those participating in various parts of the project and the types of inclusive stories they produced. Scope has been subject to substantial critique from the disability movement in the past (Benjamin; Carvel; Shakespeare, "Sweet Charity"). “In the Picture” was part of an attempt to resituate the charity as a campaigning organization (Benjamin; O’Hara), with the campaign’s new slogan “Time to get Equal” appearing prominently at the top of each page of the project’s website. As a consequence the project espoused the social model of disability, with its shift in focus from individual peoples’ bodily differences, towards the exclusionary and unequal society that systematically makes those differences meaningful. This shift in focus generates, some have argued, a performative account of disability as an identity (Sandhal; Breivik). It’s not simply that non-normative embodiment or impairment can be (and often is) acquired later in life, meaning that non-disabled people are perhaps best referred to as TABs — the “temporarily able bodied” (Duncan, Goggin and Newell). More significantly, what counts as a “disabled person” is constituted in particular social, physical and economic environments. Changing that environment can, in essence, create a disabled person, or make a person cease to be dis-abled. I will argue that, within the “In the Picture” project, this radically constructionist vision of disablement often rubbed against more conventional understandings of the term “disabled people”. In the US, the term “people with disabilities” is favoured as a label, because of its “people first” emphasis, as well as its identification of an oppressed minority group (Haller, Dorries and Rahn, 63; Shakespeare, Disability Rights). In contrast, those espousing the social model of disability in the UK tend to use the phrase “disabled people”. This latter term can flag the fact that disability is not something emanating from individuals’ bodily differences, but a social process by which inaccessible environments disable particular people (Oliver, Politics). From this point of view the phrase “people with disabilities” might appear to ascribe the disability to the individual rather than the society — it suggests that it is the people who “have” the disability, not the society which disables. As Helen Meekosha has pointed out, Australian disability studies draws on both US civil rights languages and the social model as understood in the UK. While I’ve chosen to adopt the British turn of phrase here, the broader concept from an Australian point of view, is that the use of particular sets of languages is no simple key to the perspectives adopted by individual speakers. My observations suggest that the key phrase used in the project — “ disabled people” — is one that, we might say, “passes”. To someone informed by the social model it clearly highlights a disabling society. However, it is a phrase that can be used without obvious miscommunication to talk to people who have not been exposed to the social model. Someone who subscribes to a view of “disability” as impairment, as a medical condition belonging to an individual, might readily use the term “disabled people”. The potentially radical implications of this phrase are in some ways hidden, unlike rival terms like “differently abled”, which might be greeted with mockery in some quarters (eg. Purvis; Parris). This “passing” phrase did important work for the “In the Picture” project. As many disability activists have pointed out, “charity” and “concern” for disabled people is a widely espoused value, playing a range of important psychic roles in an ableist society (eg. Longmore; Hevey). All the more evocative is a call to support disabled children, a favoured object of the kinds of telethons and other charitable events which Longmore discusses. In the words of Rosemarie Garland Thomson, the sentimentality often used in charity advertising featuring children “contains disability’s threat in the sympathetic, helpless child for whom the viewer is empowered to act” (Garland Thomson, 63). In calling for publishers to produce picture books which included disabled children, the project had invested in this broad appeal — who could argue against such an agenda? The project has been successful, for example, in recruiting support from many well known children’s authors and illustrators, including Quentin Blake and Dame Jackie Wilson. The phrase “disabled children”, I would argue, smoothed the way for such successes by enabling the project to graft progressive ideas —about the need for adequate representation of a marginalized group — onto existing conceptions of an imagined recipient needing help from an already constituted group of willing givers. So what were the implications of using the phrase “disabled children” for the way the project unfolded? The capacity of this phrase to refer to both a social model account of disability and more conventional understandings had an impact on the recruitment of participants for writing workshops. Participants were solicited via a range of routes. Some were contacted through the charity’s integrated pre-school and the networks of the social workers working beside it. The workshops were also advertised via a local radio show, through events run by the charity for families of disabled people, through a notice in the Disabled Parents site, and announcements on the local disability arts e- newsletter. I am interested in the way that those who heard about the workshops might have been hailed by —or resisted the lure of — those labels “disabled person” or “parent of a disabled child” or at least the meaning of those labels when used by a large disability charity. For example, despite a workshop appearing on the programme of Northwest Disability Arts’ Deaf and Disability Arts Festival, no Deaf participants became involved in the writing workshops. Some politicised Deaf communities frame their identities as an oppressed linguistic minority of sign language users, rather than as disabled people (Corker; Ladd). As such, I would suggest that they are not hailed by the call to “disabled people” with which the project was framed, despite the real absence of children’s books drawing on Deaf culture and its rich tradition of visual communication (Saunders; Conlon and Napier). Most of those who attended were (non-disabled) parents or grandparents of disabled children, rather than disabled people, a fact critiqued by some participants. It’s only possible to speculate about the reasons for this imbalance. Was it the reputation of this charity or charities in general (see Shakespeare, "Sweet Charity") amongst politicised disabled people that discouraged attendance? A shared perspective with those within the British disabled peoples’ movement who emphasise the overwhelming importance of material changes in employment, education, transport rather than change in the realm of “attitudes” (eg Oliver, Politics)? Or was it the association of disabled people undertaking creative activities with a patronising therapeutic agenda (eg Hevey, 26)? The “pulling power” of a term even favoured by the British disability movement, it seems, might be heavily dependent on who was using it. Nonetheless, this term did clearly speak to some people. In conversation it emerged that most of those who attended the workshops either had young family members who were disabled or were imbricated in educational and social welfare networks that identified them as “disabled” — for example, by having access to Disability Living Allowance. While most of the disabled children in participants’ families were in mainstream education, most also had an educational “statement” enabling them to access extra resources, or were a part of early intervention programmes. These social and educational institutions had thus already hailed them as “families of disabled children” and as such they recognised themselves in the project’s invitation. Here we can see the social and institutional shaping of what counts as “disabled children” in action. One participant who came via an unusual route into the workshops provides an interesting reflection of the impact of an address to “disabled people”. This man had heard about the workshop because the local charity he ran had offices adjacent to the venue of one of the workshops. He started talking to the workshop facilitator, and as he said in an interview, became interested because “well … she mentioned that it was about disabilities and I’m interested in people’s disabilities – I want to improve conditions for them obviously”. I probed him about the relationship between his interest and his own experiences as a person with dyslexia. While he taught himself to read in his thirties, he described his reading difficulties as having ongoing impacts on his working life. He responded: first of all it wasn’t because I have dyslexia, it was because I’m interested in improving people’s lives in general. So, I mean particularly people who are disabled need more care than most of us don’t they? …. and I’d always help whenever I can, you know what I mean. And then thinking that I had a disability myself! The dramatic double-take at the end of this comment points to the way this respondent positions himself throughout as outside of the category of “disabled”. This self- identification points towards the stigma often attached to the category “disabled”. It also indicates the way in which this category is, at least in part, socially organised, such that people can be in various circumstances located both inside and outside it. In this writer’s account “people who are disabled” are “them” needing “more care than most of us”. Here, rather than identifying as a disabled person, imagined as a recipient of support, he draws upon the powerful discourses of charity in a way that positions him giving to and supporting others. The project appealed to him as a charity worker and as a campaigner, and indeed a number of other participants (both “disabled” and “non-disabled”) framed themselves in this way, looking to use their writing as a fundraising tool, for example, or as a means of promoting more effective inclusive education. The permeability of the category of “disabled” presented some challenges in the attempt to solicit “disabled peoples’” voices within the project. This was evident when completed stories came to be illustrated by design, illustration and multimedia students at four British universities: Liverpool John Moores University, the University of Wolverhampton, the University of Teeside and the North East Wales Institute. Students attending an initial briefing on the project completed a questionnaire which included an item asking whether they considered themselves to be disabled. While around eight of the eighty respondents answered “yes” to this question, the answers of these students and some others were by no means clear cut. A number of students identified themselves as dyslexic, but contested the idea that this diagnosis meant that they were disabled. One respondent commented along similar lines: “My boyfriend was very upset that the university considers him to be disabled because he is dyslexic”. How can we make sense of these responses? We could note again that the identity of “disabled” is highly stigmatised. Many disabled students believe that they are seen as lazy, demanding excessive resources, or even in the case of some students with non- visible impairments, lying (Kleege; Olney and Brockman). So we could view such responses as identity management work. From this point of view, an indicator of the success of the project in shifting some of the stigma attached to the label of “disabled” might be the fact that at least one of the students participants “came out” as dyslexic to her tutors in the course of her participation in the project. The pattern of answers on questionnaire returns suggests that particular teaching strategies and administrative languages shape how students imagine and describe themselves. Liverpool John Moores University, one of the four art schools participating in the project, had a high profile programme seeking to make dyslexic students aware of the technical and writing support available to them if they could present appropriate medical certification (Lowy). Questionnaires from LJMU included the largest number of respondents identifying themselves as both disabled and dyslexic, and featured no comment on any mismatch between these labels. In the interests of obtaining appropriate academic support and drawing on a view of dyslexia not as a deficit but as a learning style offering significant advantages, it might be argued, students with dyslexia at this institution had been taught to recognise themselves through the label “disabled”. This acknowledgement that people sharing some similar experiences might describe themselves in very different ways depending on their context suggests another way of interpreting some students’ equivocal relationship to labels like “dyslexia” and “disabled”. The university as an environment demanding the production of very formal styles of writing and rapid assimilation of a high volume of written texts, is one where particular learning strategies of people with dyslexia come to be disabling. In many peoples’ day to day lives – and perhaps particularly in the day to day lives of visual artists – less conventional ways of processing written information simply may not be disabling. As such, students’ responses might be seen less as resistance to a stigmatised identity and more an acknowledgement of the contingent nature of disablement. Or perhaps we might understand these student responses as a complex mix of both of these perspectives. Disability studies has pointed to the coexistence of contradictory discourses around disability within popular culture (eg, Garland-Thomson; Haller, Dorries and Rahn). Similarly, the friezes, interactive games, animations, illustrated books and stand-alone images which came out of this arts project sometimes incorporate rival conceptions of disability side by side. A number of narratives, for example, include pairs of characters, one of which embodies conventional narratives of disability (for example, being diagnostically labelled or ‘cured’), while the other articulates alternative accounts (celebrating diversity and enabling environments). Both students and staff reported that participation in the project prompted critical thinking about accessible design and inclusive representation. Some commented in interviews that their work on the project had changed their professional practice in ways they thought might have longer term impact on the visual arts. However, it is clear that in student work, just as in the project itself, alternative conceptions of what “disability” might mean were at play, even as reframing such conceptions are explicitly the aim of the enterprise. Such contradictions point towards the difficulties of easily labelling individual stories or indeed the wider project “progressive” or otherwise. Some illustrated narratives and animations created by students were understood by the project management to embody the definitions of “disabled children” within the project’s ten principles. This work was mounted on the website to serve as exemplars for the publishing industry (http://www.childreninthepicture.org.uk/stories.htm). Such decisions were not unreflective, however. There was a good deal of discussion by students and project management about how to make “disabled children” visible without labelling or pathologising. For example, one of the project’s principles is that “images of disabled children should be used casually or incidentally, so that disabled children are portrayed playing and doing things alongside their non- disabled peers” (see also Bookmark). Illustrator Jane Ray commented wryly in an article on the website on her experience of including disabled characters in a such a casual way in her published work that no-one notices it! (Ray). As I’ve discussed in more detail elsewhere (Matthews, forthcoming), the social model, espoused by the project, with its primary focus on barriers to equality rather than individual impaired bodies, presented some challenges to such aims. While both fairytales and, increasingly, contemporary books for young people, do sometimes engage with violence, marginalisation and social conflict (Saunders), there is a powerful imperative to avoid such themes in books for very young children. In trying to re-narrativise disabled children outside conventional paradigms of “bravery overcoming adversity”, the project may have also pushed writers and illustrators away from engaging with barriers to equality. The project manager commented in an interview: “probably in the purest form the social model would show in stories the barriers facing disabled children, whereas we want to show what barriers have been knocked down and turn it round into a more positive thing”. While a handful of the 23 stories emerging from the writing workshops included narratives around bullying and or barriers to equal access, many of the stories chose to envisage more utopian, integrated environments. If it is barriers to inequality that, at least in part, create “disabled people”, then how is it possible to identify disabled children with little reference to such barriers? The shorthand used by many student illustrators, and frequently too in the “images for inspiration” part of the project’s website, has been the inclusion of enabling technologies. A white cane, a wheelchair or assistive and augmentative communication technologies can be included in an image without making a “special” point of these technologies in the written text. The downside to this shorthand, however, is the way that the presence of these technologies can serve to naturalise the category of “disabled children”. Rather than being seen as a group identity constituted by shared experiences of discrimination and exclusion, the use of such “clues” to which characters “are disabled” might suggest that disabled people are a known group, independent of particular social and environmental settings. Using this arts project as a case study, I have traced here some of the ways people are recognised or recognise themselves as “disabled”. I’ve also suggested that within this project other conceptions of what “disabled” might mean existed in the shadows of the social constructionist account to which it declared its allegiances. Given the critiques of the social model which have emerged within disability studies over the last fifteen years (e.g. Crowe; Shakespeare, Disability Rights), this need not be a damning observation. The manager of this arts project, along with writer Mike Oliver ("If I Had"), has suggested that the social model might be used strategically as a means of social transformation rather than a complete account of disabled peoples’ lives. However, my analysis here has suggested that we can not only imagine different ways that “disabled people” might be conceptualised in the future. Rather we can see significant consequences of the different ways that the label “disabled” is mobilised here and now. Its inclusion and exclusions, what it makes it easy to say or difficult to imagine needs careful thinking through. References Benjamin, Alison. “Going Undercover.” The Guardian, Society, April 2004: 8. Bookmark. Quentin Blake Award Project Report: Making Exclusion a Thing of the Past. The Roald Dahl Foundation, 2006. Breivik, Jan Kare. “Deaf Identities: Visible Culture, Hidden Dilemmas and Scattered Belonging.” In H.G. Sicakkan and Y.G. Lithman, eds. What Happens When a Society Is Diverse: Exploring Multidimensional Identities. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006. 75-104. Carvel, John. “Demonstrators Rattle Scope.” The Guardian, Society section, 6 Oct. 2004: 4. Conlon, Caroline, and Jemina Napier. “Developing Auslan Educational Resources: A Process of Effective Translation of Children’s Books.” Deaf Worlds 20.2. (2004): 141-161. Corker, Mairian. Deaf and Disabled or Deafness Disabled. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1998. Crow, Liz. “Including All of Our Lives: Renewing the Social Model of Disability.” In Jenny Morris, ed. Encounters with Strangers: Feminism and Disability. Women’s Press, 1996. 206-227. Davis, John, and Nick Watson. “Countering Stereotypes of Disability: Disabled Children and Resistance.” In Mairian Corker and Tom Shakespeare, eds. Disability/Postmodernity: Embodying Disability Theory. London: Continuum, 2002. 159-174. Duncan, Kath, Gerard Goggin, and Christopher Newell. “Don’t Talk about Me… like I’m Not Here: Disability in Australian National Cinema.” Metro Magazine 146-147 (2005): 152-159. Garland Thomson, Rosemarie. “The Politics of Staring: Visual Rhetorics of Disability in Popular Photography.” In Sharon L. Snyder, Brenda Jo Bruggemann, and Rosemarie Garland Thomson, eds. Disability Studies: Enabling the Humanities. New York: MLAA, 2002. 56-75. Gauntlett, David. “Using Creative Visual Research Methods to Understand Media Audiences.” MedienPädagogik 4.1 (2005). Haller, Beth, Bruce Dorries, and Jessica Rahn. “Media Labeling versus the US Disability Community Identity: A Study of Shifting Cultural Language.” In Disability & Society 21.1 (2006): 61-75. Hevey, David. The Creatures Time Forgot: Photography and Disability Imagery. London: Routledge, 1992. Kleege, Georgia. “Disabled Students Come Out: Questions without Answers.” In Sharon Snyder, Brenda Jo Brueggeman, and Rosemarie Garland Thomson, eds. Disability Studies: Enabling the Humanities. New York: Modern Language Association of America, 2002. 308-316. Ladd, Paddy. Understanding Deaf Culture: In Search of Deafhood. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 2003. Longmore, Paul. “Conspicuous Contribution and American Cultural Dilemma: Telethon Rituals of Cleansing and Renewal.” In David T. Mitchell and Sharon L. Snyder, eds. The Body and Physical Difference: Discourses of Disability. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1997. 134-158. Lowy, Adrienne. “Dyslexia: A Different Approach to Learning?” JMU Learning and Teaching Press 2.2 (2002). Matthews, Nicole. “Contesting Representations of Disabled Children in Picture Books: Visibility, the Body and the Social Model of Disability.” Children’s Geographies (forthcoming). Meekosha, Helen. “Drifting Down the Gulf Stream: Navigating the Cultures of Disability Studies.” Disability & Society 19.7 (2004): 720-733. O’Hara, Mary. “Closure Motion.” The Guardian, Society section, 30 March 2005: 10. Oliver, Mike. The politics of Disablement. London: Macmillan, 1990. ———. “If I Had a Hammer: The Social Model in Action.” In John Swain, Sally French, Colin Barnes, and Carol Thomas, eds. Disabling Barriers – Enabling Environments. London: Sage, 2002. 7-12. Olney, Marjorie F., and Karin F. Brockelman. "Out of the Disability Closet: Strategic Use of Perception Management by Select University Students with Disabilities." Disability & Society 18.1 (2003): 35-50. Parris, Matthew. “Choose Your Words Carefully If You Want to Be Misunderstood.” The Times 10 July 2004. Purves, Libby. “Handicap, What Handicap?” The Times 9 Aug. 2003. 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Introduction Feline Hitler look-alikes. Dogs attired in hats and bow-ties. Rabbits wearing lace bonnets. Images of these animals abound on the Internet with a host of websites paying homage to their cuteness. Emphasising the cuteness of non-human animals by anthropomorphising them is a common trend online, but there is also another side to the human relationship with other animals that has created a different category of cuteness. The blogger, Tiffiny Carlson, remarks that there has been an “onslaught of virtual love for disabled animals” who are not dressed to look like humans or imagined as human look-alikes to signify as cute. Rather, an animal’s disability becomes the signifier for cuteness. Carlson defines this as “cute-ifying disability” wherein disability is what makes an animal cute. In this context, a dog with an artificial leg, a gold-fish with a “wheelchair”, and a cat with visible breathing difficulties register as cute precisely because of their disabilities. In this paper, I draw on Carlson’s idea of “cute-ifying” disability to analyse the popularity of the cat, Lil Bub (https://www.facebook.com/iamlilbub). In doing so, I name non-human animals as animals and human-animals as humans. This is not to state that humans are not animals, but rather to use these terms to make visible the hierarchical relationship developed between them. (Re)defining Disability and Cuteness Critical disability studies aims to challenge and unpack the norms through which disability is dominantly represented, understood and politicised in terms of a “lack”. In keeping with this intention, Tanya Titchkosky argues that perceptions about disability need to move away from defining disability as an object of knowledge. Instead, Titchkosky advocates for an experience that conceives of disability as a “space of interpretive encounter” (56) that enables a “way of perceiving and orienting toward the world” (4). Here, Titchkosky discusses disability in terms of the norms through which disability is treated, thus intimating that “disability” and “ability” are socio-cultural constructs that establish the norms through which human capacity and capability (mental, physical and emotional) are understood. In line with this observation, this section intends to analyse the norms through which disability is formed, and in turn, how these norms inform human-animal relations and their impact on “cuteness”. One of the fundamental norms that undergirds understandings of disability is the idea that disability is inferior to “ability”, so much so that the philosopher, Paul W. Taylor suggests that human illness and disablement equates to an animal’s existence, regardless if they are disabled or not. He specifies, “We [humans] have a sense of gratitude at the good fortune that we were not born one of them [animals], a sense that comes sharply into focus when, through some abnormality of birth or by some accident or disease a human being is reduced to leading an animal’s simple kind of life…In comparison with the severely restricted kind of existence that is the lot of plants and animals, our own human modes of life are naturally appreciated for being so much richer, fuller, more interesting and desirable in every way” (158). Taylor asserts that disability becomes equated to animality through defining both as simpler examples of existence. Animals are therefore recognised in a similar way to disabled humans, wherein both are rendered as reduced facsimiles of “interesting” and “desirable” human existence. Other scholars of critical human-animal studies, such as Kari Weil and Cary Wolfe also make a connection between animality and disability, but do so in such a way that challenges normative assumptions about both as lacking agency. Kari Weil argues that the normative ways in which the complexity of human expression and consciousness is measured according to linguistic ability is not necessarily correct, rather, it is “an obstacle to a…fullness of vision” (88). Weil claims that this “fullness of vision” is expressed by “beings who are removed from ‘normal’ sociolinguistic behavior. These beings may be nonhuman animals as well as persons with certain linguistic and cognitive disabilities” (88-89). Drawing on the example of Temple Grandin, (who has written about her life with autism and how this has enabled her to form a bond with animals), both Weil and Wolfe state that the idea of animals and disabled humans as “simple” needs re-assessment. Wolfe makes this clear when she cites Grandin’s first book, Emergence: Labeled Autistic, as demonstrating the interior narrative to autistic thought and experience, and therefore enabling an “unthinkable” act “because it had been medical dogma…that there was no ‘inside,’ no inner life, in the autistic…” (111). Wolfe uses this re-conception of the inner life of disability to think through the complexity of animals’ “interior” life. This is not to conflate animals with disabled humans, but instead, to offer a more nuanced understanding of representations of difference. Rosemarie Garland-Thomson analyses how these representations of difference normalise disability as a spectacle. She writes, “the history of disabled people in the Western world is in part the history of being on display, of being visually conspicuous while politically and socially erased” (56). Disability, then, is visibilised as a spectacle to be looked at as “other”, and in this act of looking, disabilities are rendered as irrelevant to “ordinary” normality. Garland- Thomson further indicates that curiosity preoccupies the human eye when gazing on perceived disabilities, wherein the compulsion to “gawk with abandon at the prosthetic hook, the empty sleeve, the scarred flesh…” occurs without seeing (or wanting to see) the whole body “of the person with a disability” (57). In this context, those who gawk fail to see the interior life Wolfe and Weir state is taken away from disability. Instead, disabled people are labelled in terms of their perceived anomalies to a normative social order. Garland-Thomson states that this process of looking at disability is considered “illicit” (2002: 57) and therefore the need to look away accompanies the compulsion to “gawk”. Why is this process of looking illicit? The stories of those who contend with disabilities provide an explanation. For example, the blogger, BigMamaDiva2, writes about how her son’s diagnosis of PDD-NOS (Pervasive Development Disorder-Not Otherwise Specified) was the official label used to identify the series of “symptoms” her son was exhibiting (1). PDD-NOS is under the umbrella of the Autism spectrum of diagnoses. In her blog, BigMamaDiva2 narrates how people perceive her son through a narrow lens defined by the hegemony of normalcy and the assumptions attached to autism. Through this lens, her son is deemed “limited” and “rude”. Part of the reason that he is perceived in this manner is the fact that he looks back and even stares intently at the people who misjudge him. The look of judgement people give him is thrown back in their faces, accounted for, and not dismissed. Even if BigMamaDiva2’s son does not intend to challenge these people, the fact that he does not give them the opportunity to look away, or to look with impunity, creates a sense of discomfort for those who mark out his “disability” and look down on him because of it. This exchange in looking/being looked at contributes to the illicitness in looking at disability because of the discomfort it brings to those who stare and those who are stared at. There is a message that informs this sense of discomfort; it is a message that tells those who are looked at that they are being judged as helpless and inferior. Extending this discomfort is the fact that those who are looked at can look back and stare in response to those who castigate them. This desire to “look away”, as Garland-Thomson puts it, intimates the need to look away before the person being stared at has the chance to look back. In this context, this sense of looking at/looking away attempts to construct a hierarchy wherein the exceptional is pathologized and the “ordinary” is normalised (Garland-Thomson 56). However, when a person views animals, a different kind of gaze can be evoked. This kind of gaze is informed by cuteness and how it frames some animals as human objects of appreciation and adoration. By “cuteness,” I refer to Joshua Dale’s definition of “cute” as: juvenile features that cause an affective reaction, somatic cuteness…namely, large head and small, round body; short extremities; big eyes; small nose and mouth. Whether genetic, or activated by learned signals, the cuteness response is also associated with a range of behavioral aspects, including: childlike, dependent, gentle, intimate, clumsy, and nonthreatening. Such physical and behavioral features trigger an attachment based on the desire to protect and take care of the cute object. (1) The reasons that contribute to the illicitness of looking at human disability are the factors which “cute-fy” animals and disability. It is precisely because of the animals’ supposed “disabled” characteristics of helplessness, inferiority and child-like appeal that package them as cute. In this context, this kind of animal refers to a domesticated pet. If that pet has a disability, this sense of cuteness is enhanced as it emphasises the factors which construct them as cute in the first place. Disability is thus “cute-fied” through asserting signifiers of disability as cute. The following section draws on this process of cute-fying disability to chart the ways in which animals are framed in a human/animal hierarchy that conceptualises disabled animals as commodified spectacles for human consumption. The following section also demonstrates how cute-fying disability also engenders a re-reading of disability in the manner advocated by Titchkosky, Weir, and Wolfe to “see” and contend with disabilities in a more ethical manner. Lil Bub: Commodity, Charity and Companion Lil Bub, a cat which has become a celebrity, is an example of how “cute-ifying” disability occurs online. According to Mike Bridavsky (Lil Bub’s carer/owner), this cat was: discovered as the runt of a healthy feral litter in a tool shed in rural Indiana, she was taken in as a rescue when it was clear that she would require special care. BUB was born with a multitude of genetic anomalies […] She is a “perma-kitten”, which means she will stay kitten sized and maintain kitten-like features her entire life. She also has an extreme case of dwarfism, which means her limbs are disproportionately small relative to the rest of her body and she has some difficulty moving around. She has very short, stubby legs and a weird, long, serpent-like body. Her lower jaw is significantly shorter than her upper jaw, and her teeth never grew in which is why her tongue is always hanging around. (1) As of the 16th of April 2014, Lil Bub’s genetic anomalies have garnered 669,617 likes on the Facebook page dedicated to her. This page has links to an online shop selling merchandise (for example, shirts, calendars, and mugs) highlighting Lil Bub’s genetic anomalies, as well as a YouTube channel which showcases Lil Bub’s disability as cuteness. A documentary about Lil Bub (Lil Bub & Friendz) also won the award for best online feature film at the 2013 Tribeca Film Festival. On both the Facebook page and the YouTube channel, people have written about how cute Lil Bub is. Many use highly emotive language to express how cute they think Lil Bub is, writing that they are “dying” from Lil Bub’s cuteness to how “overwhelmingly sweet” Lil Bub’s face is. These comments are predominantly in response to images of Lil Bub walking and sitting. On the Facebook page, these images are paired with captions written by Lil Bub’s owner and fans of Lil Bub. These captions imagine a context to Lil Bub’s expression of permanent cuteness, which shows her tongue hanging out and eyes that boggle in a look of surprise. For example, the caption “Friday!” is written above a picture of Lil Bub staring at the camera. Another caption, “must be raining yoghurt” is written above a picture of Lil Bub with a similar expression. Images of Lil Bub are predominantly the same, but the captions change to add diversity to what viewers can see on Facebook. Lil Bub also features on the online portal, I Can Has Cheezburger, which has a page dedicated to animals with disabilities (http://icanhas.cheezburger.com/tag/disabled). Carlson questions the popularity of these animals, and more specifically, why animal disabilities are considered as cute. Taking the definition of cute as categorising something/one as infantilised, needing assistance, and simpler than oneself, it can be argued that this definition matches with the views expressed by Taylor, as well as akin to how disability is seen in terms of “normality”. In this context, cuteness can encourage reductive ideas about disability and those who are differently-abled as “simple”. In Lil Bub’s case, several memes are made about her, including one with her usual look of surprise. This meme (http://cheezburger.com/7459833088#comments), which features on I Can Has Cheezburger, notes, “most cats look at you, questioning your intelligence…not this one.” The assumption that Lil Bub is not “condescending” (like other cats are supposed to be) is due to the fact that her tongue is sticking out because she has not grown any teeth. Her disability is framed as non-threatening, less confrontational than other cats, and therefore is a cuter, loveable option. In this context, disability is used to neutralise and make disability a manageable spectacle that can be commented on. Consequently, cuteness makes disability palatable by rearranging how people can consume and grasp the spectacle of disability. As mentioned earlier in this paper, Garland-Thomson writes about the illicitness which surrounds looking at disability. Cute-ifying disability through animals can remove the illicitness that informs the interaction Garland-Thomson describes. The online presence of cute animals, who are “cute” because of their disabilities, invites the human gaze to rest on their disabilities and encourages them to linger, to keep looking without feeling the need to look away. This desire to linger on the cute animal informs the commodification of Lil Bub. For example, the range of products produced to celebrate Lil Bub’s cuteness highlight how viewers are invited to visually absorb everything to do with Lil Bub. Cute-ifying disability, in terms of packaging “cute disabilities” as commodities, re-signifies how humans can perceive and view disability through rearranging the “awkward partnership” between disability and ability. Disability, in this case, can be marketed as “cute” and bought and sold because of its cuteness. However, the marketing of cuteness can also act as an entry point to think through and create awareness about complex social issues. For instance, cuteness can promote awareness about the “right to life” of disabled animals, which is one of Bridavsky’s aims. On a fact sheet written by Bridavsky, the message of celebrating difference is expressed: Beyond being overwhelmingly cute, exceptionally smart and painfully witty, BUB is an advocate for homeless and special needs pets all over the universe. Since before she was a star she has made it a point to spread a message of positivity. She proves that being different is better and she encourages the adoption of pets and helping those less fortunate. To date Lil BUB has directly raised more than $60,000 for various charities through her online store and meet-and-greets at animal shelters all of the country while spreading awareness about the importance of adoption, and spaying and neutering your pets. (1) While Bridavsky focuses on difference through the figure of Lil Bub’s cuteness, this does not detract from the potential cuteness has to expand normative horizons and go beyond acting in the service of enabling reductive norms. For instance, through Bridavsky’s initiative, Lil Bub has partnered with the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) to generate funds for cats with special needs. In this context, Lil Bub’s “cute-fied” disability enables humans to think charitably towards animals with disabilities, and brings awareness to animals with special needs. Moreover, the online presence of Lil Bub and other disabled animals, and their packaging as cute creatures, can operate in the service of disabled people. This is not to state that animals are only relevant in terms of human existence, but to specify that representations of disabilities can resignify normative ideas about disability as something that is other to the complexity of human existence. Viewing an animal’s disability online can be a recuperative process with humans with disabilities. For instance, Nancy, a person who commented on Carlson’s idea of “cute-ifying disability” on 24 February 2014, remarked: “Children identify with cartoons and animals. A lot. Children have told me how Winter the dolfin has a fake tail, and relate it to their leg brace. Or how they saw a dog in a wheelchair and they identified with it since they are in a wheelchair [sic]” (1). Conclusion As the examples above demonstrate, Lil Bub’s popularity can be read in terms of the interaction between the commodification and characterisation of animals as cute, the use of cuteness and disability to raise awareness and funding for charities, and the relationship between animals and humans as companions and sources of inspiration for one another. Cute-fying disability is informed through this complex assemblage that reorients one-sided ideas of cuteness as simply enabling ethical engagements with disability or disenabling such negotiations. At the heart of this is the question: “in whose interest is this for?” As Carlson notes, the issue is not so much in seeing animals as cute, but in not seeing humans with disabilities in a way that sees them as human beings (1). Carlson takes issue with the fact that the same level of benevolence and friendliness offered to disabled animals online is not extended to humans with disabilities. By this, Carlson is not suggesting that people see other people with disabilities as “cute”. Rather, she, like Garland-Thomson, advocate for the “process of dismantling the institutional, attitudinal, legislative, economic, and architectural barriers that keep people with disabilities from full participation in society” (75). The example of Lil Bub demonstrates the various ways through which these barriers are erected and challenged. For instance, Lil Bub has been framed in terms of a human/animal hierarchy that positions her as figure for human entertainment. Her disabilities have also positioned her within another kind of hierarchy wherein she is packaged as less complex and less threatening than “normal” cats, as suggested by the meme that claims that Lil Bub does not judge people, unlike other cats. Simultaneously, Lil Bub’s popularity has garnered awareness towards animals with disabilities and the help humans can offer to assist them. Moreover, Lil Bub, and other disabled animals that are represented as cute, are relatable as companions for humans and can be a source of inspiration for many people. In mapping out the nuances to cute-fying disability in Lil Bub’s case, this paper is not invested in stating whether cute-fying disability is wrong or right, but rather, to point towards the ways in which cute-fying disability can simultaneously work for and against ethical engagements with disability for humans and animals. References BigMamaDiva2. “Winn-ER son!!!” BigMamaDiva2, 2014. 10 Jan. 2014 ‹http://bigmamadiva2.blogspot.com.au/›. Bridavsky, Mike. Lil Bub: About. n.d. 2 Apr. 2014 ‹http://lilbub.com/about›. Carlson, Tiffiny. “Animals and Wheelchairs: Cute-ifying Disability.” Easy Stand Blog, 19 Feb. 2013. 17 Feb. 2014 ‹http://blog.easystand.com/2013/02/animals-and-wheelchairs-cute-ifying-disability/›. Dale, Joshua. Cute Studies, 2014. 17 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.academia.edu/5132057/CFP_Cute_Studies›. 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