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Journal articles on the topic 'Charles Lyell'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

WILSON, LEONARD G. "A scientific libel: John Lubbock's attack upon Sir Charles Lyell." Archives of Natural History 29, no. 1 (February 2002): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2002.29.1.73.

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John Lubbock's charge that Sir Charles Lyell's discussion of Danish shell mounds in Antiquity of man (1863) was derived from Lubbock's 1861 article on the same subject was assumed by Lubbock's associates to have a basis in fact. In the preface to Pre-historic times (1865), Lubbock said that Lyell had made much use of his article without acknowledgement. The charge was untrue. In correcting proofs, Lyell had inadvertently used two sentences from Lubbock's article. The rest of his discussion was his own. The similarity between Lyell's and Lubbock's treatments of Danish archaeology resulted from their common use of Adolphe Morlot's 1860 article on the subject. Before publication, Morlot had sent proofs to Lyell for his use in writing Antiquity of man. After Morlot's article appeared. Lubbock used it extensively and followed it closely in writing his 1861 article. Although Lubbock continued to insist privately that Lyell had used his article, he did not admit his own copying from Morlot. Lubbock removed the reference to Lyell from his preface. For his part, Lyell altered the preface of Antiquity to describe how he had used Lubbock's article in revising proofs.

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2

Anderson, Owen. "CHARLES LYELL, UNIFORMITARIANISM, AND INTERPRETIVE PRINCIPLES." Zygon® 42, no. 2 (June 22, 2007): 449–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9744.2007.00449.x.

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3

Camardi, Giovanni. "Charles Lyell and the Uniformity Principle." Biology & Philosophy 14, no. 4 (October 1999): 537–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1006504910017.

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4

Thackray, John C. "Charles Lyell and the Geological Society." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.03.

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5

Friedman, Gerald M. "Charles Lyell in New York State." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.07.

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6

Breyer, John. "Charles Lyell, Geologic Change and "Causes Now in Operation"." Earth Sciences History 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.25.1.9q42j8254314quq2.

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Charles Lyell's philosophy of science required uniformity of law, kind and degree as a priori methodological assumptions. Lyell adhered to a philosophy of science most authoritatively articulated in his time by the astronomer John F. W. Herschel. His strict interpretation of Herschel's version of the verae causae doctrine necessitated uniformity of kind and uniformity of degree. These methodological assumptions placed severe constraints on Lyell, which he loosened by using what William Whewell termed the method of gradation to extend "now" into the remote geologic past. Lyell believed that known processes operating at present intensities could effect enormous changes either when summed over long periods of time or when acting in unique situations. He clearly recognized the concept of recurrence interval and allowed the intensity of "causes now in operation" to vary to almost any degree so long as the variation was cyclic, not directional. Lyell may have been wrong in assuming uniformity of degree, but he was not confused. His philosophy of science required uniformity of degree as an a priori assumption.

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7

Smalley, Ian. "Six days in July: Charles Lyell in the Eifel in 1831 (possibly looking at loess)." Geologos 23, no. 2 (June 27, 2017): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/logos-2017-0014.

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Abstract Charles Lyell made a geological excursion to the Eifel region in Germany in July 1831. He went to examine volcanic rocks and volcanic landscapes. He discussed this outing with Mary Somerville and Samuel & Charlotte Hibbert. It is possible that he observed loess in the Eifel. It is hoped that his Eifel notebook is with the Lyell papers at Kinnordy and that it may be transcribed and published. Lyell spread the word on loess; Von Leonard invented it and Horner enthused about it but Lyell disseminated the essential idea of loess. There is (so far) no clear evidence that Lyell saw and appreciated loess in the Eifel region in 1831. This suggests that his first real encounter with the loess (ground or concept) was in the discussions with the Hibberts in September 1831. He certainly had substantial (reported) encounters in 1832, and was definitely interested by the time of the publication of the Principles of Geology vol. 3 in 1833.

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8

Deforzh, H. "Paleontology as a component of development of synthetic theory of evolution." History of science and technology 6, no. 8 (June 22, 2016): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2016-6-8-108-123.

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The idea of evolution in natural history, which formed the basis for radical change not only in science but also in the thinking of modern humanity, was formulated and perceived in its integrity and perspective only in the ХІХ century. In the Earth sciences, this idea was first presented by the prominent English geologist Charles Lyell (1797-1875) in 1830-1833, and in the life sciences evolutionism won after the 1859 publication of the book by a young colleague and student of Ch. Lyell - Charles Darwin (1809-1882) - «On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection».

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9

Virgili, Carmina. "Charles Lyell and scientific thinking in geology." Comptes Rendus Geoscience 339, no. 8 (July 2007): 572–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.crte.2007.07.003.

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10

Montgomery, William. "Charles Darwin's Theory of Coral Reefs and the Problem of the Chalk." Earth Sciences History 7, no. 2 (January 1, 1988): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.7.2.48j0677wp2p7mx62.

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Darwin's effort to relate his theory of coral reefs to global tectonic concepts failed to impress geologists more immediately interested in European phenomena. Charles Lyell had initially regarded coral reefs as a way to explain the European Chalk formation. However, he encountered criticism from catastrophist authors who thought the Chalk was a result of chemical precipitation. Lyell embraced Darwin's coral reef theory in an effort to strengthen his argument; and though C. G. Ehrenberg explained the Chalk as the product of fossil Foramanifera, he reinforced the general case in favor of organic deposition as opposed to chemical precipitation. As a result geologists tended to follow Lyell in discussing coral reef formation in the larger context of carbonate deposition generally.

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11

Harley, Alexis. "Charles Lyell’s Principles of Geology, the Geological Sublime, and the Romantic Theatre." Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 45, no. 2 (November 2018): 254–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748372719826485.

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Across the three volumes of his influential Principles of Geology (1830–33), Charles Lyell demonstrates that the scale of earth history is out of all proportion to human temporality. Lyell makes the case that geologists should assume a viewing position outside the drama of geological action. He repeatedly represents this distance through the figure of the theatre, invoking Romantic critiques of theatrical naturalism that aligned with developments in natural philosophy. At the same time, Lyell deployed technologies from the contemporary stage in his public lectures, and in personal correspondence, he reveals promiscuous tastes across genres, forms and sites of performance. Ultimately, I argue, these apparent inconsistencies point to the role of his subjectivity in a project that is deeply ambivalent about human points of view.

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12

Fleming, James Rodger. "Charles Lyell and climatic change: speculation and certainty." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.14.

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13

Tasch, Paul. "James Croll and Charles Lyell as Glacial Epoch Theorists." Earth Sciences History 5, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.5.2.hu25401053m8k14v.

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Hays et al (1976) showed that variant orbital geometry was the "pacemaker" of the Ice Ages. They referenced James Croll (1875) among others. Croll also had presented calculations to demonstrate an equivalent relationship. Lyell tried unsuccessfully to apply Croll's astronomical data to climatic variation and envisioned large scale subsidence and elevation as the primary control of the Ice Ages. Croll argued against Lyell's use of orbital geometry and his geochronological model, taking 250,000 BP as the start of the glacial epoch, which by his calculation corresponded to the most recent and greatest orbital eccentricity. Both Croll and Lyell, in different ways, were on the right track, but technically updated astronomical data as well as microfossil indicators of oceanic temperature used in the modern synthesis, were needed.

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Dolan, Brian P. "Representing Novelty: Charles Babbage, Charles Lyell, and Experiments in Early Victorian Geology." History of Science 36, no. 3 (September 1998): 299–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327539803600303.

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15

Desmond, Adrian. "Richard Owen's Reaction to Transmutation in the 1830's." British Journal for the History of Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400021683.

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Following Michael Bartholomew's study of ‘Lyell and Evolution’ in 1973, scholars have become increasingly interested in the response of gentlemen geologists to Lamarckism during the reign of William IV (1830–7). Bartholomew contended that Charles Lyell was ‘alone in scenting the danger’ for man of using transmutation to explain fossil progression, and that he reacted to the threat of bestialisation by restructuring palaeontology along safe non-progressionist lines. Like his Anglican contemporaries, Lyell was concerned to prove that man was no transformed ape, and that morals were not the better part of brute instinct. Dov Ospovat has subsequently suggested that Lyell's theory of climate was equally an attempt to thwart the transformists and ‘preserve man's unique status in creation’. In other words, Lyell's biology and geology were inextricably related in Principles of Geology and his ideology affected his science as a whole. Finally, Pietro Corsi has identified the Continental materialists who most probably alerted Lyell to the danger, intimating that a conservative British response became imperative when Lyell ‘saw signs of the diffusion of transformism in England itself, where it could even form an unholy alliance with prevailing progressionist and directionalist interpretations of the history of life on earth’.

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16

Silliman, Robert H. "The Hamlet Affair: Charles Lyell and the North Americans." Isis 86, no. 4 (December 1995): 541–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/357317.

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Dott, Robert. "Lyell in America—His Lectures, Field Work, and Mutual Influences, 1841-1853." Earth Sciences History 15, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 101–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.15.2.b4n1102556ju6736.

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Charles Lyell visited North America four times in the twelve years from 1841 to 1853. Except for the last visit, he both lectured and travelled widely to study geology. In 1841 he opened the second season of Lowell Lectures in Boston, and in early 1842 he gave essentially the same lectures again at Philadelphia and New York. In 1845 and 1852, Lyell lectured only at Boston. In 1853, he returned briefly as a British representative at the New York Industrial Fair. The New York lectures were published verbatim, and Lyell's incomplete notes for his lectures, newspaper accounts, and his wife Mary's correspondence from America provide some insight about the others. During 25 months of travel spanning a dozen years, the Lyells saw more of the United States and southeastern Canada—from the Atlantic coast to the lower Mississippi and Ohio Rivers and from the St. Lawrence Valley to the Gulf Coast—than had most citizens of the New World. After the first two visits, Lyell published two travel journals, which contain much material about American geology, geologists, and general natural history, as well as perceptive commentaries upon most aspects of life in the two young nations. The lectures and journals together provide important insights into the development of geology in America and of Lyell's thinking. In spite of the fact that Lyell was a poor speaker, the lectures were great successes with the public. American geologists, however, gave more qualified assessments. Major topics covered by the lectures, which reflected the major current issues of the science, included during an eleven-year span: Crustal movements and the earth's interior; Uniformity of processes through geologic time; Coral reefs; Carboniferous conditions and coal formation, as well as the early appearance of land animals; Origin of the drift and the Sinking and submergence of land; Biogeography; and the Uniformity of an organic plan, including negative commentary about progression and transmutation. Lyell's use of examples from both America and abroad gave the subject a cosmopolitan aspect, and his use of many large diagrams was much acclaimed. Geology was becoming well established in the New World, and Lyell participated in the third annual meeting of the American Association of Geologists and Naturalists in 1842. For field work, he followed his well-honed tactic of seeking experts as guides for efficient learning about local geology and grilling them incessantly. Although initially enthused and open, American geologists soon became apprchensive about Lyell's acquisitiveness for their data. Eventually Lyell's bibliography was enhanced by more than 30 titles on American geology in addition to two travel books, the first of which included a colored geologic map of most of the then United States and adjacent Canada. His other books, Principles of Geology and Elements of Geology, also benefited from countless American examples and from the publication of American editions. Lyell's reputation was enhanced by his American adventures, for, like Darwin and Murchison before, his travels attracted much attention both in the London Geological Society and in the British press. But the visits also enhanced the stature of geology in the New World, and Lyell made several significant original contributions to the understanding of American geology. Moreover, the visits by Charles and Mary Lyell produced a positive impression of America abroad, for they were very captivated by their friendly and industrious hosts and spoke well of them in Britain. On balance, it would seem that the visitors and hosts benefitted about equally.

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Hambach, Ulrich, and Ian Smalley. "Two critical books in the history of loess investigation: ‘Charakteristik der Felsarten’ by Karl Caesar von Leonhard and ‘Principles of Geology’ by Charles Lyell." Open Geosciences 11, no. 1 (August 29, 2019): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/geo-2019-0032.

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Abstract The two critical books, launching the study and appreciation of loess, were ‘Charakteristik der Felsarten’ (CdF) by Karl Caesar von Leonhard, published in Heidelberg by Joseph Engelmann, in 1823-4, and ‘Principles of Geology’ (PoG) by Charles Lyell, published in London by John Murray in 1830-3. Each of these books was published in three volumes and in each case the third volume contained a short piece on loess (about 2-4 pages). These two books are essentially the foundations of loess scholarship. In CdF Loess [Loefs] was first properly defined and described; section 89 in vol. 3 provided a short study of the nature and occurrence of loess, with a focus on the Rhine valley. In PoG there was a short section on loess in the Rhine valley; this was in vol.3 and represents the major dissemination of loess awareness around the world. A copy of PoG3 (Principles of Geology vol. 3) reached Charles Darwin on the Beagle in Valparaiso in 1834; worldwide distribution. Lyell and von Leonhard met in Heidelberg in 1832. Von Leonhard and Heinrich Georg Bronn (1800-1862) showed Lyell the local loess. These observations provided the basis for the loess section in PoG3. Lyell acknowledged the influence of his hosts when he added a list of loess scholars to PoG; by the 5th edition in 1837 the list comprised H.G. Bronn, Karl Caesar von Leonhard (1779-1862), Ami Boue (1794-1881), Voltz, Johann Jakob Noeggerath (1788-1877), J. Steininger, P. Merian, Rozet, C.F.H. von Meyer (1801-1869), Samuel Hibbert (1782-1848) and Leonard Horner (1785-1864); a useful list of loess pioneers. The loess is a type of ground that has only recently been established, and it seems, the peculiarity of the Rhine region, and of a very general but inconsistent spread.” H.G. Bronn 1830

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19

Smalley, Ian. "Leonard Horner in Bonn 1831–1833, finding loess and being incorporated into Lyell’s Loess Legion." Geologos 26, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/logos-2020-0014.

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AbstractLeonard Horner (1785–1864) was a pioneer in the study of loess. His 1836 paper on the geology of Bonn contained detailed descriptions of loess in the Rhine valley. He identified and presented loess as an interesting material for geological study. He investigated loess in the crater of the Rodderberg with Charles Lyell in 1833. He presented the first significant paper on loess in Britain in 1833, but it was not published until 1836. With the assistance of G.A. Goldfuss and J.J. Noegerath he conducted early studies of the Siebengebirge and published the first geological map of the region, and the first picture of loess, at Rhondorf by the Drachenfels. He became the eleventh person to be included in the list of loess scholars which Charles Lyell published in volume 3 of the Principles of Geology. These were Leonhard, Bronn, Boue, Voltz, Steininger, Merian, Rozet, Hibbert in 1833, Noeggerath, von Meyer in 1835, Horner in 1837. Horner arrived after the publication of his studies on the loess at Bonn in 1836.

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Smalley, Ian, Tivadar Gaudenyi, and Mladen Jovanovic. "Charles Lyell and the loess deposits of the Rhine valley." Quaternary International 372 (June 2015): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2014.08.047.

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21

McCready, Thomas A., and Neil C. Schwertman. "The Statistical Paleontology of Charles Lyell and the Coupon Problem." American Statistician 55, no. 4 (November 2001): 272–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1198/000313001753272204.

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22

Cohen, Claudine. "Charles Lyell and the evidences of the antiquity of man." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.08.

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23

Baldwin, Stuart A. "Charles Lyell and the extraordinary publishing history of his works." Geology Today 14, no. 3 (May 1998): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-2451.1998.014003113.x.

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Rajendran, C. P. "Charles Lyell: The Man Who Unlocked the Earth’s Sprawling History." Resonance 25, no. 7 (July 2020): 895–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12045-020-1007-x.

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YALDWYN, JOHN C., GARRY J. TEE, and ALAN P. MASON. "The status of Gideon Mantell's “first” Iguanodon tooth in the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa." Archives of Natural History 24, no. 3 (October 1997): 397–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1997.24.3.397.

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A worn Iguanodon tooth from Cuckfield, Sussex, illustrated by Mantell in 1827, 1839, 1848 and 1851, was labelled by Mantell as the first tooth sent to Baron Cuvier in 1823 and acknowledged as such by Sir Charles Lyell. The labelled tooth was taken to New Zealand by Gideon's son Walter in 1859. It was deposited in a forerunner of the Museum of New Zealand, Wellington in 1865 and is still in the Museum, mounted on a card bearing annotations by both Gideon Mantell and Lyell. The history of the Gideon and Walter Mantell collection in the Museum of New Zealand is outlined, and the Iguanodon tooth and its labels are described and illustrated. This is the very tooth which Baron Cuvier first identified as a rhinoceros incisor on the evening of 28 June 1823.

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Kennedy, Barbara A. "Charles Lyell and ‘Modern changes of the Earth’: the Milledgeville Gully." Geomorphology 40, no. 1-2 (September 2001): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0169-555x(01)00038-1.

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Archibald, J. David. "Darwin's two competing phylogenetic trees: marsupials as ancestors or sister taxa?" Archives of Natural History 39, no. 2 (October 2012): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2012.0091.

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Studies of the origin and diversification of major groups of plants and animals are contentious topics in current evolutionary biology. This includes the study of the timing and relationships of the two major clades of extant mammals – marsupials and placentals. Molecular studies concerned with marsupial and placental origin and diversification can be at odds with the fossil record. Such studies are, however, not a recent phenomenon. Over 150 years ago Charles Darwin weighed two alternative views on the origin of marsupials and placentals. Less than a year after the publication of On the origin of species, Darwin outlined these in a letter to Charles Lyell dated 23 September 1860. The letter concluded with two competing phylogenetic diagrams. One showed marsupials as ancestral to both living marsupials and placentals, whereas the other showed a non-marsupial, non-placental as being ancestral to both living marsupials and placentals. These two diagrams are published here for the first time. These are the only such competing phylogenetic diagrams that Darwin is known to have produced. In addition to examining the question of mammalian origins in this letter and in other manuscript notes discussed here, Darwin confronted the broader issue as to whether major groups of animals had a single origin (monophyly) or were the result of “continuous creation” as advocated for some groups by Richard Owen. Charles Lyell had held similar views to those of Owen, but it is clear from correspondence with Darwin that he was beginning to accept the idea of monophyly of major groups.

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Scigliano, Marisa. "Nineteenth Century Literary Society: The John Murray Publishing Archive." Charleston Advisor 22, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.22.2.39.

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Nineteenth Century Literary Society is drawn from archive of the House of John Murray publishing company, held by the National Library of Scotland. The family-run firm, with Scottish roots, spanned seven generations and flourished in London from 1768 until 2002. John Murray is especially remarkable for publishing seminal English-language works of the 19th century, including those by Charles Darwin, David Livingstone, Charles Lyell, and Samuel Smiles, the father of self-help. The largest collection of Lord Byron’s private writings and manuscripts, assembled by the publisher, form a large part of the resource. Women writers feature prominently in the John Murray’s collection, including Jane Austen, Isabella Bird, Elizabeth Eastlake, and Caroline Lamb.

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Smalley, Ian, and Slobodan B. Markovic. "Four loess pioneers: Charles Lyell, F. von Richthofen, V.A. Obruchev, L.S. Berg." Quaternary International 469 (March 2018): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2016.07.031.

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Wool, David. "Charles Lyell - "the father of geology" - as a forerunner of modern ecology." Oikos 94, no. 3 (September 2001): 385–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0706.2001.940301.x.

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Wilson, Leonard. "Archibald Geikie on the Last Elevation of Scotland." Earth Sciences History 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.28.1.m475h5244pj31up5.

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Archibald Geikie announced in 1861 that Scotland had been elevated twenty-five feet since Roman times. In stratified sediments at Leith, he identified pottery fragments as Roman. Other observers promptly noted that the beds had not been deposited under water but were made ground, and that the pottery was recent. Geikie still insisted on the elevation of Scotland since Roman times, based on the terminations of the Antonine Wall. In 1871, David Milne Home showed that if in Roman times Scotland had been twenty-five feet lower than at present, Roman roads, fords, and buildings would have been submerged. In 1873, Milne Home showed further that the eastern end of the Antonine Wall would have been under water. In 1863, in Antiquity of Man, Sir Charles Lyell accepted Geikie's claims, but in the fourth edition of Antiquity in 1873 he presented Milne Home's evidence against them. Geikie never forgave Lyell for exposing his error and subsequently did his utmost to belittle him.

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Smalley, Ian, Holger Kels, Tivadar Gaudenyi, and Mladjen Jovanovic. "Loess encounters of three kinds: Charles Lyell talks about, reads about, and looks at loess." Geologos 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/logos-2016-0006.

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Abstract Charles Lyell (1797–1875) was an important loess pioneer. His major contribution was to distribute information on the nature and existence of loess via his influential book ‘The Principles of Geology’. He was obviously impressed by loess when he encountered it; the initial encounter can be split into three phases: conversations about loess; confronting the actual material in the field; and reading about loess in the literature. Detail can be added to an important phase in the scientific development of the study of loess. Significant events include conversations with Hibbert in 1831, conversations and explorations with von Leonhard and Bronn in 1832, the opportunity to include a section on loess in vol. 3 of ‘Principles’ for publication in 1833, a substantial Rhineland excursion in 1833, the reporting of the results of this excursion in 1834, discussions at the German Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in Bonn in 1835. Of all the people encountered perhaps H.G. Bronn was the most significant. Lyell eventually listed eleven people as relevant to the loess writings: Bronn, von Leonhard, Boue, Voltz, Steininger, Merian, Rozet, Hibbert, Noeggerath, von Meyer, Horner – of these Bronn, von Leonhard, Hibbert and Horner appear to have been the most significant, viewed from 2015.

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Garofalo, Devin M. "Victorian Lyric in the Anthropocene." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 4 (2019): 753–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318001602.

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When Charles Lyell chronicles humankind's rise to geologic power in thePrinciples of Geology, he talks out of both sides of his mouth. Detailing the human species’ seemingly unmatched force as a terrestrial “levelling agent,” he ruminates on an unsettling possibility that haunts the present: “it admits of reasonable doubt whether, upon the whole, we fertilize or impoverish the lands we occupy.” Already at the time of Lyell's writing, the human species had “displaced” or altogether extinguished “a number of beasts of prey, birds, and animals of every class” (2:148) through deforestation, hunting, and the “progress of colonization” (2:150–51). But elsewhere in thePrinciples, Lyell puts into question what this history of environmental degradation otherwise seems to assert: that to be human is to possess a singular capacity for mastery. Thus, Lyell declares, “we ought always, before we decide that any part of the influence of man is novel and anomalous, carefully to consider all the powers of other animate agents which may be limited or superseded by him” (2:206). Tracing how swarms of insects gave dramatic and lasting shape to the German arboreal landscape in ways that humans could never replicate, he concludes: “[I]t does not follow that this kind of innovation”—human innovation—“is unprecedented” (2:206). Even as Lyell imagines humankind as “superior” in its capacity to act as “a single species,” he persistently lingers with the very real possibility that humans donotpossess a “novel and anomalous” hold over the world (2:207, emphasis original). Instead, thePrinciplestraces how the world is shaped by “physical causes” and nonhuman agencies that elude control and unmask the relative “insignifican[ce]” of humankind's “aggregate force” (2:207). Inasmuch as humans comprise only one part of an agential assemblage whose shifting interactions elude anthropogenic mastery, thePrinciplesimagines humankind as interpenetrated by and profoundly susceptible to nonhuman life-forms and forces. According to Lyell, then, deep history speaks not only of the human species’ seemingly privileged capacity for action but also its nonintentionality, noninstrumentality, and vulnerability. That thePrinciplestells a story about the porous interfaces between human and nonhuman geologic agents is perhaps surprising, given that it emerged and participated in a moment which, for many, marks the zenith of imperial and anthropogenic power.

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Burich, Keith R. ""Stable Equilibrium Is Death": Henry Adams, Sir Charles Lyell, and the Paradox of Progress." New England Quarterly 65, no. 4 (December 1992): 631. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365825.

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Gonçalves, Pedro Wagner. "Indicadores da presença de conteúdos de História e Filosofia da Ciência em livro de texto de Geologia Introdutória." Ciência & Educação (Bauru) 11, no. 1 (April 2005): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1516-73132005000100004.

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A literatura de ensino de Ciências e de Geologia assinala a importância de integrar aspectos históricos e filosóficos ao processo educacional (HPS). Denominamos isso de abordagem metodológica para ensino de ciências (MAS). De outro lado, vários trabalhos sugerem que os livros didáticos são importantes para selecionar e organizar os programas de disciplinas. Livros exercem influência na formação de pesquisadores e profissionais. Isso conduz a investigar conteúdos metodológicos presentes em livros didáticos de Geologia Introdutória. O estudo demonstra a presença do pensamento de James Hutton (1726-1797) e Charles Lyell (1797-1875), bem como de outros aspectos históricos, que sugerem importância pedagógica da MAS no material didático examinado.

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Freeberg, Ernest. "“An Object of Peculiar Interest”: The Education of Laura Bridgman." Church History 61, no. 2 (June 1992): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168263.

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In the 1840s, Laura Bridgman, a teenage girl from a New Hampshire village, was among the most famous women in the Western world. Thomas Carlyle called her life story “one of the most beautiful phenomena at present visible under our Sun.” British intellectuals, including the novelist Charles Dickens, the geologist Charles Lyell, and the phrenologist George Combe considered a visit with Laura Bridgman an important stop on their much publicized American tours. Dickens devoted fifteen pages of his American Notes to describing his visit with her, and Combe reported that “Laura Bridgman is very much admired by the British public, and her case is universally attractive. It is spoken of with deep interest and admiration in every society into which I enter.” Journals on both sides of the Atlantic published annual updates on her life, periodic chapters in a biography hailed as a tale “of thrilling interest, not surpassed by those of the novelist.”

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Buffetaut, Eric. "From Charles Darwin’s comments to the first mention of South American giant fossil birds: Auguste Bravard’s catalogue of fossil species from Argentina (1860) and its significance." Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France 187, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2113/gssgfbull.187.1.41.

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Abstract In 1860, the French geologist and palaeontologist Auguste Bravard (1803–1861) circulated a small number of copies of a hand-written and lithographed catalogue of the fossils he had collected in various parts of Argentina over a period of about eight years. Although the existence of this catalogue has been mentioned by various authors, it has never been really published in full. A facsimile reproduction is provided here. The contents of the catalogue and reactions to them are discussed, with special attention to comments in the correspondence between Charles Lyell and Charles Darwin. These comments were largely about Bravard’s identification among his fossils from Argentina of the genera Palaeotherium and Anoplotherium, well known components of the Late Eocene mammal fauna from the Montmartre gypsum, in the Paris Basin. This identification was later shown to be erroneous by Gervais, Burmeister and Ameghino. Bravard’s catalogue also includes what appears to be the first mention of fossil giant ground birds (Phorusrhacidae) in South America.

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Morey, G. "Early Geologic Studies in the Lake Superior Region-the Contributions of H.R. Schoolcraft, J.J. Bigsby, and H.W. Bayfield." Earth Sciences History 8, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.8.1.03r5858k56041196.

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Charles Lyell published a geologic map of the Lake Superior region in 1845 as an appendix to his epochal Travels in North America. One of the published sources Lyell used to compile this map was an 1829 report by H.W. Bayfield, who as a surveyor for the Royal Navy spent the years 1823 to 1825 circumnavigating the lake. Bayfield's report, in turn, included the geologic observations of two other travelers on the lake: H.R. Schoolcraft and J.J. Bigsby, both of whom, like Bayfield, had taken part in some of the earliest government-sponsored explorations in the region. Although Schoolcraft had received some formal training in the natural sciences, Bigsby and Bayfield, like many other naturalists of the time, gained their knowledge of geology while pursuing their primary professional duties. Nonetheless, they were exceptionally good observers of geologic phenomena. Their efforts produced a geologic framework for the Lake Superior region, which is even today compatible with modern interpretations. At the end of the 19th century, though, their contributions had been all but forgotten, a result of a revolutionary change in the study of geology from a more informal and descriptive pursuit to a professionally oriented and theoretical science with its own organizational structure.

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Taub, Liba. "Evolutionary ideas and ‘empirical’ methods: the analogy between language and species in works by Lyell and Schleicher." British Journal for the History of Science 26, no. 2 (June 1993): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400030740.

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In the Origin of Species, Charles Darwin (1809–82) briefly drew an analogy between languages and species, suggesting that the genealogical relationships between languages provide a model for discussing the descent and modification of species. Further, he suggested that just as languages often contain some vestige of earlier speech, for example silent, unpronounced letters, so the rudimentary organs of animals can provide clues about genealogy and descent.

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Barrow, Barbara. "‘Shattering’ and ‘Violent’ Forces: Gender, Ecology, and Catastrophe in George Eliot's The Mill on the Floss." Victoriographies 11, no. 1 (March 2021): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2021.0408.

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This article argues that George Eliot's The Mill on the Floss (1860) aligns natural catastrophe with the image of the disastrous female body in order to challenge contemporary geological readings of nature as a balanced, self-regulating domain. Both incorporating and revising the work of Charles Lyell, Oliver Goldsmith, and Georges Cuvier, Eliot emphasises the interconnectedness of human and planetary processes, feminises environmental catastrophe, and blends human and ecological history. She does so in order to write the human presence back into geological histories that tended to evacuate the human, and to invite readers to account for the effects their lifestyles and industries have upon the supposedly balanced and orderly processes of nature.

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Scott, Andrew C. "The legacy of Charles Lyell: advances in our knowledge of coal and coal-bearing strata." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 143, no. 1 (1998): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.1998.143.01.18.

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WILSON, L. G. "The geological travels of Sir Charles Lyell in Madeira and the Canary Islands, 1853–1854." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 287, no. 1 (2007): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/sp287.17.

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Green, James Aaron. "‘Short-Spanned Living Creatures’: Evolutionary Perspectives in Rhoda Broughton’s Not Wisely, but Too Well (1867)." Journal of Victorian Culture 26, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 212–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcaa040.

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Abstract In Geological Evidences of the Antiquity of Man (1863), Charles Lyell appraised the distinct contribution made by his protégé, Charles Darwin (On the Origin of Species (1859)), to evolutionary theory: ‘Progression … is not a necessary accompaniment of variation and natural selection [… Darwin’s theory accounts] equally well for what is called degradation, or a retrogressive movement towards a simple structure’. In Rhoda Broughton’s first novel, Not Wisely, but Too Well (1867), written contemporaneously with Lyell’s book, the Crystal Palace at Sydenham prompts precisely this sort of Darwinian ambivalence to progress; but whether British civilization ‘advance[s] or retreat[s]’, her narrator adds that this prophesized state ‘will not be in our days’ – its realization exceeds the single lifespan. This article argues that Not Wisely, but Too Well is attentive to the irreconcilability of Darwinism to the Victorian ‘idea of progress’: Broughton’s novel, distinctly from its peers, raises the retrogressive and nihilistic potentials of Darwin’s theory and purposes them to reflect on the status of the individual in mid-century Britain.

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Kerr, Andrew. "Classic Rock Tours 1. Hutton’s Unconformity at Siccar Point, Scotland: A Guide for Visiting the Shrine on the Abyss of Time." Geoscience Canada 45, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12789/geocanj.2018.45.129.

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The angular unconformity at Siccar Point in Scotland is one of the most famous localities in the history of geology. At this spot, steeply dipping, folded turbiditic sandstone of early Silurian age is clearly overlain by subhorizontal red conglomerate, breccia and sandstone of late Devonian age. Siccar Point was not the first unconformity ever to be described or illustrated, but it is unquestionably one of the most spectacular and informative that geologists are likely to see. In June of 1788, a famous excursion by James Hutton, John Playfair and Sir James Hall first discovered this striking evidence for the cyclic nature of geological processes and the probable antiquity of the Earth. Contrary to myth, it was likely not the inspiration for Hutton’s famous phrase no vestige of a beginning, no prospect of an end, but Playfair’s metaphor of looking so far into the abyss of time is forever associated with this place. Siccar Point influenced many other geologists, including the young Charles Lyell, who would eventually bring the ideas of James Hutton together with those of William Smith, to build the uniformitarian paradigm that founded modern geology. Lyell’s writings would in turn influence the young Charles Darwin in his search for the reality and causes of evolution. Siccar Point is easy to visit from the historic and vibrant city of Edinburgh, and such a pilgrimage is easily combined with other sights of geological or cultural interest. Visiting the shrine involves a short coastal hike in one of the most beautiful parts of Scotland. This article combines practical advice for would-be pilgrims to Siccar Point with some historical context about its pivotal role in the development of geological ideas in the enlightenment of the late 18th and early 19th centuries.RÉSUMÉLa discordance angulaire de Siccar Point en Écosse est l'une des localités les plus célèbres de l'histoire de la géologie. À cet endroit, un grès turbiditique plissé à fort pendage du début du Silurien est recouvert de conglomérats rouges subhorizontaux, de brèches et d’un grès de la fin du Dévonien. Siccar Point n'est pas la première discordance qui ait été décrite ou illustrée, mais c'est sans conteste l'une des plus spectaculaires et révélatrices que les géologues puissent voir. En juin 1788, avec leur célèbre excursion, James Hutton, John Playfair et Sir James Hall ont découvert cette preuve frappante de la nature cyclique des processus géologiques et de l`ancienneté probable de la Terre. Contrairement à ce qu'on croit, ce n'est probablement pas la fameuse phrase de Hutton « aucun vestige d'un début, aucune perspective de fin », mais la métaphore de Playfair « voir si loin dans l'abîme du temps » qui est à jamais associée à ce lieu. Siccar Point a influencé de nombreux autres géologues, y compris le jeune Charles Lyell, qui a fini par réunir les idées de James Hutton et celles de William Smith qui ont défini le paradigme uniformitariste, devenu le fondement de la géologie moderne. Les écrits de Lyell influenceront à leur tour le jeune Charles Darwin dans sa recherche de la réalité et des causes de l'évolution. Il est facile de se rendre à Siccar Point depuis cette ville chargée d'histoire et dynamique qu’est Édimbourg, et un tel pèlerinage se combine facilement avec d'autres sites d'intérêt géologique ou culturel. La visite de ce « sanctuaire » implique une courte randonnée côtière dans l'une des plus belles régions d'Écosse. Le présent article combine des conseils pratiques pour les visiteurs potentiels à Siccar Point et présente un historique de son rôle central dans le développement des idées géologiques à la fin du XVIIIe siècle et au début du XIXe siècle.

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Sibson, R. H. "Charles Lyell and the 1855 Wairarapa, New Zealand Earthquake: Recognition of Fault Rupture Accompanying an Earthquake." Seismological Research Letters 77, no. 3 (May 1, 2006): 360–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1785/gssrl.77.3.360.

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Grapes, Rodney H., and Gaye L. Downes. "Charles Lyell and the great 1855 earthquake in New Zealand: first recognition of active fault tectonics." Journal of the Geological Society 167, no. 1 (January 2010): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/0016-76492009-104.

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Silliman, Robert. "The Richmond Boulder Trains: Verae Causae in 19th-Century American Geology." Earth Sciences History 10, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.10.1.hh085022m7ng8511.

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In the 1840's and 1850's some of the leading geologists of the day, including Edward Hitchcock, Henry D. and William B. Rogers, Charles Lyell, and Louis Agassiz, investigated long, distinct trains of erratic boulders discovered in 1842 in western Massachusetts. It was hoped that study of the boulder trains would help solve the vexing problem of the origin of the drift. The theories tested by application to the erratics were various in content but remarkably similar in justification. They all appealed to the Newtonian principle of vera causa. This methodological principle appears to have been more fundamental in treating the boulder trains than conceptions drawn from catastrophism and uniformitarianism. Use of the method did not, however, dispel the mystery of the boulders. A clarification of their origins came only with the general adoption of the glacier theory around 1870.

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Sachs, Jonathan. "Slow Time." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 2 (March 2019): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.2.315.

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This essay identifies a tension between speed and slowness that emerged circa 1800, when a self-conscious awareness of seemingly rapid social change intersected with the enhanced understanding of slowness developing in geological theory. Focusing on Charles Lyell, William Wordsworth, John Keats, and Charlotte Smith, the essay shows how Romantic poetry and geology think together about slow time and incongruous temporality. Slow time raises formal problems about how to represent temporal processes that operate below the level of the visual and the tangible. he slow time of geology ultimately offered Romantic poetry a new sense of how an apparent lack of eventfulness can be understood as eventful when placed on a longer timeline. Romantic poetry, in turn, drew in fine detail on geology's expanded scales of temporality to offer an imaginative understanding of the infinitesimal rates of change and the gradual processes central to slow time.

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Rose, Edward. "British Pioneers of the Geology of Gibraltar, Part 2: Cave Archaeology and Geological Survey of the Rock, 1863 to 1878." Earth Sciences History 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 26–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.33.1.a35446v5k2817942.

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The 1860s marked a period of intense early interest in the antiquity of man, and so cave archaeology, in England and elsewhere. Systematic cave archaeology was initiated on Gibraltar in 1863 by a former infantry officer, Frederick Brome, the governor of the military prison, and his discoveries prompted cave exploration and local geological interest by two young British Army officers stationed on the Rock: Alexander Burton-Brown of the Royal Artillery and the subsequently more famous Charles (later Sir Charles) Warren of the Royal Engineers. On the recommendation of Sir Charles Lyell, President of the Geological Society of London, Brome's excavated material was sent to England for study by George Busk and Hugh Falconer: both palaeontologists of considerable distinction. The new discoveries drew attention to the ‘Gibraltar Skull’, presented to the Gibraltar Scientific Society by Lieutenant Edmund Flint of the Royal Artillery in 1848 but recognized only after description of Homo neanderthalensis from Germany in 1864 as a relic of that extinct species—one of the most complete Neanderthal skulls known. Detailed topographical mapping of the Gibraltar peninsula by Charles Warren and interest in Gibraltar geology generated by cave studies led to the first geological survey of the Rock—by Andrew (later Sir Andrew) Crombie Ramsay and James Geikie of the ‘British’ Geological Survey, in 1876. The first ‘overseas’ project to be undertaken by the Survey, this was historically significant because its purpose was primarily hydrogeological and it generated an atypically large-scale (1:2,500) geological map. The map and its 1877-1878 descriptive accounts, which featured Quaternary superficial sediments in more detail than the Jurassic limestone bedrock, were to guide development of Gibraltar's fortress infrastructure for the next sixty-five years.

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García-Cruz, Cándido Manuel. "Desde Richard de Bury (1344) hasta Charles Lyell (1830). Algunas consideraciones históricas sobre el uso del término ‘geología’." Boletín de la Real Sociedad Española de Historia Natural, no. 114 (July 28, 2020): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29077/bol.114.e05.

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Resumen La primera referencia que hay sobre el uso del término geología se encuentra en Richard de Bury, a mediados del siglo XIV, aunque no llegó a definirla. A lo largo de casi quinientos años, numerosos autores han utilizado este vocablo, entre ellos U. Aldrovandi (1603), M. P. Escholt (1657), R. Lovell (1661), F. Sessa (1687), E. Warren (1690), D. Clüver (1700), B. Martin (1735), J.-A. de Luc (1778), o H. B. de Saussure (1779), sin precisar totalmente su significado, con una gran vaguedad conceptual y sin definir claramente su materia de estudio: Geología como título de algunas obras, o ideas como sobre lo excavado de la tierra, discurso sobre la tierra, doctrina general del globo, o ciencia de los continentes, no fueron desarrolladas o explicadas adecuadamente por sus autores. Entre los padres de la geología como ciencia, un significado implícito de acuerdo con el contenido de sus obras se encuentra en G. Arduino (1760) y J. Hutton (1795), así como en otros naturalistas como B. Faujas de Saint-Fond (1803). En las primeras décadas del siglo XIX, S. Breislak (1811) y W. Phillips (1815) definieron los aspectos descriptivo, histórico y explicativo de la geología, y años más tarde C. Lyell (1830) estableció con precisión el alcance de la geología como ciencia histórica, con una metodología basada en el Actualismo-Uniformitarismo. Abstra ct The first reference about the use of the term geology is found in Richard de Bury, in the mid-fourteenth century, although he did not define it. This word has been used over almost five hundred years by numerous authors, including U. Aldrovandi (1603), M. P. Escholt (1657), R. Lovell (1661), F. Sessa (1687), E. Warren (1690), D. Clüver (1700), B. Martin (1735), J.-A. de Luc (1778), and H. B. de Saussure (1779), without fully specifying its meaning, with a great vagueness as a concept, and without clearly defining its subject matter: Geology as some book titles, or ideas such as on what is dug out of the earth, discourse concerning the earth, general doctrine of the earth, or science of continents, were duly neither developed nor explained by the authors. Among the fathers of geology as a science, according to their works contents, an implicit meaning is found in G. Arduino (1760) and J. Hutton (1795), and also in other naturalists as B. Faujas de Saint-Fond (1803). In the first decades of the nineteenth century, S. Breislak (1811) and W. Phillips (1815) defined the descriptive, historical and explanatory aspects of geology, and C. Lyell (1830) laid down accurately the scope and aim of geology as a historical science, with a methodology based on Actualism-Uniformitarianism.

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