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Barbosa, Jefferson Rodrigues [UNESP]. "Integralismo e ideologia autocrática chauvinista regressiva: crítica aos herdeiros do sigma." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/101002.
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Os meios jornalísticos e produções acadêmicas nas últimas décadas têm destacado em âmbito internacional manifestações de movimentos e partidos políticos defensores de ideologias chauvinistas. Os integralistas contemporâneos são aqui interpretados como expressões nacionais deste fenômeno e, organizados, estão atuando em núcleos espalhados em mais de duas dezenas de cidades em diversos estados do país. Novas e antigas gerações de militantes buscam na contemporaneidade mobilizar adeptos e simpatizantes através das novas formas de comunicação e propaganda política, que utilizadas como ferramentas diretivas e organizativas, além dos tradicionais jornais e informativos impressos, potencializam a interação entre os ativistas. As hipóteses defendidas nesta investigação partem do pressuposto que mesmo buscando atualizar seus temas os militantes contemporâneos seguem os princípios integralistas formulados na década de 1930, presentes na releitura dos atuais herdeiros do sigma. E, que o êxito na reorganização dos militantes é propiciado na atualidade pela instrumentalização das tecnologias da informação e comunicação para a divulgação de suas idéias e mobilização de seus membros. As permanências e mudanças na ideologia, as aproximações destas organizações com outros movimentos nacionalistas, assim como, a identificação de seus principais líderes e a localização de seus núcleos foram também os objetivos da investigação. Para o estudo em questão foram utilizados conteúdos de sites e blogs e textos impressos de jornais, informativos e boletins dos grupos mais expressivos entre a atual militância que na difusão de concepções anacrônicas e segregadoras se apresentam como manifestação de uma proposta de ordenamento social legitimada em sua particularidade por uma...
Astract: The News media and academic productions in the last decades have highlighted international demonstrations of movements and political parties who defend chauvinist ideologies. Contemporary integralists are interpreted as national expressions of this phenomenon. Also, they organised and act as nucleus spread over twenty cities in many states around the country. Besides the traditional news and press, old and new generations of militants are trying to gather new members through new media and political ads, which work as guidelines, improves interaction among activists. The hypothesis raised in this essay assume that even willing to update their themes, the contemporary militants still follow the integralist principles created in the 1930s and is part of the current sigma heirs interpretation. The success in reorganizing militants is possible due to technology tools of information and communication to spread ones ideas and the mobilization of their members. The remains and changings in ideologies, the approaches of these organizations to other nationalist movements in addition to the identification of their main leaders and the location of their nuclei were also targets of this investigation. In order to develop this study, blogs and sites, newspapers articles, leaflets and group bulletins, which are the most expressive, were used as part of the corpus. Their publications talk about corporatism, the criticism to social movements, the criticism to abortion support and apology to homophobia. Due to that, the the interpretation of the integralist ideology as an autocratic regressive chauvinist manifestation, as mentioned, is a syllogism: autocracy is the generalisation of the political phenomenon in its universalism; the chauvinism, the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Barbosa, Jefferson Rodrigues. "Integralismo e ideologia autocrática chauvinista regressiva : crítica aos herdeiros do sigma /." Marília : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/101002.
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Orientador: Antonio Carlos MazzeoBanca: Marcos Del Roio
Banca: Angélica Lovatto
Banca: Eliel Machado
Banca: Luiz Bernardo Pericás
Resumo: Os meios jornalísticos e produções acadêmicas nas últimas décadas têm destacado em âmbito internacional manifestações de movimentos e partidos políticos defensores de ideologias chauvinistas. Os integralistas contemporâneos são aqui interpretados como expressões nacionais deste fenômeno e, organizados, estão atuando em núcleos espalhados em mais de duas dezenas de cidades em diversos estados do país. Novas e antigas gerações de militantes buscam na contemporaneidade mobilizar adeptos e simpatizantes através das novas formas de comunicação e propaganda política, que utilizadas como ferramentas diretivas e organizativas, além dos tradicionais jornais e informativos impressos, potencializam a interação entre os ativistas. As hipóteses defendidas nesta investigação partem do pressuposto que mesmo buscando atualizar seus temas os militantes contemporâneos seguem os princípios integralistas formulados na década de 1930, presentes na releitura dos atuais herdeiros do sigma. E, que o êxito na reorganização dos militantes é propiciado na atualidade pela instrumentalização das tecnologias da informação e comunicação para a divulgação de suas idéias e mobilização de seus membros. As permanências e mudanças na ideologia, as aproximações destas organizações com outros movimentos nacionalistas, assim como, a identificação de seus principais líderes e a localização de seus núcleos foram também os objetivos da investigação. Para o estudo em questão foram utilizados conteúdos de sites e blogs e textos impressos de jornais, informativos e boletins dos grupos mais expressivos entre a atual militância que na difusão de concepções anacrônicas e segregadoras se apresentam como manifestação de uma proposta de ordenamento social legitimada em sua particularidade por uma... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Astract: The News media and academic productions in the last decades have highlighted international demonstrations of movements and political parties who defend chauvinist ideologies. Contemporary integralists are interpreted as national expressions of this phenomenon. Also, they organised and act as nucleus spread over twenty cities in many states around the country. Besides the traditional news and press, old and new generations of militants are trying to gather new members through new media and political ads, which work as guidelines, improves interaction among activists. The hypothesis raised in this essay assume that even willing to update their themes, the contemporary militants still follow the integralist principles created in the 1930s and is part of the current sigma heirs interpretation. The success in reorganizing militants is possible due to technology tools of information and communication to spread ones ideas and the mobilization of their members. The remains and changings in ideologies, the approaches of these organizations to other nationalist movements in addition to the identification of their main leaders and the location of their nuclei were also targets of this investigation. In order to develop this study, blogs and sites, newspapers articles, leaflets and group bulletins, which are the most expressive, were used as part of the corpus. Their publications talk about corporatism, the criticism to social movements, the criticism to abortion support and apology to homophobia. Due to that, the the interpretation of the integralist ideology as an autocratic regressive chauvinist manifestation, as mentioned, is a syllogism: autocracy is the generalisation of the political phenomenon in its universalism; the chauvinism, the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
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Puymège, Gérard de. "Les Origines du chauvinisme, degré zéro du nationalisme français : 1815-1848 /." Genève : [s.n.], 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34949457j.
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Hållsten, Henrik. "Explanation and deduction : a defence of deductive chauvinism." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-72182.
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In this essay I defend the notion of deductive explanation mainly against two types of putative counterexamples: those found in genuinely indeterministic systems and those found in complex dynamic systems. Using Railton's notions of explanatory information and ideal explanatory text, deductivism is defended in an indeterministic setting. Furthermore, an argument against non-deductivism that hinges on peculiarities of probabilistic causality is presented. The use of the notion of an ideal explanatory text gives rise to problems in accounting for explanations in complex dynamic systems, regardless of whether they are deterministic or not. These problems are considered in the essay and a solution is suggested. This solution forces the deductivist to abandon the requirement that an explanation consists of a deductive argument, but it is argued that the core of deductivism is saved in so far as we, for full explanations, can still adhere to the fundamental requirement: If A explains B, then A is inconsistent with anything inconsistent with B.
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Crapez, Marc. "Le social-chauvinisme des Hébertistes à la droite révolutionnaire, 1864-1900." Aix-Marseille 3, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996AIX32012.
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Situees en amont des recherches de m. Zeev sternhell, les problematiques soulevees dans ce travail d'histoire des idees politiques inclinent a conforter la notion de droite revolutionnaire, tout en inflechissant son contenu et sa nature. Loin d'etre reductible a un anti-materialisme national-populiste en effet, la droite revolutionnaire aurait ete largement devancee et alimentee par une 'corruption legitime'du sans-culottisme -le social-chauvisme- indissociable d'un processus d'involution antimaterialiste du materialisme scientiste. Des le second empire, un ultra-revolutionnarisme dogmatiquement athee l'hebertisme- adosse un egalitarisme comminatoire a des thematiques misoneistes. Andre siegfried avait tout a fait raison d'observer que les boulangistes parisiens se "rattachent manifestement (. . . ) a 1793"The purpose of this work in history of political ideas is to look beyond m. Zeev sternhell's researches; the problematics raised incline in confirming the idea of revolutionary right, while reinterpreting its content and its nature. Far from being reducible to an anti-materialism national-populistic, the revolutionary right would have been indeed amply anticipated and influenced by a 'legitimate debasement' of sans-culottisme - the social-chauvinism- indissociable from an anti-materialistic regressive process of scientistic materialism. As early as the second empire, a dogmatically atheistic ultra-revolutionarism - the hebertisme- juxtapose a thundering egalitarianism to backward-looking set of themes. Andre siegfried was quite right to remark that parisian boulangists were "obviously related (. . . ) to 1793"
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Pengelley, Nicholas. "Judicial chauvinism or respect for comity : is it time to bury the anti-suit injunction?" Monash University, Faculty of Law, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8327.
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Edmonds, Daniel. "Unpacking 'chauvinism' : the interrelationship of race, internationalism, and anti-imperialism amongst Marxists in Britain, 1899-1933." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/unpacking-chauvinism-the-interrelationship-of-race-internationalism-and-antiimperialism-amongst-marxists-in-britain-18991933(40db4835-7f56-4665-902e-aceb653057cc).html.
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This thesis examines the relationship between practices of internationalism, patterns of racialisation, and the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism in the revolutionary Marxist left in Britain between 1899 and 1933. I focus on two organisations, the Social Democratic Federation and the Communist Party of Great Britain, examining how different racialised subaltern populations were represented in their publications and how this affected the anti-imperial advocacy and activism of these political groups. I am interested in how the writings of colonial nationalists, as well as the intervention of transnational activists, helped to shape this political praxis. The thesis begins with a study of how positive racialisations, developed by colonial activists as a discursive means to argue for the inapplicability of the âcivilising missionâ to their respective societies, were drawn on by SDF activists and figureheads such as HM Hyndman to bolster their increasingly oppositional stance towards the British Empire. Further chapters demonstrate how groups of border-crossing racialised outsiders, be they Russian-born Jews in the SDF or Indian activists in the CPGB, utilised a strategic universalism to overcome their marginalisation within the ranks of the revolutionary Marxist left, and to gain support for their respective communal concerns. During the course of the time period covered within the thesis, the October Revolution, the rise of the Bolsheviks, and the foundation of the Comintern helped to reshape analyses of imperialism as well as practices and theories of internationalism on the British far-left. Particular attention is given to how activists either attempted to utilise or bypass this âofficial internationalismâ to promote their own international anti-imperial networks and discourse, and the efficacy of their efforts. It is my hope that this study will be able to shed light on international influences on the British Marxist left beyond the Continental, provide a greater nuance to histories of Marxism and race in Britain, and demonstrate the variety of models and practices of internationalism available to these activists in the early years of the twentieth century.
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Patadia, Ashley E. "The language of empire and the case of Indochina masculine discourse in the shaping and subverting of colonial gender hierarchies /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1239673125.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 16, 2009). Advisor: Rebecca Pulju. Keywords: Gender; Empire; French Indochina; Ho Chi Minh; Masculinity; Colonial Discourse. Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-134).
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Brémond, Joël. "Le sentiment anti-français dans l'Espagne post-franquiste." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040323.
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Après la mort de Franco, l'accession de l’Espagne à la modernité démocratique coïncide paradoxalement avec une forte poussée de sentiment anti-français en Espagne. Cette hostilité s'appuie sur une longue tradition historique, fondée sur un passé conflictuel multiséculaire, même si la présence très ancienne d'un courant francophile est également attestée dans le pays. A la faveur de nouveaux contentieux, candidature à la CEE, terrorisme ETA, incidents maritimes, ou même sportifs, les schémas ancestraux sont réactualisés. Le voisin français redevient l'ennemi héréditaire : la réputation détestable du Buhonero au siècle d'or, le traumatisme provoqué par l'installation des bourbons sur le trône espagnol, et surtout les invasions napoléoniennes complètent l'argumentaire brandi contre la France. Omniprésente, tour à tour mythifiée et démythifiée, celle-ci est définie par les espagnols comme l'antithèse de leur propre pays. Cet antagonisme, aggravé par des statuts profondément inégalitaires au plan international, suscite ce qui est perçu en Espagne comme des attitudes nationales collectives, le complexe de supériorité au nord des Pyrénées, et d'infériorité au sud, ainsi que de pesantes manifestations des chauvinismes respectifs. L'admission de l’Espagne dans la CEE induit une ouverture à la fois plus large et plus variée sur l'extérieur, améliorant ainsi la position diplomatique du pays. Elle met fin, du même coup, à un face-à-face aussi ancien qu'inconfortable avec le voisin gabacho. Une meilleure écoute de la part des autorités françaises, participant enfin à la lutte contre l'ETA contribue au même titre à dédramatiser la relation bilatéraleAfter the death of Franco, Spain’s transition to a modern democracy curiously coincides with a marked increase in anti-French feeling inside Spain. This hostility is based on a long historical tradition and an age-old conflictual past, even if there has also been a long standing pro-French feeling in the country. New causes for dispute - Spain’s application to join the EEC, ETA terrorism, incidents at sea or even in sport - have brought this traditional antagonism into the present and the French neighbor has once again assumed the role of hereditary enemy. The reputation of the much hated buhonero of the golden age, the trauma caused by the accession of the bourbons to the Spanish throne, and above all the Napoleonic invasions, contribute then to the accusations brandished against France. Alternatively mythicized and demythicized, France is felt by the Spanish to be the omnipresent antithesis of their own country. This antagonism, which has been exacerbated by a profoundly unequal status at the international level, has given rise to what the Spanish feel to be collective national attitudes - superiority complex north of the Pyrenees and inferiority in the south - as well as examples of particularly unsubtle jingoism on both sides of the border. Spain's entry into the EEC has led to wider and more varied contacts with the outside world, and has thus improved its diplomatic status. At the same time, it has also brought an end to this long standing and uncomfortable confrontation with its gabacho neighbor. Better understanding by the French authorities, who have finally agreed to participate in the struggle against eta, has also helped to put bilateral relations on a more even keel
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Berenstein, Natalia B. "La dependencia del otro : Profundizando sobre la dinámica feminista/machista dentro de Amor, curiosidad, prozac y dudas, de Lucia Etxebarria." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Spanska, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-36134.
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Este trabajo se encarga de analizar Amor, curiosidad, prozac y dudas de LucíaEtxebarria, observando de cerca a sus personajes femeninos principales, y cómoestas mujeres luchan contra el sistema machista preestablecido. Por otro lado,profundizando en los hechos e historias de cada una de las protagonistas, esteensayo intenta verificar, utilizando la teoría del otro de Simone De Beauvoir comomarco teórico, si las mujeres de Etxebarria contribuyen de alguna manera aalimentar y perpetuar el sistema jerárquico que sufren y critican agudamentedurante la novela, demostrando así una dependencia hacia esta estructura.This work focuses on analyzing Amor, curiosidad, prozac y dudas by LucíaEtxebarria, looking closely into its women and how they struggle against thechauvinist system. On the other hand, observing the events and stories of each ofthe main characters, this work attempts to verify, using Simone De Beauvoir'stheory of the other as a theoretical frame, if Etxebarria’s women contribute insome way to feed and perpetuate the hierarchical system that they suffer andcriticize acutely during the novel, thus demonstrating a dependence on thisstructure.
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Pinto, Mauricio Rodrigues. "Pelo direito de torcer: das torcidas gays aos movimentos de torcedores contrários ao machismo e à homofobia no futebol." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-12032018-205408/.
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Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)
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Barmen, Viggo. "Does Refugee Migration Make Right-wing Populists More Popular? Evidence from a Swedish Refugee Dispersal Program." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388529.
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Explaining the rising support for right-wing populist parties in Europe during the last decade is an issue that interests both economists, sociologists and political scientists. A number of theories suggest that the rising inflow of migrants to Europe has had an important causal effect on right-wing populist support. However, as migration patterns generally are not exogenous to right-wing populist support, it is difficult to interpret the estimates of a correlation study causally. In this paper, I exploit a Swedish refugee dispersal program as a natural experiment to estimate the effect of refugee inflow on the support for the right-wing populist party the Sweden Democrats using an instrumental variable strategy. Despite detailed institutional knowledge, I am not able to find support for any short-term effects of refugee inflow on the self-reported preferences for the Sweden Democrats. This goes against the findings of most previous studies. However, the multicollinearity of some of my covariates are high. In addition, as the program was introduced in 2016, there are few years available for identification. Thus, the precision of the estimates is relatively low and the study would benefit from adding more years to the panel data set.
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Aggeborn, Linuz. "Essays on Politics and Health Economics." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296301.
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Essay I (with Mattias Öhman): Fluoridation of the drinking water is a public policy whose aim is to improve dental health. Although the evidence is clear that fluoride is good for dental health, concerns have been raised regarding potential negative effects on cognitive development. We study the effects of fluoride exposure through the drinking water in early life on cognitive and non-cognitive ability, education and labor market outcomes in a large-scale setting. We use a rich Swedish register dataset for the cohorts born 1985-1992, together with drinking water fluoride data. To estimate the effect we exploit intra-municipality variation of fluoride, stemming from an exogenous variation in the bedrock. First, we investigate and confirm the long-established positive relationship between fluoride and dental health. Second, we find precisely estimated zero effects on cognitive ability, non-cognitive ability and education. We do not find any evidence that fluoride levels below 1.5 mg/l have negative effects. Third, we find evidence that fluoride improves labor market outcome later in life, which indicates that good dental health is a positive factor on the labor market.Essay II: Motivated by the intense public debate in the United States regarding politicians’ backgrounds, I investigate the effects of electing a candidate with earlier experience from elective office to the House of Representatives. The U.S. two-party-system with single-member election districts enables me to estimate the causal effect in a RD design where the outcomes are measured at the election district level. I find some indications that candidates with earlier elective experience are more likely to be members of important congressional committees. I also find some indications that directed federal spending (pork barrel spending) is higher in those districts were the elected representative had earlier elective experience prior of being elected to the House, but the effect manifests itself some years after the election. In contrast, I find no robust or statistically significant effects for personal income per capita or unemployment rate in the home district.
Essay III: This paper uses Swedish and Finnish municipal data to investigate the effect of changes in voter turnout on the tax rate, public spending and vote-shares. A reform in Sweden in 1970, which overall lowered the cost of voting, is applied as an instrument for voter turnout in local elections. The reform increased voter turnout in Sweden. The higher voter turnout resulted in higher municipal taxes and greater per capita local public spending. There are also indications that higher turnout decreased the vote share for right-wing parties. I use an individual survey data set to conclude that it was in particular low income earners that began to vote to a greater extent after the reform.
Essay IV (with Lovisa Persson): In a theoretical model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra reception services for asylum seekers, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on asylum seekers if the cost is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of reception of asylum seekers, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.
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Persson, Lovisa. "Essays on Politics, Fiscal Institutions, and Public Finance." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-264462.
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Essay 1 (with Mikael Elinder): We show that house prices in general did not respond to a large cut in the property tax in Sweden. Our estimates are based on rich register data covering more than 100,000 sales over a time period of two and a half years. Because the Swedish property tax is national and thus unrelated to local public goods, our setting is ideal for causal identification of the property tax on house prices. Our result that house prices did not respond to the tax cut at the time of implementation cannot be explained by early capitalization at the time of announcement. Two other stories appear to explain our results. First, it is possible that house buyers expect an offsetting increase in the supply of housing. Second, house buyers might simply not understand how the tax cut affects total future costs of owning a house. Unfortunately, it has proven difficult to disentangle the two mechanisms, and we must therefore conclude that both may be relevant. Essay 2: I investigate government consumption smoothing (sensitivity) under a balanced budget rule in Swedish municipalities. In general, I find Swedish municipalities to be highly consumption sensitive. Municipalities consume 87.6% out of predicted current revenues in the time period leading up to the implementation of the balanced budget rule, and they consume 76.3% out of predicted current revenue in thetime period following the implementation. Fiscally weak municipalities are found to be more consumption sensitive than fiscally strong municipalities. Very weak municipalities have become more consumption sensitive compared with very strong municipalities since the implementation of the balanced budget rule. Thus, I find indicative evidence that both credit market constraints and formal budget rules such as balanced budget rules increase municipal consumption sensitivity Essay 3: Using the Swedish municipal sector as my political laboratory, I study the effect of a coalition partner on policy outcomes. I use a version of Regression-Discontinuity Design (RDD) specifically suited to proportional systems to define close elections, which can be used for identifying the effect of the Left Party as coalition partner to the Social Democrats. The Left Party is found to have a positive and medium sized effect on the municipal income tax rate. The positive effect is in line with what we expect given the policy preferences of Left Party representatives, but also given the predictions from political fragmentation theory. I find no effects on expenditures or debt, and the negative result for investments is not robust. Essay 4 (with Linuz Aggeborn): In a model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra immigration, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on immigration if the cost of immigration is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of immigration, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue.Felaktigt isbn: 978-91-85519-61-3
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Gunnarsson, Sofia, and Angela Ottosson. ""Det upplevda hotet mot nationen" : - En kvalitativ studie av radikal högerpopulism bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-23084.
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Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna.The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.
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Olofsson, Johan. "The Welfare State and Attitudes to Free Movement : How does the design of the social insurance system associate with public attitudes towards free movement in receiving EU countries?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403455.
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The EU is faced with problems related to the unrestricted access to national welfare states of mobile EU workers. These problems are mainly framed by the growing opposition to the free movement of workers. The strongest contributing factor to these negative attitudes has commonly said to be actor-based, i.e. the media or political elites. However, more recent research has been shifting the focus to institutions as explanatory factor. I raise the question of to what extent individuals’ attitudes towards the free movement of workers are associated with their exposure to different welfare state institutional contexts. More specifically I explore the role of “earnings-relatedness” in specific social insurances for the attitudes of potential benefit claimants. Analyzing 12 EU/EFTA countries who are net receivers of mobile EU workers I find that in welfare state contexts with a high degree of earnings-relatedness the opposition to free movement is significantly lower than otherwise among the unemployed. Furthermore, I discover that these observations seem to vary depending on what part of the social insurance system one is analyzing.
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Uro, Yves. "Les actrices de Sacha Guitry." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030152.
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Sacha Guitry fit de sa vie le sujet principal de son œuvre brillante mais assez élégiaque et relativement mélancolique où les personnages suicidaires joués par lui sont assez fréquents. Dans son œuvre, l’osmose est quasiment complète entre le théâtre et la vie. Ses épouses actrices furent les premières à souffrir de cette osmose et de cette instrumentalisation de leur personne et elles se lassèrent presque toutes (sauf Marconi) d’être éternellement considérées comme des êtres élégants mais souvent muets, en dépit du train de vie brillant qu’il leur offrit. Il perdit ainsi périodiquement des partenaires de qualité (il ne remplacera jamais la très brillante Yvonne Printemps) car, l’une après l’autre, elles refusèrent de sacrifier leur vie personnelle au profit du programme théâtral et cinématographique d’un seul homme. Nous tenterons de voir pourquoi Guitry eut avec les acteurs-hommes de meilleures relations qu’avec les femmes érotisées comme ses cinq épouses. C’est pourquoi nous analyserons les rapports idylliques qu’il eut avec trois autres actrices (Carton, Pierry et Fusier–Gir) que le temps avait déjà marquées physiquement. Nous tenterons surtout de redonner vie à ses cinq actrices-épouses en tenant compte des études récentes relatives au "gender" au cinéma ainsi que des star-studies, même si aucune d’entre elles n’est vraiment une star. Nous nous efforcerons d’analyser les conséquences de son comportement souvent machiste et narcissique sur la vie et la carrière de ces femmes pendant 50 ans. Nous analyserons enfin ce qu’il leur apporta et ce qu’elles offrirent à son brillant cinéma par leur présenceSacha Guitry made his own life the main topic of his apparently cheerful and brilliant plays and films which are often also sometimes elegiac and melancholy. Surprisingly in his works, quite a few characters played by him seem to be fascinated by suicide. There is no real boundary in his works between life and theatre and the actresses who were also his wives suffered from this absence of a frontier-line between those two worlds. They also disliked the way he took unfair advantage of their personality in his plays and almost all of them (except Marconi) eventually got tired of being considered as very smart but speechless creatures, although he offered them a very luxurious way of life. He thus lost quite a number of excellent partners (actually he could never really replace Yvonne Printemps, the exceptional player and singer) because, one after the other, they refused to sacrifice their personal life for the benefit of someone with exacting prospects concerning the theatre and the cinema. We shall therefore try to understand why Guitry usually kept up a better relationship with men-actors than with actresses with obvious sex appeal, like his five wives. We shall then examine the perfect friendship he formed with three elderly actresses whose growing age was becoming quite noticeable. We shall try to "bring back to life" the real personalities of the five actresses who also became his wives by resorting to the recent discoveries about "gender" and star-studies. We shall also try to analyze the influence of his narcissistic and chauvinistic attitude upon the lives and careers of these actresses. We shall eventually try to find out what he brought them by his presence and what they added by theirs to his brilliant cinema
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Gregory, Julie Caroline. "Worshipping with the wealth creationists : co-constructing meaning and purpose through entrepreneurship education." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/17210.
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A dynamic movement known as wealth creation education attracts many thousands of people seeking education for the vocation of an entrepreneur in the UK. Entrepreneurship education in these collectives includes venturing know-how but also co-constructs existential meaning and purpose for adherents, a role traditionally fulfilled by religion. This emergent sectarian movement is identified as wealth creationism. Led by charismatic entrepreneurs this newly identified research domain represents rich opportunities to study entrepreneurs in naturally arising settings, but has been neglected and understudied. While publicly subsidised educational support for small-business owners has suffered from low uptake, this study provides new knowledge about the kind of education that is engaged with in large numbers, despite being more expensive. This inquiry critically examines the attraction of these educational collectives and evaluates the social processes of eight wealth creation education providers in England. Teaching content and methods were also investigated. This qualitative study takes an interpreted approach through a social constructionism perspective. Using grounded theory methodology the providers were initially researched through participative observation in the educational settings followed by theoretically sampling data with various collection methods. Interdisciplinary theories, including the sociology of religion, accounted for findings, which were analysed at the meso-group level. The movement teaches entrepreneurship know-how and 'mindset' - ways of thinking and being. Insulating directives of behaviour and the construction of stigmatised out-groups maintain social boundaries. Employing similar narrative features and resources as religious sects, the socially constructed co-extensive nomos and cosmos privileges esoteric knowledge and is closely identified with modern Gnosticism. Participants do not acknowledge religious interpretations of their activities, yet three North American authors provide plausible canonical works that legitimise the movement. Wealth Creationists display entrepreneurial chauvinism, which equates employment with bondage, viewing the employed as slaves. Adherents choose educators with perceived entrepreneurial credibility to lead them on a purposeful mission for the type of knowledge that promises emancipation. This study is significant for both researchers of entrepreneurs and the sociology of religion. It offers participating entrepreneurs critical insights into the charismatic settings, which can be both enabling and disabling for venturing. This study has implications for academics engaged in outreach to small-business owners who may learn from the marketing tactics of these groups, although academics may still lack perceived credibility. Insights into business group formation will be of interest to business group researchers. A map of educational provision may interest researchers and educators of small and microbusiness owners, and those from the fields of entrepreneurial learning.
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Stovel, Laura. "Confronting Ethnic Chauvinism in a Post-War Environment: NGOs and Peace Education in Bosnia." 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/941.
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Ondrášek, Jakub. "Mužská identita postav raných románů Chucka Palahniuka." Master's thesis, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-296195.
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This MA thesis deals with the masculine identity of the three main male characters of Chuck Palahniuk's early novels Fight Club, Survivor and Choke. It consists of two parts. The first theoretical part briefly explores anthropological and sociological notions of masculinity, with the focus on the manhood in the contemporary USA. As such it serves as the theoretical basis for the second part of literary interpretation. There the masculine identity of the three main characters is discussed. As all the three characters experience the same development of masculine identity, the interpretation advances along this progress. Its stages are identity crisis, turning to the traditional male strategies, rejecting those strategies and searching the basis of one's identity in a personal relationship.
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Moutien, Caitan Shirley. "Tradition et modernitė dans C'est le soleil qui m'a brûlee (1987), Assèze, l'Africaine (1994) et Femme nue, femme noire (2003) de Calixthe Beyala." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22070.
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Text in French; abstract in French and EnglishObservatrice des réalités quotidiennes camerounaises, Calixthe Beyala a publié, en 1987, un roman intitulé C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée. Dans ce roman, elle montre au lecteur comment la femme, victime de la tradition, utilise, avec l’apport de la modernité, son corps comme moyen pour reconquérir son moi profond, et retrouver sa liberté. En 1994, elle a écrit et publié Assѐze, l’Africaine. Et en 2003, elle a publié Femme nue, femme noire. Après une lecture minutieuse de ces trois livres, le lecteur peut facilement découvrir que Calixthe Beyala place la femme au centre de sa préoccupation littéraire. Et elle examine, dans sa fiction, deux thѐmes: la tradition et la modernité. Qu’entend-elle par tradition et modernité? Comment examine-t-elle ces deux thѐmes dans les ouvrages de notre corpus? Quelles solutions propose-t-elle à la femme, d’une part, pour se libérer du joug de la tradition et de la domination masculine, et d’autre part, pour (re)conquérir son corps, son moi profond et pour son émancipation?
Observer of the daily Cameroonian realities, Calixthe Beyala published, in 1987, a novel entitled C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée. In this novel, she shows the reader how a woman, victim of tradition, uses her body as means to reconquer herself and to find her freedom. In 1994, she wrote and published Assèze, l’Africane. And in 2003, she published Femme nue, femme noire. After a careful reading of the three novels, the reader can easily discover that Calixthe Beyala places woman in the center of her literary preoccupation. And she examines, in her fiction, two themes, tradition and modernity. What does she mean by tradition and modernity? How does she examine these two themes in the novels of our study? What solutions does she propose to the woman, firstly, to liberate herself from the yoke of tradition and male’s domination, and secondly, to reconquer her body, herself and her emancipation?
Classics and World Languages
M.A. (French)
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Couvrette, Katrine. "Le graffiti à Montréal : pratique machiste et stratégies féminines." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8982.
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Le graffiti est depuis longtemps associé au vandalisme dans les métropoles où il prolifère. Il s’intègre au paysage urbain à un point tel que, même s’il procède d’une logique de visibilité et de promotion, nous parvenons à ne plus le remarquer. Pourtant, sa présence suscite toujours la colère des citoyens propriétaires de murs vandalisés et des autorités municipales qui, chaque année, dépensent de grosses sommes d’argent pour l’effacer. Malgré les restrictions et les amendes, le graffiti est néanmoins devenu un véritable phénomène d’art urbain : des artistes graffiteurs ont atteint la notoriété en dehors de leur sous-culture et ont pu exposer légalement leur travail, du fait d’un intérêt croissant du milieu officiel de l’art. Celui-ci contribue à faire grandir l’engouement et l’enthousiasme pour une pratique d’art urbaine.
Le graffiti illustre l’expression d’une identité qui s’approprie et subvertit les surfaces urbaines de la ville, au moyen d’un nom propre fictif qui n’a aucune légitimation juridique et légale. De plus, l’application et la diffusion de la signature graffitique communiquent des valeurs qui guident et définissent toute la sous-culture du graffiti. Ces valeurs sont culturellement considérées comme masculines : le risque, le défi et la dissidence. La figure de l’artiste graffiteur apparaît ainsi comme une figure marginale et rebelle. Un tel portrait laisse alors entrevoir une culture fortement machiste, d’autant plus que les garçons qui exercent le graffiti sont beaucoup plus nombreux.
Or, si les femmes artistes de la communauté graffitique représentent une minorité, c’est notamment parce que leur attrait pour une pratique illicite, nocturne et dangereuse est moindre. À partir d’une approche qui touche aux gender studies et à certains concepts traditionnels de l’histoire de l’art, nous cherchons à expliquer l’intérêt généralement plus faible des femmes pour le graffiti. Nous désirons également démontrer comment l’exercice des artistes féminines du graffiti se distingue de celui de leurs homologues masculins. De quelle manière se détermine leur expérience? Leur iconographie sert-elle à les définir? Quelles sont leurs opinions et leurs perceptions sur leur propre culture? Finalement, comment caractérisent-elles leur statut de femme artiste au sein d’une communauté "machiste"?Graffiti has long been associated with vandalism in the city where it has proliferated. In the same logic of visibility and promotion found in all cities, it has become so integrated into the urban environment that we do not even notice it. Nevertheless, its presence constantly arouses the anger of property owners, citizens, and the municipal authorities who spend large sums of money every year in removal costs. In spite of this, graffiti has become an urban art phenomenon. Graffiti artists have attained fame outside of the subculture and are able to exhibit their work legally, in part, because of an increased interest from the art world. Art institutions and the art market have contributed to the increased craze and enthusiasm for this urban art practice. Graffiti is the expression of an illegitimate identity that appropriates urban surfaces in the city using a fictitious name. Writing and spreading that name as much as possible are core values in the graffiti subculture. Risk taking, challenging authority, and dissidence are values generally understood as being masculine. As well, the archetypal graffiti artist is marginal and rebellious. Understood in this manner, it can be seen that this highly populated subculture is powerfully chauvinistic. Female artists in the graffiti community are a minority, in particular because the appeal for an illicit, dangerous, night time practice is less popular. Using an approach grounded in art history and gender studies, this paper will explore why there is a generally low level of interest for women to practice graffiti. It will also be demonstrated that in practice female graffiti artists distinguish themselves from their male counterparts. How do they qualify their experiences? What kind of iconography do they choose to define themselves? What are their opinions of, and how do they perceive, their own subculture? Finally, how they do characterize their artistic feminine status within a male chauvinist community?