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1

Sorokin, Andrii, and Vasyl Strilets. "Establishing twinning relations of Kyiv with Chicago and Toronto." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (2022): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210426.

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The aim of the article is to study prerequisites and formalization process of inter-municipal cooperation of Kyiv with Chicago and Toronto held in July 1991. Methods of research: historical-genetic, comparative historical analysis, historical-biographical, structural-functional. Main results. The Kyiv City Council and its executive committee senior officials regarded the establishment of twinning relations of Kyiv with two North American cities mentioned above as an important component of enhanced cooperation between the Kyiv City Council and the Ukrainian western diaspora. Contacts of Kyiv au
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Moore, Gwen, and Stephanie Mack. "From Vietnam to Iraq: American Elites' Views on the Use of Military Force." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187450.

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AbstractIn this paper we present trends in US elites' opinions on the use of military force abroad in the period from the end of US military involvement in Vietnam in 1975 to 2004 during the 'war on terror.' With data from quadrennial surveys of US elites' foreign policy attitudes sponsored by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations since 1975, we ask whether elites have become more militaristic or whether such views have been a long term characteristic of US elites. We find support for the view of United States leaders as prone to the use of military might, even without the support of allies
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3

CUMINGS, BRUCE. "Still the American Century." Review of International Studies 25, no. 5 (1999): 271–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599002715.

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At the inception of the twenty-first century—not to mention the next millennium—books on ‘the American Century’ proliferate monthly, if not daily. We now have The American Century Dictionary, The American Century Thesaurus, and even The American Century Cookbook; perhaps the American Century baseball cap or cologne is not far behind. With one or two exceptions, the authors celebrate the unipolar pre-eminence and comprehensive economic advantage that the United States now enjoys. Surveys of public opinion show that most people agree: the American wave appears to be surging just as the year 2000
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4

Srour, Soha. "The Israeli Lobby and the U.S. Response to the War in Lebanon." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 1 (2007): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i1.1582.

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On 28 August 2006, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)sponsored a panel discussion on “The Israeli Lobby and the U.S. Responseto the War in Lebanon” at the National Press Club, Washington, DC. StephenWalt (Kennedy School of Government, Harvard) and John Mearsheimer(University of Chicago), authors of the controversial article “The IsraeliLobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,” were featured.The panel began with opening remarks by Corey Saylor (governmentaffairs director, CAIR) and Nihad Awad (executive director, CAIR). Awaddiscussed the war in Lebanon and the situation in Gaza, described I
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5

Gottlieb, Gidon. "Council on Foreign Relations." Foreign Policy Bulletin 4, no. 4-5 (1994): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600007176.

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6

Steppler, Ulrich. "German Air Travel Tax (ATT): No Lessons Learned from the Dutch Ticket Tax." Air and Space Law 36, Issue 1 (2011): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2011006.

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On 26 November 2010, Germany’s Federal Council consented to the Parliament’s plans to introduce an Air Travel Tax (Luftverkehrsteuer/LuftVSt – ATT) by way of the new Air Travel Tax Act – (Luftverkehrsteuergesetz/LuftVStG – ATTA). The new law entered into force beginning of this year – on 01 January 2011. Regardless of the new ATT only taking effect as of this year, flights booked on or after 01 September 2010 departing on or after 01 January 2011 were already subject to the new tax, provided the tangible flight actually starts from a domestic German airport. Therefore, ATT is only payable once
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7

Herbst, Jeffrey. "New Publications From the Council on Foreign Relations." Foreign Policy Bulletin 3, no. 4-5 (1993): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1052703600004652.

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8

Abu-Rabi‘, Ibrahim M. "The Middle East Studies Association of North America." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 1 (1991): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i1.2658.

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The twenty-fourth annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Associationof North America (MESA) was held between November 10-13, 1990 in SanAntonio, Texas. Hosted by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies of theUniversity of Texas at Austin and supported by different academicorganizations, MESA featued a number of distinguished speakers, internationaland domestic, who spoke on a wide variety of topics.One topic was the Gulf crisis and the AmWIsraeli conflict. The plenarysession of MESA , entitled "The Current Crisis in the Gulf: Thoughts andReflections," featured three main speakers: Richard Mur
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9

Smith, Neil, and Isaiah Bowman. "Bowman's New World and the Council on Foreign Relations." Geographical Review 76, no. 4 (1986): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/214916.

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10

Parmar, Inderjeet. "Resurgent Academic Interest in the Council on Foreign Relations." Politics 21, no. 1 (2001): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00132.

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This article is based around a review of five books on the Council on Foreign Relations, an elite American foreign affairs think-tank, written during the 1990s. It aims to consider some of the reasons for this upsurge in academic interest in the CFR, the character of the books themselves, and how they approach and analyse the organisation. In so doing, the article takes a critical stance to the literature and suggests what a more adequate theoretical approach to the CFR might look like.
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11

McMahon, Robert J., and Robert D. Schulzinger. "A Question of Influence: The Council on Foreign Relations and American Foreign Policy." Reviews in American History 13, no. 3 (1985): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702104.

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12

Haass, Richard N., Irina A. Faskianos, and Dan Caldwell. "The Academic Outreach Program of the Council on Foreign Relations." PS: Political Science & Politics 40, no. 04 (2007): 801–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096507071260.

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13

Hendrickson, David C., and Peter Grose. "Inquiring Minds: The Story of the Council on Foreign Relations." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 1 (1997): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047918.

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14

Adams, D. K. "The Council on Foreign Relations and American foreign policy in the early Cold War." International Affairs 71, no. 3 (1995): 627–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624894.

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15

Ions, Edmund. "The wise men of foreign affairs: the history of the Council on Foreign Relations." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618672.

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16

Rystad, Goran, and Michael Wala. "Winning the Peace: American Foreign Policy and the Council on Foreign Relations, 1945-1950." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (1995): 1814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081830.

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17

Jonas, Manfred, and Robert D. Schulzinger. "The Wise Men of Foreign Affairs: The History of the Council on Foreign Relations." American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (1985): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1861143.

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18

Sultanova, Nigar Tahir qizi. "Year 2019 and international agenda of the European Council." Международное право и международные организации / International Law and International Organizations, no. 1 (January 2020): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0633.2020.1.32299.

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The European Council represents the supreme level of political cooperation between the EU member-states. Diverse questions pertaining to international politics are discusses on the various levels: summits (in 2019 EU – League of Arab States summit, EU –China summit, EU – Ukraine summit in Kyiv, EU – Canada summit in Montreal, G7 summit); conferences and informal meetings; council boards on foreign affairs; joint conferences; association councils, etc. A new strategic agenda 2019-2024 adopted by the European Council determines he priority areas that guide
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19

Saddoon N. Al-Majali. "JORDANIAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL (1999-2019)." International Journal of Innovative Technologies in Social Science, no. 9(21) (December 30, 2019): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ijitss/30122019/6860.

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 The study aimed to research the Jordanian foreign policy towards the Gulf Cooperation Council states during the period 1999-2019, as this period is an extension of the previous stages, as during which Jordanian relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council were affected as a result of the second Gulf crisis 1990, and the events of September 2001, and what followed in light of the war on Iraq and its occupation by the United States of America, where the United States emerged as a unipolar force that dominates the world.The study showed that Jordanian f
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20

Fahey, Elaine. "EU Foreign Relations Law: Litigating to Incite Openness in EU Negotiations." European Journal of Risk Regulation 5, no. 4 (2014): 553–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00004165.

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21

Folbre, Nancy. "Debating Business: Women and Liberalization at the Council on Foreign Relations." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 26, no. 4 (2001): 1259–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/495657.

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22

Dijkstra, Hylke. "Commission Versus Council Secretariat: An Analysis of Bureaucratic Rivalry in European Foreign Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 3 (2009): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009030.

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Abstract. The European Commission and the EU Council Secretariat support the Member States in the conduct of European foreign policy, yet they have not always been able to get along. This article gives an overview of their inter-institutional relations across history, foreign policy instruments (declarations, crisis management joint actions and representation) and regions. The main argument is that the relationship between both institutions is generally cooperative, but that tensions do arise in a limited number of cases where the roles of the Commission and the Council Secretariat are unclear
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23

Ivanov, D. V., and V. G. Donakanian. "The ICAO Council as a Dispute Settlement Body: Theoretical and Practical Issues." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 3 (October 5, 2022): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2022-3-33-48.

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INTRODUCTION. Achieving the goals of international legal regulation of a particular area of inter-State relations depends mainly on the existence of an effective dispute settlement mechanism. In the field of international air law, such powers are attributed to the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter - ICAO), established under the Convention on International Civil Aviation of 1944 (hereinafter – the Chicago Convention). The Council's activities in this area cannot be called fruitful. Since the establishment of ICAO in 1947, the Council has not issued a single d
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24

Shkvarya, L. "Russia's Foreign Trade with Persian Gulf Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-77-83.

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The Russian Federation is ever more actively joining world economy processes, and it is important for it to diversify foreign trade relations. In this respect, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG) countries appears to be a quite real alternative to industrially developed countries. In the article, stages and the contemporary state of economic relations between Russia and CCASG are analyzed, key ongoing problems are specified.
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25

Nicholson, Michael. "The Edwards' Report and the International Relations profession." Review of International Studies 14, no. 2 (1988): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113361.

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The Economic and Social Research Council recently published a Report commissioned from a committee chaired by Professor Edwards, a psychiatrist, so that the Council, and the social science community in general, might know what was good and bad in British social sciences, and where the promising future research opportunities lie over the next decade. Boldly called ‘Horizons and Opportunities in the Social Sciences’, the Report condensed the wisdom of social scientists, both British and foreign, and concludes with a broadly but not uncritically favourable picture of the British scene.
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26

Denning, Brannon P., and Jack H. McCall. "Crosby v. National Foreign Trade Council. 120 S.Ct. 2288." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 4 (2000): 750–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2589803.

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27

Trofymenko, Mykola. "British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.

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Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The Br
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28

Crowe, Brian. "Towards a European Foreign Policy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 1 (2006): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x101843.

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AbstractThe Balkans have been the crucible of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In the 1990s the appointment of David (Lord) Owen as a strong representative to manage the EU's Bosnian policy, the sidelining of the EU itself by the Contact Group, and American dominance at Dayton (what price 'this is the hour of Europe'?) and over Kosovo were important precursors to the important European Council decisions in June 1999 to appoint a high-profile international statesman as High Representative for the CFSP and to create the EU's own military capability in European Security and Def
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29

Brighi, Elisabetta. "American Power and International Theory at the Council on Foreign Relations, 1953–1954." Diplomacy & Statecraft 32, no. 4 (2021): 850–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2021.1996712.

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30

Ambrosius, LLoyd E., and Michael Wala. "Winning the Peace: Amerikanische Aussenpolitik und der Council on Foreign Relations, 1945-1950." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (1991): 995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162669.

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31

Diebold, William, and Michael Wala. "Winning the Peace: Amerikanische aussenpolitik und der Council on Foreign Relations, 1945-1950." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 3 (1990): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044433.

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32

McCourt, David M. "American Hegemony and International Theory at the Council on Foreign Relations, 1953–1954." International History Review 42, no. 3 (2019): 565–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2019.1608283.

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33

SAHEL, Dr Malika. "Cultural Relations and Political Considerations: The British Council in Eastern Europe during the 1980s." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 10, no. 1 (2017): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v10i1.p143-150.

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Established between the Two World Wars in 1934, the British Council was charged to undertake Britain’s cultural relations with other countries. However, its direct involvement and adjustment to Britain’s sudden political decisions, on the international scene, is an indication on the inter-relationship between the British cultural section and the other sections of British foreign policy despite the structural separation of the British Council from British Embassies abroad and the autonomous status this cultural agency was believed to enjoy.
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34

Crabb, Cecil V., and Kevin V. Mulcahy. "The national security council and the shaping of U.S. foreign policy." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 3, no. 2 (1989): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850608908435098.

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35

Chapnick, Adam. "UN security council reform and Canadian foreign policy: Then and now." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 13, no. 1 (2006): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2006.9673420.

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36

Tolksdorf, Dominik. "EU Special Representatives: An Intergovernmental Tool in the Post-Lisbon Foreign Policy System?" European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 4 (2013): 471–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013036.

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Following the Lisbon Treaty, various departments of the European Commission and the Council Secretariat merged into what became the European External Action Service (EEAS). In contrast, EU Special Representatives (EUSRs), that are appointed by the Foreign Affairs Council and engage in conflict resolution on behalf of the EU, have remained an 'intergovernmental' instrument. Although they act under the authority of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs, they are not funded from the EEAS' budget and not part of the formal hierarchy of the new service. Catherine Ashton's proposa
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37

Mramornov, A. I. "Issues of International and Interchurch Relations in the Work of Holy Council 1917–1918 of the Orthodox Russian Church." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(66) (July 28, 2019): 176–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-3-66-176-201.

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The convocation of the Local Council in 1917, the first Council in over two centuries, had a great significance for the internal life of the Orthodox Church of Russia. But in a period when the World War was still ongoing and there were pressing issues to resolve in the sphere of cooperation of Russian Orthodoxy with other orthodox and non-orthodox churches, the Local Council could not but touch upon the international and inter-church issues. For the first time in the history of Russian Church the official ecclesiastical forum was attended by official elected delegates who served abroad and who
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38

Dyomina, Yana. "DPRK’s Foreign Trade: The Impact of Sanctions." Regionalistica 8, no. 1 (2021): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14530/reg.2021.1.5.

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The author analyzes the dynamics and structure of DPRK’s foreign trade, as well as the impact of international sanctions. Currently, in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions, sanctions include a complete ban on the country’s main export goods, restrictions on the import of petroleum products and the use of North Korean labor abroad. International sanctions and the aggravation of the North and South relations had a significant negative effect on the DPRK’s foreign trade. Until 2013, there was a positive trend, but the tightening of sanctions and nullification of trade with the Republi
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39

Parmar, Inderjeet. "The Issue of State Power: The Council on Foreign Relations as a Case Study." Journal of American Studies 29, no. 1 (1995): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800026177.

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The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has long been recognised as one of the most influential of modern American institutions. Indeed, for some scholars at least, the relationship between the Council and the federal government has been a troubling one. A private group that is exclusive and unrepresentative in membership, funded by large corporations and foundations, highly secretive about its operations, and ensconced in the centres of state power, raises serious issues of principle for a democracy. At its crudest, the question is who “controls” whom, the state or the unofficial group? Allowi
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40

Tuominen, Hanna. "Finland’s Status-updating through the UN Human Rights Council Campaign." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 17, no. 2 (2022): 306–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10103.

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Summary The Finnish Government practises a human rights-based foreign policy, and norm advocacy within international organisations is an integral part of this ambition. One priority was to apply for UN Human Rights Council (HRC) membership for the 2022-2024 term. This article studies the Finnish campaign from the theoretical perspective of a small state seeking to update its status through norm advocacy and UN campaigning. It claims that the HRC campaign is an important means of updating Finland’s status within its ambitious Nordic peer group. Updating a country’s status can be achieved by sho
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41

Shved, V. O. "The Islamic world in the foreign policy of the European Union in modern conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1703.

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A characteristic feature of the EU's current foreign policy course is its stepping up its policy towards relations with Islamic countries, especially the Middle East and Middle East, and enhancing its role in addressing key issues in the region. To date, the region has been identified in the Council of Europe and European Commission documents as a "key foreign policy priority"
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42

Gordon, David F. "Congress and the Future of U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502108.

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(The text of an address given at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, Orlando, November 5, 1995. At the time of the ASA Conference, David Gordon was the senior Africa specialist on the Democratic staff of the House International Relations Committee. He is currently Director of U.S. Policy Programs at the Overseas Development Council, a nongovernmental research institute in Washington.)
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Gordon, David F. "Congress and the Future of U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 1 (1996): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500004881.

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(The text of an address given at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, Orlando, November 5, 1995. At the time of the ASA Conference, David Gordon was the senior Africa specialist on the Democratic staff of the House International Relations Committee. He is currently Director of U.S. Policy Programs at the Overseas Development Council, a nongovernmental research institute in Washington.)
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44

Boughton, John. "From Comintern to the Council on Foreign Relations: The Ideological Journey of Michael Ross." Labor History 48, no. 1 (2007): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236560601054140.

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Shoup, Laurence H. "'Dangerous Circumstances': The Council on Foreign Relations Proposes a New Grand Strategy Towards China." Monthly Review 67, no. 4 (2015): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-04-2015-08_2.

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The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is the think tank of monopoly-finance capital, Wall Street's think tank. It is also a membership organization: the ultimate networking, socializing, strategic-planning, and consensus-forming institution of the dominant sector of the U.S. capitalist class.… It is the world's most powerful private organization, the "high command" body of the U.S. plutocracy. The Council has an almost century-long history of forming study groups to plan the United States' overall "grand" strategic policies. It sets the agenda for debate, builds consensus among bot
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46

GULYOVATA, Liliya. "Structural Changes in Lviv University in the Context of Activizing its International Activities in the 1990s." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 22 (July 14, 2022): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2021.22.3706.

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In the article, based on official documents, first of all the decisions of the Academic Council meetings of Ivan Franko State University of Lviv, characterized the structural changes at University during the 1990s, which were closely related to its international activities. Emphasis was placed on such departments as the Department of International Relations, the Faculty of Preparation for Foreign Citizens, the Department of Applied Ukrainian Linguistics (intended to provide courses in “Ukrainian as a Foreign Language” and “Ukrainian for Foreign Citizens”) and the Department of Oriental Studies
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47

Ip, John. "RECONCEPTUALISING THE LEGAL RESPONSE TO FOREIGN FIGHTERS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2019): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000447.

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AbstractThe Syrian civil war has highlighted the phenomenon of foreign fighting, in which individuals leave their home State to join an armed conflict overseas. The predominant paradigm for regulating foreign fighting, centred on United Nations Security Council Resolution 2178, is based on counterterrorism, which in essence treats foreign fighting as a form of terrorism. This paradigm is largely reflective of the domestic legislation of the United Kingdom, United States, Canada and Australia. This article argues that this approach is problematic, and that an alternative paradigm based on the i
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48

MİKAYILOV, İlkin. "TÜRKİ YE’Nİ N YENİ BÖLGELERE YÖNELİ K “İ DDİ ALI” DIŞ POLİ Tİ KASI: HERKESİ N DOSTLARA İ HTİ YACI VAR." “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (April 30, 2021): 230–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.230.

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This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive
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49

Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.

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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of
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50

Gosselin, Guy. "Council on Foreign Relations. Blocking the Spread of Nuclear Weapons : American and European Perspectives. New York, Council on Foreign Relations, en coopération avec le Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), 1986, 164 p." Études internationales 18, no. 2 (1987): 488. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702204ar.

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