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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Chicago Federation of Labour'
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Strouthous, Andrew George. "A comparative study of independent working-class politics : the American Federation of Labour and third party movements in New York, Chicago and Seattle, 1918-1924." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361658.
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Martin, G. M. "The Bolivian Mineworkers Federation (FSTMB), 1952-1965: Labour, politics and economic development." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.484272.
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Pringle, Timothy Edward. "The All China Federation of Trade Unions : the challenge of labour unrest." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3187/.
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This thesis sets out to investigate the possibility that the All China Federation of Trade Unions is capable of reform in the face of the development of capitalist employment relations. The thesis is centred on the examination of hitherto under-researched areas of ACFTU activity by researching the motivations, conditions and actors involved in three local-level pilot projects: collective bargaining, a trade union rights centre and enterprise-level trade union elections. The fieldwork is contextualised by historical summaries of the development of China‟s industrial relations and Party and trade union responses to labour unrest in both the state and private sectors since the establishment of the People‟s Republic in 1949. The results of my research demonstrate that it is no longer appropriate to refer to the ACFTU as a monolithic organisation. Furthermore, my argument departs from mainstream views of the organisation by locating the impetus for trade union reform in the challenge of increasingly sophisticated labour militancy from below, rather than reacting to orders from above. I conclude that while the pilot projects studied each have their own merits and qualifications, taken as a whole they prove that the ACFTU is capable of gradual reform from below. In the light of the improved relations between the ACFTU and the International Trade Union Confederation, this thesis speaks to this fact and aims to contribute to future engagements by expanding the knowledge on which dialogue and trade union exchanges must be based if they are to have any chance of success.
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Clark, Andrew Robert. "Higher education reforms in the Russian federation : institutional and labour market responses." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/470.
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Bouev, Maxim Vyacheslavovich. "Essays on labour markets in Russia and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:33dbd198-1755-456d-80a6-31da1eade363.
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This thesis is concerned with various aspects of transitional labour reallocation either between different labour market states, or between less and more efficient enterprises, or between formal and informal sectors. The possibility of irregular employment opportunities receives special attention in this work. The substantive material is arranged in three independent essays. The first, empirical study portrays the most important trends in labour reallocation in Russia, and presents analyses of two types. First, transition probabilities are studied, and some determinants of worker flows are identified using a multinomial logit modelling. Second, a survival analysis of the non-employed is conducted to reveal possible causes of growing stagnancy of unemployment and inactivity. The findings are contrasted with the stylised theory of labour reallocation in transition (Aghion and Blanchard, 1994). The directions in which theoretical modifications should be attempted in future research are suggested. The second and the third essays draw upon some of these suggestions and are aimed at making a contribution on the theoretical front. The second essay puts forward a development of the seminal model of transition from planned to market economy by Aghion and Blanchard (1994). We introduce an informal sector to show that its presence can generate the dynamics qualitatively different from the types considered in the previous literature on the topic. It is argued that convergence to qualitatively different steady states can help explain varying transitional experiences of East European countries and the former Soviet Union republics. Attention is drawn to policy implications of the model, in particular to the creation of conditions favourable for the development of the new private sector as opposed to informal private initiative. Finally, the third essay takes the issue of coexistence of formal and informal sectors in transition further to see if such duality is possible in the long run, and to discuss the role of the government in creating preconditions for it. The study draws on the standard framework of Pissarides (2000) of search in the labour market. It demonstrates that a long-run equilibrium with both formal and informal economies is possible under very mild assumptions. It is also shown that labour market imperfections can create a situation when reduction in informality may be detrimental to economic welfare. Although the foci of the essays differ, the issues raised therein are closely knit so that many threads can be drawn together. In the concluding chapter we discuss the main areas to which this thesis contributes, summarise the main findings, and make some suggestions for future research.
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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.
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Hearn, Mark Graeme. "Hard Cash, John Dwyer and his Contemporaries, 1890-1914." University of Sydney. School of Philosophy, Gender, History and Ancient World Studies, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/847.
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John Dwyer (1856-1934) was a London docks foreman who emigrated to Australia in 1888. Leaving his London employment on his 'own accord', Dwyer embarked upon a quest for recognition - recognition of his rights as a worker and his identity as an individual. Dwyer and his family arrived in New South Wales to be greeted by the economic depression of the 1890s, and state and employer mobilisation against organised labour and working class radicals. Dwyer was soon reduced to scraping together a living as a boarding house manager in Sydney's poorest districts, as he helped organise the Active Service Brigade, which agitated on behalf of the unemployed. Dwyer's surviving papers - twenty-one boxes of correspondence, manuscripts, minutes, handbills, tracts and newspaper clippings, plus several other volumes - document the life of a working class political radical and autodidact who embraced temperance, and who was fascinated by new ideas in religion and science - Darwinism, Theosophy and occult spiritualism. This thesis places Dwyer in the context of the intense ideological ferment of new ideas in politics, theology and science that characterised the period 1890-1914. Ideas that aggressively challenged the old certainties, and which Dwyer embraced in his project to 'change the face of the world.' Changing the world contested with the need to endure its conditions. Theosophy and temperance appealed to Dwyer's notion of duty, and an instinct to rationalise the social and economic roles he seemed unable to escape. The fragmented nature of his papers, and stop-start bursts of public activism - in politics, theosophy and temperance - reflect the tension between an urge to fight, to understand, to create - struggling against the daily demands of making a living and feeding a family. The thesis explores Dwyer's relationship with fellow radicals and workers, the labour movement and members of Sydney's social and political elite - men and women who shared and contested with his vision. Dwyer's complex and at times apparently contradictory values can be found amongst radicals and labourites alike - for example, William Lane, W.G. Spence and Bernard O'Dowd. Nor was Dywer's interest in theosophy or the occult as unusual as it might seem to modern readers. Dwyer's papers provide important insights into dilemmas that have challenged historians: the problem of alienation, the role of the individual in the historical process, the nature of working class radicalism. Issues often analysed in theoretically abstract terms, or at a broad level of historical inquiry, across a national or class-wide scale. Broad analyses of social forces or ideologies tend to distort their historical impact and meaning, failing to capture the complex relationship of phenomena such as class or ideology with individual experience. Working from Dwyer's experience, this thesis argues that it is possible to build a complex picture of working class life in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Australia.
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Sjölander, Jonas. "Solidaritetens omvägar. : (LM) Ericsson, svenska Metall och Ericssonarbetarna i Colombia 1973-1993." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-528.
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This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.
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O'Malley, Timothy Rory. "Mateship and Money-Making: Shearing in Twentieth Century Australia." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5351.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.
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Cohen, Andrew Wender. "The struggle for order : law, labor, and resistance to the corporate ideal in Chicago, 1900-1940 /." 1999. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9934037.
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Baker, Norma Jo. "The politics of irresponsibility liberalism and labour in Yeltsin's Russia /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11545.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 294-307). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11545.
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Percy, Ruth. "Women or workers? The construction of labour feminism in London and Chicago, 1880s--1920s." 2006. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=449748&T=F.
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Isitt, Ben. "The search for solidarity: the industrial and political roots of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in British Columbia, 1913-1928." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4912.
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Born out of the industrial and political struggles of organized labour at the end of the
First World War, the BC CCF was a product of organizational and ideological conflict in
the 1910s and 1920s. This study explores the shift of BC socialism towards industrial
action, which culminated in the One Big Union and the sympathetic strikes of 1919. It
then examines the emergence of anti-Communism on the Left, shaped by the experience
of political unity and disunity during the 1920s. These two factors fundamentally
influenced the ideology and strategy adopted by the Cooperative Commonwealth
Federation (CCF) in British Columbia.
The ideological and tactical divisions of the 1930s were contested during the
1910s and 1920s. The collapse of the One Big Union, combined with deteriorating
relations with the Communist Party, shifted BC socialists away from industrial militancy
and toward parliamentary forms of struggle.Graduate
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Royle, Tony, and E. Cotton. "Transnational organizing: a case study of contract workers in the Colombian mining industry." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6582.
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NoThis article examines recent organising successes in the Carbones del Cerrejón coal mine, reversing the organisational crisis of the Colombian mining union, Sintracarbon. Using Wever's concept of ‘field-enlarging strategies’, we argue that these events were facilitated by the dissemination of organising experiences between affiliates of a Global Union Federation, International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM), which recently merged to form IndustriALL. Additionally, we argue that this articulation between international and national unions, based on the principle of subsidiarity, was facilitated through sustained ICEM educational project activity, providing multiple entry points for Sintracarbon to operationalise its strategy and re-establish bargaining with multinational employers.
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Harford, Shelley. "A trans-tasman community : organisational links between the ACTU and NZFOL/NZCTU, 1970-1990 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History in the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20061220.102547.
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Mayorova, Natalia. "Imigrační politika a pracovní migrace v Ruské federaci: případ Petrohradu." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357511.
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This diploma thesis focuses on the problem of legal and illegal labor migration in the Russian Federation, both at federal and local levels, namely in St. Petersburg. The thesis has two main objectives and firstly focuses on the federal level. There it attempts to map current migration trends in the Russian Federation with an emphasis on labor migration, its legislation and rights and the status of working migrants in Russian society. It examines the development of migration policy of the Russian Federation from the collapse of the Soviet Union to the present towards a particular group of people. The author of this thesis tries to analyze it critically and to evaluate the effectiveness and the adequacy of taken measures. In order to fulfill the first objective, some additional questions were put. An integral part of the thesis is an analysis of the integration policy of the Russian Federation vis-à-vis working migrants and problems faced by labor migrants on Russian territory. The second objective is to monitor development and current migration situation in the second largest city of the Russian Federation - St. Petersburg. This is a case study, where the emphasis is placed on labor migration and the way how the amendments to federal immigration laws affect the situation in the regions.
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Meth, Charles. "Manufacturing sector productivity in South Africa in the 1980's : error and ideology in a contested terrain." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4965.
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Estimates of the value of manufacturing sector output enter into many economic indices, especially those measuring productivity. The South African Central Statistical Services has twice made substantial errors in the output series. Revisions to correct the first of these raised the growth rate in manufacturing over the period 1970-80 from 2,6 per cent per annum (compound) to 5 per cent. This episode is not common knowledge. After examining the conceptual difficulties involved in producing output stimates, a practical technique for detecting errors in the series , the Euler Consistency Test, is presented. Developed, refined, and then applied to the South African data, it predicted, retrospectively, the first set of errors (using only the information available at the time those errors were made), then detected another set of errors , not previously known to exist. The study records the process by which the CSS was made to concede this second error. Acknowledgement only came after protracted correspondence and an examination conducted by a special committee formed to investigate my complaints. With 1979 set equal to 100, the output level in 1988 was originally given as 113,8. After investigation, the CSS raised this to 126,1. The magnitude of this second error is equivalent to the omission of the total output of the two SASOL plants commissioned during the early 1980s. Estimates of productivity growth by the National Productivity Institute using these incorrect figures are shown to have created a misleading picture of the sector's performance, especially in the sensitive debate over the relationship between wage and productivity growth. An attempt is made to lay the groundwork of an analytical framework for comprehending (from a Marxist point of view) the activities of ideological state apparatusses like the NPI. A review of the literature on theory choice is conducted, and the necessarily political nature of this activity is explored. The relative impotence of I science' in the face of ideology in a conflict-ridden society is considered. The question of the significance of disagreements between economists is examined, and prospects for convergence and consensus on certain issues are weighed.Thesis (Ph.D.)-Unversity of Natal, 1994.
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Huxtable, David. "The International Trade Union Confederation and Global Civil Society: ITUC collaborations and their impact on transnational class formation." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7738.
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This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation.
What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation.Graduate
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davidbhuxtable@gmail.com