Journal articles on the topic 'Chicago school of criminology'

Artikkeli tarkastelee sosiaalisen disorganisaation käsitteen ja teorian alkuperää ja kehitystä aatehistoriallisesta näkökulmasta. Lähdeaineistona ovat keskeiset Chicagon sosiologisen koulukunnan julkaisut vuosien 1918 ja 1948 välillä. Kirjoittajien erityishuomio on kohdistunut ensinnäkin sosiaalisen disorganisaation käsitteen esille tuloon ja varhaiseen soveltamiseen William I. Thomasin, Robert E. Parkin ja muiden Chicagon sosiologien kirjoituksissa, ja toiseksi käsitteen ja teorian hyödyntämiseen Clifford R. Shaw’n ja Henry D. McKayn merkittävässä kriminologisessa tutkimuksessa Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas (1942). Artikkelissa esitetään, että sosiaalisen disorganisaation teorialla oli keskeinen osa Chicagon sosiologien tutkimuksissa, joissa yhteiskunnallista muutosta ja sosiaalista kontrollia käsitteellistettiin nopeasti kasvavan Chicagon kaupunkielämään keskittyvän empiirisen havainnoinnin pohjalta. Teoria oli laajassa käytössä yhdysvaltalaisessa kriminologiassa ja muissa yhteiskuntatieteissä siksi, että sen avulla kyettiin antamaan uskottavia sosiologisia selityksiä (suur)kaupunkien kasvun ja muutoksen tuomista ongelmista. Teoria joutui suurelta osin marginaaliin 1960-luvulla, mutta 1980-luvulla kriminologinen kiinnostus sosiaaliseen disorganisaatioon alkoi jälleen kasvaa, ja nykyisin teoriaa käytetään kriminologian lisäksi aluetutkimuksessa, kaupunkisosiologiassa ja psykiatriassa. Vilma Niskanen and Petteri Pietikäinen: Crime and the theory of social disorganization in the studies of the Chicago School of Sociology between 1918 and 1948. This article examines the origin and development of the concept and theory of social disorganization from the methodological perspective of intellectual history. Based on the study of publications of the main representatives of the Chicago School of Sociology between the years 1918 and 1948, the article analyses the ways in which social disorganization was first discussed by William I. Thomas, Robert E. Park and other Chicago sociologists, and how the concept and theory was later used in Shaw’s and McKay’s influential criminological study Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas (1942). At the outset, the notion of social disorganization was central to the Chicago sociologists’ conceptualization of social change and social control that they observed first-hand in the streets of the rapidly growing City of Chicago. The authors argue that theory was widely used in American social science, including criminology, between the 1920s and 1950s, because it had strong explanatory force in the study of social problems in urban areas undergoing changes and re-organization. After becoming marginalized as a theory in the 1960s, a criminological interest in social disorganization increased through the 1980s, and at present it is used not only in criminology but also in area studies, urban sociology and psychiatry. Keywords: social disorganisation – Chicago school of sociology – history of sociology and criminology – urban sociology

Abstract Although theories suggest that schools are associated with higher neighbourhood crime rates, it is not clear what particular measures of schools have a crime-producing impact when controlling for a diversity of social-ecological factors. We therefore address this question by performing a block-level analysis of schools and crime in the city of Chicago. Negative binomial regression models reveal that the presence of any school in the focal block is associated with higher violent and property crime rates and that these associations are largely robust to differing measures of schools. We also determine that concentrated disadvantage moderates the effect of school presence in the block on property crime. The implications of these findings for criminology and public policy are discussed.

This Special Issue highlights the value of the comparative case study method for theory-building and refinement in criminology. Early figures in criminology, including those in the Chicago School, were aware of the importance of scope and applicability, which refer to the temporal, geographic, or other contextual boundaries of a theory, yet the field as a whole has not always given these issues due attention. While the discipline already deploys comparisons, the contributions in our collection showcase how a more structured and deliberate use of a comparative case study approach engages issues of context, scope and applicability of criminological theory including recent discussions about Anglocentrism and the Global North/South divide.

The article presents research constituting an attempt at verification of theories historically originating from the Chicago School of Sociology and the ecological approach within criminology, the supporters of which focus on the criminal offence itself and on its environmental conditions. This group of theories belongs to the environmental criminology. Criminological deliberations on the crime, carried out in the spirit of the contemporary environmental trend, are based on the assumption that the occurrence of a criminal offence is determined by four necessary elements: the legal norm that is breached, the offender, the object of the crime (victim or target) as well as the time and space in which the crime is committed. The object of interest of the environmental criminology is in the first place the space and time dimension of the act, in which the remaining elements meet. The discussed research was based on the rou-tine activity theory, the rational choice perspective and the crime pattern theory. The basic theoretical assumption is that the volume of crime is influenced by the number of crime opportunities. According to the routine activity theory, a crime opportunity occurs at the moment of convergence of a likely offender and a suitable target in the absence of a capable guardian. The first hypothesis assumes that the crime opportunity is a necessary condition for occurrence of a criminal offence, including that related to violence. The second hypothesis was based on the assumption that crime opportunities are not evenly distributed in time and space. We should therefore assume that not every object (person or thing) is a suitable target in the event of a concrete criminal act. Not every environment constitutes scenery conducive to commitment of a given crime. In other words, there are areas with higher concentration of crime. The third hypothesis was related to an assumption of the crime patterns concept relating to the offenders’ daily life patterns. It says that perpetrators search for suitable targets in areas that are well-known to them – in the vicinity of their workplace, school or place of their leisure activities. The offender’s journey to crime covers relatively small distances, avoiding only the area closest to their place of residence (the so-called buffer zone). The spatial and social characteristics were examined in chosen territorial units being three districts of a large city – Warsaw. The research area covered the jurisdiction of the Dis-trict Court for the city of Warsaw Praga-Północ, i.e. the administrative boundary precincts of the following districts: Praga Północ, Białołęka and Targówek. The verification of the afore-mentioned hypotheses took place based on an analysis of court records concerning 694 offenders, convicted in 2006 in criminal procedures of acts belonging to the jurisdiction of the said court.

Introduction. In China, urban police tend to arrest and interrogate internal migrants when crimes occur, as they believe migrant cohorts are the main cause of crime. Detecting risk factors in migrant children's delinquency is necessary in order to allow authorities to limit the scope of crime. Methods. This essay explores studies from Chicago School of Criminology, in additional to other relevant western criminological literature. This essay investigates how poor living conditions, undue levels of fear of crime, deficiency in the formation of social bonds, lack of informal control at home and school, and development of social strain are associated with migrant children's delinquency in China. Findings. Socioeconomic challenges drive migrant children to delinquency. Migrant children are subject to discrimination and exclusion at school and public spaces, in addition to segregation residentially. The unfair treatment they receive contributes to their inability to develop a metropolitan social bonds and trust. Similarly, migrant parents are victimised by social discrimination, exploitation and exclusion, minimising their opportunities to exercise positive parenting. Their economic hardships impede migrant cohorts from alleviating poverty and increasing community engagement. Local urbanites' fear of crime against migrant cohorts fosters mutual misunderstanding, mistrust and conflicts. Social tension and fear of crime reinforce local urban residents' segregation and discrimination against internal migrants. Conclusions. Migrant children may demonstrate a higher propensity of delinquency than local counterparts. However, more attention should be given to their victimisation as a result of economic hardships and social inequalities, in order to effectively exercise crime control in Chinese cities.

The article discusses the issue of digital technologies use for practical applications of the principles of modern ecologic currents in criminology. The phenomenon of crime is not distributed evenly in time and space. Detailed analysis of this regularity is possible owing to crime map making. The tradition of such map making originates in the 19th century and roots from the cartographic school. Their representatives conducted analyses basing on the data coming from French police statistics. More advanced studies on spatial distribution of crime, whose authors created theoretical conceptions attempting at explaining this phenomenon, originate from the Chicago school. In our times, with the advancement of computerisation, technical capabilities of modern computers and availability of good and reliable software, crime maps are becoming an even more easily accessible and effective tool in the analysis of the phenomenon of crime. Geographic information system (GIS) is the technology currently employed for spatial analyses. It allows introducing, storing, processing and visualising geographical data. Geocoding technology enables translation to geographic coordinates and digital map making containing information on the criminal events in a given city. GIS is used in criminological analyses in two main areas: digital crime map making and geographic profiling. Crime mapping is a tool for spatial analyses of criminal incidents which consists in putting together the time and place of crime to investigate spatial patterns of criminal behaviours and hot spots. It also enables to analyse criminal incidents according to various spatial variables e.g. to compare crime scene locations with locations like bars or schools, with demographic data concerning investigated areas etc. The idea of crime mapping has its roots in theoretical assumptions of environmental criminology which seeks relations between crime and its environmental and geographic determinants. Studies on crime scene locations are related mainly to the idea of hot spots, that is places where more criminal incidents than the average are reported. Crime maps are a useful tool which enables the analysts equipped with adequate criminological knowledge to seek the reasons for concentration of criminal activity in the area. In practice, digital maps are used by the police to obtain geographical data about a given area and to manage police units. Advanced use of GIS is made in everyday work of police forces in the USA and UK. Maps can also allow the data on crime statistics on a given area to be accessed by local communities. Geographic profiling is another GIS application enabling use of criminological knowledge. It allows to establish the most likely estimated place of residence of serial offenders. A profile is made based on information concerning crime location and other places of significance to the incident (eg. place where the corpse was abandoned).

The article considers ways to overcome corruption in the investigation and inquiry bodies by improving the course of criminology and establishing and implementing a moral and historical school. Named origins and pioneers of the ethical-historical school of criminology, given their views on the quality of justice investigator from the psychological side: integrity, strong moral convictions, skill in complex conflict situations, to remain master of their feelings and aspirations, to remain faithful to the moral principles of intolerance to evil, the pursuit of justice, ethical behavior in relations with the suspect, accused, witness, excluding physical or mental violence. It is argued that the communication of the investigator with the accused should not be based on deception and immorality; in such a profession necessary moral fortitude, and perseverance of the investigator in an atmosphere of total temptation and corruption, the ability to effectively resist illegal pressure, selfless dedication in any environment, selflessness, and humanism. The abovementioned application of the content of ethical-historical school of criminology, such as: the development and adoption of a code of ethics for CSI, the CSI oath, improvement or adoption of such codes for various categories of employees of law enforcement bodies and subjects of law enforcement; the implementation of the educational process on criminology interactive exploration of film documents on the history of the sections and fields of criminology, political processes, the Nuremberg trials, investigation and conviction of Nazi criminals and their accomplices, the investigation of disasters, terrorist attacks, the death of political and cultural figures, investigation of resonant crimes from different eras and in recent years, return to the detailed development and implementation in the training of lawyers clear criteria of admissibility of tactics; creation of self-regulating communities in state and law enforcement agencies that can be contacted in cases of corruption pressure. Scientific results demonstrate an extremely low knowledge of the recent history of criminology and the Nuremberg trials by law school graduates. The results are new and have not been published before.

The article on Polish Criminology from Historical and Current Perspective is divided into four parts. There are: Introduction — historical Perspective, Białystok School of Criminology, National Forum of Young Criminologists, International Centre for Criminological Research and Expertise. In the final part of article the authors stressed, that activities of Białystok School of Criminology have much more broad-spectrum, than described. The International Centre of Criminological Research and Expertise conducts interdisciplinary basic research and development works serving both internal security and justice. The Centre aims at entering into cooperation with the State authorities, private sector entities and NGOs, within the country and abroad, along with preparation of expert opinions at their request. It will also conduct publishing and popularizing activities. The representatives of Białystok School of Criminology are also members of such scientific initiatives like: the Academic Forum — Legal and Medical Aspects of Human Health and the Academic Forum — Podlasie — Warmia and Mazury. As a result of these initiatives, in May 2015 there was the international conference Legal, Criminological and medical aspects of social exclusion attended by over 200 people. The scholars from Białystok School of Criminology are open to cooperation, especially of international character. The broad spectrum of research on issues of science criminology in many institutions, centres and academic institutions is an eloquent proof of the dynamic development of criminology in Poland.

The aim of this article is to bring the most important achievements of Bialystok School of Criminology closer to the readers. The Faculty of Law of the University of Bialystok, specifically the Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, is one of the leading Polish academic entities conducting extensive research in the field of criminology. In 2016, in the ranking organized by the Rzeczpospolita daily newspaper, the Faculty received the highest score of all the evaluated Polish universities which have law faculties, both state and private, in the area of international cooperation. What is more, Bialystok is the leader in the 2017 ranking of the 25 faculties of law of Polish universities, prepared as a result of the most important evaluation performed every four years by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and was awarded the highest (A) category. The paper presents not only the international criminology conferences and research that Bialystok School of Criminology has been part of, but also its own initiatives both at the national and international level. For example one of the pioneering ventures on a national scale was the 1st Poland-wide Forum of Young Criminologists held by the Faculty of Law of the University of Bialystok as a regular event. One of the most impressive recent initiatives of BSC was the creation of the International Centre for Criminological Research and Expertise. The paper contains more information about the projects mentioned and others as well as an introduction to the diverse and interdisciplinary topics undertaken by Bialystok’s criminologists.

This essay examines the the academic journey—graduate school to full professor—of an African American professor of criminology and criminal justice. The essay discusses the how criminology and criminologists address race issues and offers a wish list of strategies designed to address problematic practices and racial pitfalls within criminology programs.

The article seeks to sum up all that has been said on the subject of professional criminality in the past half-century. It was never any part of the author’s aim to offer an analysis of contemporary professional crime. He viewed his task in much more modest terms. First of all he presents the origins of professional crime in a historical perspective and adduces the traditional definitions of the phenomenon dating to the first decade of the 20th century. Next he addresses the issue of empirical determination of the scale of professional crime and presents more recent approaches to description of this kind of criminality and attempts to define the concept of professional criminal. In an account with a primarily sociological focus the emphasis is on the origins of professional criminality seen as one of many mechanisms regulating the behavior of individuals. Historical sources indicate that professional criminality made its appearance during the late Middle Ages when feudal social structures were overtaken by a process of disintegration. The rise of this type of crime was made possibile by the materialization of conducive social and economic conditions such as changes in social structure and mass production. Professional crime is a product of modern societies, which employ money and produce surpluses of goods. In primitive societies there are not enough goods in the possession of the average citizen for the professional criminal to make a livelihood from larceny and for this occupation to be viable as one of the forms of organized social activity. Scholars did not discern this problem until the end of the 19th century. The first one to introduce the idea of the professional criminal to the language of criminology, law and sociology was F. Liszt. This was at a time when lawyers, anthropologists and sociologists were engaged in debates and arguments on the subject of repeated criminality and ways of tackling crime of this type. It was then that there came the first definition of professional criminality. There was agreement among many analysts of that period that the most important thing was to recognize that wrongdoers polish their expertise in the art of committing crime and make such activities a permanent source of income. Simultaneously, in the United States there came the beginnings of in-depth studies of social phenomena, including crime, pioneered by the Chicago School. One result of the new investigative approach was the first studies of professional crime, notably Edwin Sutherland’s well-known work The Professional Thief. The traditional definition of the concept of professional criminal derives precisely from this period, that is the first half of the 19th century. Though investigations in Europe and the United States followed a variety of directions the findings with regard to the principal characteristics of professional criminals were substantially similar. The basic characteristic was seen to be the fact that professional criminals earn their living from committing crimes, which means that the time normally devoted to employment is in their case devoted to planning and carrying out criminal activities. A second salient characteristic was possession of the requisite knowledge, skills and experience in the field of criminal activity. Another influence on this kind of career choice is a sense of identification with the criminal world and a hostile attitude to the representatives of law and order although the professional criminal also knows how to deal with them in a crisis situation (e.g. arest). Despite the existence of a host of writings on the subject of professional criminality and agreement among many authors about its principal characteristics, voices questioning the existence of such a category as the professional criminal continue to make themselves heard. The aforementioned works also includes ones whose authors attempted empirical verification of the existence of such a category of criminals and determination of the scale of professional criminality as a social phenomenon. Here investigation encountered obstacles as it was found that the more or less generally accepted definition of professional criminal did not easily lend itself to the process of operationalization. None the less, as a result of research conducted in various countries, in various periods and by diverse methods scholars have succeeded in establishing that professional criminality does exist and is a widespread phenomenon rather than the elite occupation that it might appear to be based on the proposed definitions. Students of the subject suggest that the number of persons meeting the definition (even in its simplest version) should be estimated in thousands rather than double digits. Professional criminality is from a legal point of view a phenomenon of no interest. The commission of a crime by a perpetrator who can be characterized as a professional criminal does not in most cases weigh for anything in determining the degree of criminal responsibility. However, professional crime is of interest as a social phenomenon, which explains why the literature on the subject is dominated by works with a typically sociological approach. Scholarly inquiry revolved around a number of problems which in terms of the intrinsic nature of the phenomenon discussed here are of the essence. Of these the most important are the relationship between professional criminals and their social environment and with the wider community, their attitude to law enforcement agencies, social status, rationalization of their behavior, and the machinery of recruitment to this group. Though the relations between the criminal and the “occupational” group take a diversity of forms, it is those of a normative character which are of overriding significance. It is thanks to the criminal group that he acquires professional criminal status and the group which lays down the system of rulet for the criminal’s social and professional conduct and which forms the natural infrastructure for criminal activity. On the other hand, every criminal is also a member of society to which he is connected by a multiplicity of ties. If he is to function in the community at all normally, even if it is only on the fringes of social life, he has somehow to rationalize his behavior which is, at bottom, directed against society. The most frequent way in which he does this is by questioning the honesty of all other participants in the social situation or by moral disparagement of his victim. There is no agreement among scholars on the question of nature of the professional criminal’s attitude to “normal” society. Some maintain that it is negative, others that it is positive. The former stress the fact that a negative attitude is a simple consequence of employing rationalization mechanisms which place the perpetrator of crimes in a conflict or at best hostility relationship with society. According to the opposite school of thought professional criminals try to maintain the best possible relations with society and are sympathetically disposed towards it since its success and well-being are for them a guarantee of rich pickings. However, there is a special relationship between professional criminals and the representatives of law enforcement. A natural consequence of their chosen career is that they are in a state of permanent conflict with the guardians of law and order. However, conflict does not necessarily mean enmity. Police officers regard the elite of the criminal world with a peculiar kind of respect, especially thieves who do not resort to violence. Though professional criminals treat police officers or prison guards as their adversaries they acknowledge their superiority at the moment of apprehension. They then go out of their way to gain an officer’s favor and will not shrink from attempting bribery and occasionally even passing on information. The normative character of the professional criminal’s relations with the criminal group means that the machinery of recruitment of new members becomes the crux of the matter. On this point, too, researchers’ opinions are divided. There are those who contend that the phenomenon of recruitment exists and that it is the crucial element in the creation of occupational identity and internalization of group norms. The critics of this view readily cite empirical data which indicate that criminals themselves deny the existence of a phenomenon of recruitment and its performance of any kind of regulatory function. The so-called traditional method of defining professional crime, given currency by European legal theorists and American sociologists in the first half of the 19th century, has come under criticism in recent decades. Researcher representing various theoretical schools have gathered empirical evidence that calls in question the existence of a category of professional criminals who make their living solely from crime, specialize in one kind of crime and are closely connected with the criminal world, the latter being their point of reference and source of norms and rules of conduct. The reality seems to be more complicated. Among criminals there are some who are beyond question professionals and specialists in some area of activity but have never belonged to any sort of criminal community. There are also felons who have strong links to criminal groups but engage in a diversity of criminal activity and do not aspire to any form of specialization. It is becoming increasingly frequent to treat the criminal community not as a reference group but as a natural infrastructure for criminal activity. A question that arises in this context concerns the connections between professional crime and organized crime which for years was treated by criminology as a separate and distinct phenomenon. In the crime patterns of recent decades there have also appeared other developments (car theft, cybercrime) with respect to which the traditional method of defining professional crime has proved useless. The questions raised and the doubts voiced have confronted criminology with the necessity of redefining professional criminality. However, if the phenomenon is viewed in a somewhat broader perspective it has to be noted that one of the most important challenges for contemporary criminology might prove to be reorientation of theoretical reflection on the subject of definition and classification of criminal behavior in general and by the same token reorientation of our way of thinking about construction of typology of crime.

Klitih gangs in Yogyakarta, as a tangible form of juvenile delinquency, cannot be separated from the construction of the failure of environmental socialization and socialization of adolescent life in modern times. This study used interpretive approach (qualitative). Researcher digs deeper into how cultural criminology views the deviant subculture of youth members of the Klitih Gang and the dynamics of the Al-Fatah Transgender Islamic Boarding School as accurate facts. This article focuses on discussing several aspects that are interconnected with the school of cultural criminology, including (1) cases of youth violence and street crime by gangs of Klitih as a form of crime as culture; (2) community construction related to culture as crime against transgender groups, especially in the Al-Fatah transgender Islamic boarding school, Yogyakarta; (3) discussion on the realm of existentialist criminology in its allusion to ways of life, style, and semiotics. This phenomenon creates anomie in the dynamics of social life and requires efforts to harmonize both from a juridical and sociological perspective.

The modern problems of criminalistic education in Russian higher school are considered, attention is paid to the study of special issues of ≪computer forensics≫, since without this discipline the implementation of practical law enforcement in modern conditions is no longer effective. The author touches on the problems of conceptual and categorical apparatus, the correlation of the language of traditional and digital criminalistics and proposes ways to solve them.

This article explores the role of Chicago’s foundations in the development, passage, and early implementation of the Chicago School Reform Act of 1988. Many researchers are examining the act’s history and effect, but the foundation role has largely been ignored. Writing as a participant-observer, the author contends that history should hold Chicago’s foundation community partially responsible for the act’s eventual success or failure, even though it played a small role in the act’s passage. Two factors created this paradox: The actions of a small group of funders prior to 1988 irrevocably linked the larger funder community to the act, and following the act’s passage, foundations quickly became vital to its implementation. Drawing on a new data base, the article highlights six characteristics of the behavior of Chicago’s foundations regarding reform. Weaving the Chicago story together with scholarly perspectives on the traditional foundation role in public affairs, the article closes with three guiding principles for foundations as they help develop and implement education reform policy.

Convict Criminology (CC) is a quarter-century old. During those years, this combined approach, group, organization, school, theory, and network has produced scholarly literature and mentored actual and aspiring doctoral students who have been incarcerated and released from carceral custody, assisting them in their careers and engaging in corrections-related policy debates and activism. As the academic fi elds and real-world practice of Corrections and Critical Criminology have changed, and the people who have been involved in CC have come and gone, Convict Criminology has evolved. This paper briefl y reviews the aims and history of CC, then applies a strength, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis to Convict Criminology with the goal of suggesting ways that the leadership, members, and allies of the CC approach might best further its mission.

On March 24, 2017, the Faculty of Law of the University of Białystok entered into a collaboration agreement with the Central Coordinating Team of the International Self-Report Delinquency Study (ISRD). Te Białystok School of Criminology is currently the only Polish representative participating in ISRD3. Te ISRD study addresses a wide range of issues examined by the Białystok School of Criminology, which launched its research work in 1994. The Białystok School of Criminology conducted its contribution to the ISRD3 research project in June 2017, in Białystok and Rzeszów, two Polish cities, regional capitals of their respective voivodeships. Each of these cities has a population of approximately half a million. The survey was conducted among pupils in their sixth year at a Polish primary (elementary) school (i.e. aged 12+) and in their first or second year at a Polish middle school (the 14+-16+ age group). In addition to the standard content prepared by the ISRD3 CCT, respondents filled in a questionnaire with questions intended to identify local levels of risks such as grooming or sexting. The results of the Polish ISRD3 study will help to diagnose various risks and will be compared to the results obtained in other countries participating in the project. The project’s added value will be the opportunity to develop appropriate preventive and educational programs for the schools in Białystok and Rzeszów which took part in the survey

In the 1960s and '70s, police reformers lost two important battles in the struggle to develop an educated and professionalized police force. First, they were forced out of the American Society of Criminology—an organization they had founded—by sociologists. Second, the School of Criminology at Berkeley closed amid large-scale protests from students. In its heyday, the School of Criminology was the most respected program in the world for the study of police by police and for providing officers with a liberal arts education. This essay documents these failures and explains how they gave rise to criminal justice—the academic discipline that has replaced police science at colleges and universities across the United States. California law enforcement—particularly the protégés of Berkeley police chief August Vollmer—are the key actors in this story. They participated in critical conversations about the role of police in a democratic society and envisioned a future for police work that has yet to come to fruition.

Is critical criminology “passée”? Have its fathers, the British and American sociologists who wrote Critical Criminology in the mid seventies exhaust its potential interest and flavour? It would be too bad because critical criminology never really took place. There never was a serious and rigorous attempt at unfolding the historical, epistemological, socio-political roots of the discipline, a critical look at it that took nothing for granted. Reminding the readers of the very serious and highly publicised debate around Traditional and Critical Theory in the late thirties launched by the sociologists and philosophers of the Frankfurt School, the author shows that, far from being outdated, critical theory is of the utmost practicality in criminology, even more so because its founding fathers have taken, since, a less partisan and doctrinaire view of it. The applications of their intellectual and socio-political orientations to criminology are numerous, calling for a serious socio-historical analysis of the discipline and of its academic origins that should throw light on where it is going and its impotence at developing a paradigm.

This article traces the friendship between Professor Emil Pływaczewski and me over a quarter of a century with an emphasis on my impressions of Poland in general and Białystok School of Criminology in particular during my recent one-month stay. While I have been fascinated by the best criminology program growing from none to the current prominence, I argue that criminology’s potential as avant-garde of legal reform before the passage of law and as evidence-based evaluation has not been fully developed in Poland. International criminology as a method permeates every aspect of research. As a progressive and meliorative major, criminology could further promote good and inclusive society and play a role in closing the gap between the survivalist culture and self-expressionist culture by strengthening justice-based institutional structure and the rule of law through ramping-up global connectivity among international scholars.

To what extent is there complementarity or agreement between Austrian economics and the Chicago school on monetary issues? Both Austrians and Chicagoans would agree that monetary expansion has real effects in the short run, though they emphasize different variables. In the long run, Austrians argue that there is a lasting real effect of monetary expansion—money is not neutral—but Chicagoans too argue that economic activity is less efficient even if people correctly forecast the rate of inflation. Regarding the balance of payments, both the Austrian and Chicago school lead to the conclusion that there can be no balance-of-payments problem. Both are modern versions of the classical price specie flow theory. Perhaps the Austrian approach to monetary economics and the Chicago school approach are more compatible than is commonly thought.

The Chicago School made a significant impact on the establishment of twentieth-century American sociology. From the time of its founding through the first five decades, its scholars had a lasting effect on both sociological thinking and social reform. Moreover, Chicagoans shaped the intellectual development of future sociologists through teaching and guiding the research of their students. This article reports the findings of a case study that examines the perceptions of scholars who were graduated from the University of Chicago. It presents their perceptions of how their training at Chicago compares with their own work with students, their own style of research, and their view of the discipline itself. An analysis of Chicagoans' accomplishments and contributions to sociology provide insight on whether or not the legacy of Chicago is being handed down to present generation academicians. Two primary sources of information are used to determine the intellectual trends and influences of the University of Chicago: (1) focused interviews with sociology faculty at Arizona State University who were graduated from Chicago after World War II, and (2) a survey of ASU sociology graduate students. Considered “typical” of many graduate-degree granting universities in the country, ASU provides a sufficient number of cases to trace the important aspects of Chicago School legacy.

One of the abiding debates in criminology contrasts social reactions to deviance with explorations of the causes in criminality. In this article, the authors note that the two paradigms consider crime in totally different ways, one as a raw fact, the other as a purely social construction. The authors propose a new paradigm which integrates at the same time contributions of sociology, clinical criminology from the School of Louvain, and feministic perspectives. This proposal differs from those advanced by left and right realists.

Editors' Introduction: Elsewhere in this journal is the article “Kimball Young on Founders of the Chicago School.” As with that article, the following material is taken from the 1968 seminar offered by Kimball Young at Arizona State University, a seminar attended by the editors. These lectures chronicle Young's contacts with George Herbert Mead of the University of Chicago's philosophy department, touch on his student contacts with the political scientist Harold Lasswell, and contain Young's comments upon a number of Chicago faculty and student sociologists he knew: Herbert Blumer, Ernest Watson Burgess, John Dollard, Ellsworth Faris, Philip M. Hauser, Everett Cherrington Hughes, Helen McGill Hughes, Morris Janowitz, William Fielding Ogburn, Robert E. Park, Edward Shils, David Riesman, Samuel A. Stouffer, W. I. Thomas, W. Lloyd Warner, and Louis Wirth.