Academic literature on the topic 'Chieftainships'
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Journal articles on the topic "Chieftainships"
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Bishi, George. "The Archive and Chieftainship Claims in Zimbabwe: Some Methodological Reflections." History in Africa 46 (May 6, 2019): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2019.13.
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Abstract:This article focuses on the uses of the archive in contemporary Zimbabwe by individuals and families making claims to chieftaincy. A reading of the colonial archive on chieftainship histories reveals that there is an information gap especially for some years. For instance, from the 1960s to the present, there are relatively few documents specifically relating to the subject of chiefs and headmen in Zimbabwe. As a result, researchers working on chieftainships, hired historians, and claimants to chieftaincy face a frustrating challenge of limited sources. This article analyzes the sources that hired historians use to write chieftaincy claims reports in Zimbabwe for their clients. It also explores the use of oral evidence to complement or counter the narratives offered through colonial documents, and it also recommends the use of alternative sources on chieftaincy, both within and beyond the repositories of the National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ).
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McGregor, Alan. "Book Review Article: The Evolutionary Struggle to Procreate: the Case of Chieftainships." Mankind Quarterly 28, no. 4 (1988): 427–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.1988.28.4.6.
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Fernández Moreno, Nuria. "Between Tradition and Evangelisation: Marriage Ritualisation on Colonial and Contemporary Bioko Island." Culture & History Digital Journal 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): e015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.015.
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The start of the 20th century on Bioko Island (Equatorial Guinea) coincides with the expansion of Spanish colonisation. Around 1910, the intense process of “Hispanicisation” began, totally disrupting native Bubi society. The colonial government, together with the intense evangelisation carried out on the island by the Catholic Church, weakened and modified Bubi power structures. Colonialism also provoked important changes in Bubi family structure and the evangelising mission was, fundamentally, directed toward controlling and transforming marriage practices. This text analyses how the loss of the political function of the Bubi chieftainships affected marriage practices and examines the other variables that influenced these changes and their effects on the present-day situation of Bubi women. Finally, the text explains how the practices and values that the evangelisation managed to introduce influenced the construction of Bubi ethnic identity.
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Abler, T. S. "Seneca Moieties and Hereditary Chieftainships: The Early-Nineteenth-Century Political Organization of an Iroquois Nation." Ethnohistory 51, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 459–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-51-3-459.
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Goerg, Odile. "Chieftainships between Past and Present: From City to Suburb and Back in Colonial Conakry, 1890s-1950s." Africa Today 52, no. 4 (June 2006): 2–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2006.52.4.2.
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Goerg, Odile. "Chieftainships between Past and Present: From City to Suburb and Back in Colonial Conakry, 1890s-1950s." Africa Today 52, no. 4 (2006): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2006.0044.
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Herman, John E. "Empire in the Southwest: Early Qing Reforms to the Native Chieftain System." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1997): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2646343.
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By the time the Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723–35) issued the above edict in January 1728, criticism of Beijing's new confrontational approach toward the native chieftains of southwest China had already reached embarrassing proportions. With increasing frequency, civilian and military officials in Guangxi, Guizhou, Yunnan, and Sichuan referred to the state's abolition of native chieftainships as “senseless,” “a plan devoid of vision and purpose,” and “wantonly destructive of life and property.” Ortai (1680–1745), Yue Zhongqi (1686–1754), and several other officials recently assigned to the southwest by Yongzheng were labeled “reckless opportunists” intent on inciting disturbances among native chieftains and the indigenous non-Han peoples of southwest China in order to further their careers (ZPYZ, He Shiji 2a–3b; Ding Shijie 16b; Ortai 1:95a–b; Famin 21a–24b; YZSL 46:20b–21b). According to one influential official assigned to the southwest, “Your humble servant takes this opportunity to inform [the emperor] of the devastation and misery caused by [Ortai's] actions, in hope this policy towards native chieftains will be brought to an end and we can resume the strategy of peaceful assimilation initiated during previous reigns” (ZPZZ, Zu Binggui 1772.6).
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MA, JIANXIONG. "Salt and Revenue in Frontier Formation: State Mobilized Ethnic Politics in the Yunnan-Burma Borderland since the 1720s." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (July 11, 2013): 1637–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000868.
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AbstractThis research reviews the formation of the Yunnan-Burma frontier since the 1720s, when the Qing government reformed the administrative systems from chieftainships to official counties in the middle and southern Yunnan mountains areas. One of some crucial political changes was the policy of salt revenue which directly stimulated large scale ethnic resistance in the region of salt wells. However, the social political context of continuing ethnic conflicts was not only rooted in the reshaping of the salt-consuming districts, but also rooted in social changes in the Yunnan-Burma borderland because of increasing Han Chinese immigration and their penetration into mining, long distance trade and local agriculture. In order to successfully control mountain resources as the base of revenue, the Qing government continued to gradually integrate native Dai chieftains into official counties. Local resistance continued and reached a peak from the 1790s to the 1810s. Pushed by the Qing government, and with the collaboration of different social actors, the synthesized mobilization of frontier formation had made ethnic politics a main style of social political reconstruction, even if commercial exchange, long distance trade, and demographic reshaping also continued to be mixed with ethnic politics as another layer of the Yunnan-Burma frontier formation.
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Kapa, Motlamelle A. "THE CHIEFTAINSHIP IN LESOTHO: TO RETAIN OR TO ABOLISH?" Politeia 33, no. 2 (October 20, 2016): 82–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1780.
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This article presents and analyses the perspectives of a number of politicians and academics in Lesotho concerning the relevance and role of chieftainship as an institution in the political system of the country. The study was conducted in response to attempts in 2005 by the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) government to devolve political power and the on-going debate in academic and policy circles on the value of the institution of chieftainship in democratising systems in Africa. Evidence from the field is presented relating to how chieftainship is perceived by politicians (usually but wrongly regarded as competing with the chiefs for political power) and academics in Lesotho, and also to how chieftainship can co-exist with elected councils to consolidate democracy. Chieftainship was found still to enjoy legitimacy among a large number of politicians and academics, and still to be relevant to the country’s political system, even subsequent to the establishment of the elected councils.
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Mosko, Mark S. "Rethinking Trobriand Chieftainship." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1, no. 4 (December 1995): 763. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034960.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Chieftainships"
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Wamytan, Léon. "Peuple kanak et droit français : du droit de la colonisation au droit de la décolonisation, l'égalité en question." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CLF10422.
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Si le choc de la colonisation de la Nouvelle-Calédonie évoqué dans le préambule de l’accord sur la Nouvelle-Calédonie du 5 mai 1998 n’est plus à démontrer, les moyens développés par le droit français à l’endroit du peuple restent à être examinés. Compte tenu des relations particulières qu’entretiennent les Kanak à la terre, le choc des cultures va se traduire par l’opposition des droits entre une coutume immuable, et un droit français qui sacralise la propriété privée, participant aux droits de l’homme et du citoyen Ces particularismes propres à la colonisation de la Nouvelle-Calédonie, ont pris de multiples formes juridiques, pour ce qui est de la prise de possession elle-même puisque le peuple premier kanak va connaitre un traité (1844), une prise de possession en 1853, et des actes de reconnaissance de souveraineté paraphés par certains chefs (1854) sur la Grande Terre.1Notre questionnement permanent est donc celui de savoir comment le peuple kanak a subi en vertu du droit français un bouleversement fondamental de son espace foncier vital, des zones d’influences de ses chefferies traditionnelles, une déstructuration de son organisation dotée de ses propres codes. La reconnaissance constitutionnelle d’un statut personnel propre au peuple premier dans l’accord de Nouméa de 1998, va permettre de confirmer et d’assurer la prééminence des usages coutumiers, non plus dans ce seul domaine, mais pour tout ce qui concerne le droit civil. Le droit français réputé fondé sur l’égalité. L’application au peuple kanak de Nouvelle-Calédonie montre que cette idée doit être réexaminée. Aussi, qu’il s’agisse de la période de la colonisation (1ere partie) et son droit discriminatoire négatif où celle de la décolonisation (2eme partie) et son droit discriminatoire positif, le peuple kanak a connu et connaît toujours des règles différentesIf the shock of the colonization of New Caledonia evoked in the introduction of the agreement on New Caledonia of May 5th, 1998 is not to be any more demonstrated, themeans developed by the French law towards the people remain to be examined. Considering the particular relations that maintain Kanak in the land, the shock of the cultures is goi ng to be translated by the opposition of the rights be tween an unchanging custom, and a French law which makes sacred the private property, participat ing in the rights of man and the citizen. These senses of identity appropriate for the coloni zation of New Caledonia, took multiple legal forms, as for the very taking possession because the Kanak first people knows a treaty (1844), a taking possession in 1853, and acts of gratitude of sovere ignty were signed by leaders (1854 ) on the Big Earth 2 . Our permanent questioning is thus the one to know how the Kanak people underwent by virtue of the French law a fundamental upheaval of his vital land space, spheres of influence ofhis traditional chieftainships, a disintegration of his organizatio n endowed with his owncodes. The constitutional gratitude of a personal status a ppropriate for the first people in the agreement of Noumea of 1998, is going to allow to confirm and to assure the superiority of the usual uses, either i n this only domain, but for all which concerns the ci vil law. The renowned French law based on the equality. The application to the Kanak people of New Caledonia shows that this idea must be revised. So, it is about the period of the colonization ( 1st part)) and its negative discriminatory law wher e that of the decolonization (2eme left) and its posi tive discriminatory law, Kanak people knew and always knows different rules
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Yekela, Drusilla Siziwe. "Unity and division : aspects of the history of Abathembu Chieftainship c. 1920 to c. 1980." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11491.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references.
The history of the abaThembu chieftainship in the twentieth century has been very little studied. This thesis is the first attempt to examine the chieftainship in detail. It shows how the chieftainship was deeply divided, yet survived socio-political assaults from both within and without. It focuses on the individuals who were successive paramount chiefs of the abaThembu, exploring how they helped shape the chieftainship over time, and on the impact on the chieftainship of state policy in the eras of segregation and then apartheid.
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Ngubane, Mlungisi. "Sources of succession disputes in respect of ubukhosi / chieftainship with regard to the Cele and Amangwane chiefdoms, KwaZulu-Natal." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/436.
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Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2005.This dissertation seeks to take up the challenge of contributing to such an understanding of chieftainship by looking at the chieftainship succession disputes in the Cele clan of Phungashe and AmaNgwane clan of Bergville in the Province of KwaZulu -Natal, South Africa. The incorporation of indigenous political structures within the wider South African state has a long history, starting from the movements of people from one area to the other, the formation of smaller chiefdoms and bigger chiefdoms and to the rise of the Zulu kingdom. The entire process of Zulu state formation has been through a series of succession disputes which exist among many clans even nowadays. Also, the role of successions runs from the arrangements of indirect rule at the latter part of the nineteen-century to the pivotal role played by traditional leaders in the homeland administration and after 1994, the recognition of the institution, status and role of traditional leadership in the country's first democratic constitution and the enactment of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act. No. 41 of 2003 which makes provision for the establishment of the Chieftainship Dispute Resolution Commission.
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Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony. "Consolidating democracy through integrating the chieftainship institution with elected councils in Lesotho: a case study of four community councils in Maseru." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002996.
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This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
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Andrade, André Drago Ferreira. "Formas políticas ameríndias: etnologia jê." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-17072012-141919/.
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Talvez demasiado complexa, caminho tortuoso para a compreensão das sociedades ameríndias, a questão do político parece receber pouca atenção por parte dos americanistas. Diante deste relativo e peculiar abandono, esta pesquisa visa fornecer estímulos e subsídios para a retomada das reflexões a respeito. Mais precisamente, alvitro sopesar o silêncio identificado e localizar o objeto a política tal como emerge num panorama duplamente restrito: à etnologia jê, dedicada a uma conjunção antropológica homônima de grupos indígenas, e ao período que, segundo os próprios jê-ólogos (cf. Coelho de Souza 2002), circunscreveria o processo de instituição de sua subdisciplina enquanto domínio científico relativamente autônomo, limitado, de um lado, pelo momento em que a etnologia forma, nomeia e individualiza os Jê no início do século XX , e, de outro, pelos esforços pioneiros de Curt Nimuendajú e pelo empreendimento sintético em que consistiu o Handbook of South American Indians (cf. Steward 1949). Espécie de Arqueologia (cf. Clastres 1980), o presente trabalho rechaça a pretensão de reagir à raridade com que o objeto a política jê encontra-se devidamente formalizado como uma espécie de pobreza enunciativa a compensar, e impõe-se o dever de tratar a variedade dos sentidos que lhe são imputados e a heterogeneidade de suas proveniências não como obstáculos no caminho de uma síntese qualquer, mas, justamente, como aquilo a descrever e a analisar.Perhaps a rather slippery path to the understanding of Amerindian societies, perhaps an avoidable complexity, politics is a subject usually met with silence by americanists. Given its relative and peculiar abandonment, this research aims to supply incentives and materials for forthcoming reflections. More precisely, I try to locate and reconstruct the object politics along a double-restricted panorama: to Gê Ethnology committed to a homonymous anthropological conjunction of indigenous groups; and to the period which, according to my fellow gê-ologists (cf. Coelho de Souza 2002), encompasses the sub-disciplines establishment as relatively autonomous scientific niche, limited, on one side, by the ethnological forming, naming and individualization of the Gê in the early twentieth century , and, on the other, by Curt Nimuendajús pioneer efforts and by Julien Stewards synthetic enterprise, i.e., the Handbook of South American Indians (1949) later on the course of that same century. Some kind of Archeology (cf. Clastres 1980), this work repels the pretense of regarding the objects Gê politics lack of formal definitions as enunciative deficiencies to compensate for, and undertakes the incumbency of treating its polysemic fleeting substance(s) not as obstacles impeding any sort of synthesis, but as the very stuff of its descriptions and analyses.
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Metsing, Nthatisi E. "Gender inequality in Lesotho : the right of succession to chieftainship." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/52253.
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Like many other African countries, the system of traditional leadership and chieftainship in
Lesotho is strongly embraced and deeply embedded. Under customary law chiefs have been
regarded as and served as governors of their societies with power over different aspects of life.
However the traditional leadership systems have been and continue to be predominantly male.
The study therefore will examine the institution of chieftainship in Lesotho under both the
Constitution and customary and; how this has led to gender inequality and infringement of
international human rights law. Under customary law which is recognized by common law
women, daughters in particular are denied the right to succeed to chieftainship on the basis of
gender and sex. As a result, this has led to gender inequality and discrimination against women.
Although the kingdom of Lesotho practices a dual system, obligating itself to incorporate
international law into domestic law, it has been evident that both the constitution and customary
law are inconsistent with international law particularly Article 2 of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which aims to protect and promote
human rights; In this case women s rights. Although chieftainship perceived to be important and
relevant, it has been argued that the institution of traditional leadership no longer has a place in
the modern world therefore should be abolished.
The study further examines some similar cases and judicial responses as well as the application
of international law in addressing the issue of gender inequality that results from customary law.
I also question under what or which circumstances shall customary law take precedence over
international law and when should international law precede over customary/ domestic law. I
therefore argue and recommend for the reformation and amendment of Chieftainship Act as well
as the Constitution of Lesotho which continues to advocate for gender inequality based on
cultural practices and customary law and lastly, the adoption of positive practices from the other
African states the paper look at.Mini-Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
tm2016
Centre for Human Rights
MPhil
Unrestricted
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Ralekgari, Cannie K. "Morero wa poletiki mo diterameng tsa Setswana tse di phasaladitsweng pele le morago ga 1994." Diss., 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/26376.
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The theme of politics has been popular among authors of African language literary works in the past years. In Setswana literature authors often explore this theme in dramas. Among those scholars who have discussed political themes in Setswana dramas are K.Mogapi (1985) and J.S.Shole (1988). The aim of this dissertation is to analyze politics in Setswana dramatic works. This mini-dissertation uses three concepts, namely defininition, interpretation and classification in its analysis of Setswana dramas. Furthermore, this dissertation has selected an adapted narratological model, which stresses topic as highly significant in understanding the content level of a text, as it links the events of the content coherently. This model also highlights theme as the most important aspect of the compositional level, as it links the events of the plot. The adapted narratological models also emphasises atmosphere when discussing style. These three levels are important when discussing politics in Setswana drama. Because this research investigates political drama, a few concepts such as politics and society, politics and democracy, and politics and literature are explained. The main aim of this dissertation is to analyze politics in Setswana dramatic works. This mini-dissertation discusses the theme of politics in Setswana drama according to three selected periods, namely (a) the period 1930-1993, which is represented by the drama MotswaseleII (1945) by L.D.Raditladi, (b) the period 1994-1995, which is represented by the drama Kaine le Abele (1995) by G.Mokae and (c) the period 1996-2002, which is represented by the drama Diterama tsa ga Zakes Mda (2002) translated into Setswana by P.M.Sebate. The results of the investigation can be summarized as follows: During the period 1930-1993, authors tend to write about traditional politics, that is, chieftainship, which is passed on by birthright. In his drama MotswaseleII, Raditladi uses a number of techniques in the development of his message of looking down upon traditional governance or leadership. During the period 1994-1995, which is represented by the drama Kaine le Abele, Setswana drama deals with modern or contemporary politics, and tends to show or depict the cruelty of the then apartheid South African government. While examining the period 1996-2002, which is represented by a collection of dramas by Mda, three short dramas were selected. In the drama ‘Re tla opelela lefatshe la borrarona’, prominent techniques are rhetoric question, motif, flashback and contrast. At the plot level of the drama ‘Mantswe a lefifi a a lela’, Mda deployed several prominent techniques to further the development of the theme of politics in his text, but this dissertation has selected only two main techniques, which are tragedy and ellision. In the drama ‘Tsela’, the author has used a number of techniques, but this dissertation has selected two pronounced techniques, which are complication of events and symbolism. Lastly, the findings of this research demonstrate the usefulness of the classification of Setswana political dramas, written up to now, according to three periods, namely (a) the period 1930-1993, (b) the period 1994-1995, and (c) the period 1996-2002.Dissertation (MA (African Languages))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
African Languages
unrestricted
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Mmbara, Swethani Virginia. "Bestowing honour on royalty : A case study of the Mphaphuli dynasty." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/571.
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Thesis (M.A. (African languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2009The purpose of this study is to investigate the issue of bestowing honour to royalty in the Mphaphuli dynasty.The investigation focuses on the origin of the Mphaphuli dynasty. The Chieftainship has been traced right from the beginning when they arrived in South Africa until the current era. According to sources that have been consulted, the chief’s subjects used to respect him/her. Instructions given by the chief used to be carried out in a more positive way than it is in the present era. The socio-economic activities are also covered in the study. It has been shown that chiefs in the Mphaphuli dynasty are no longer getting what they are entitled to. Many subjects no longer find it necessary to participate in traditional activities such as Tshikona and Domba. The money that is supposed to be given to the chief no longer goes to him as it used to be due to modern social and political factors. The study also focuses on the impact of politicians on the status of the Mphaphuli dynasty. The democratic era has brought many changes when it comes to the aspect of the chief’’s authority. The functions of the chief are not clearly defined in the Constitution. By the look of things, some of the chief’s functions have been stripped off. For instance, the Thulamela Municipality has the right to give people residential sites. The chief is not consulted when this is being done. Money collected from buyers of sites goes to the Municipality. Civic associations on the other hand are always at loggerheads with chiefs. The chief’s subjects are sometimes encouraged to defy his commands.The study highlights critical challenges chiefs in the Mphaphili dynasty are facing. It reveals the fact that subjects are confused as to who has the final authority, the chief or the municipality? Things will run smoothly in the dynasty when the chief’s roles are well spelt out in the Constitution
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Fokwang, Jude Thaddeus Dingbobga Fokwang. "Chiefs and democratic transition in Africa : an ethnographic study in the chiefdoms of Tshivhase and Bali." Diss., 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/30321.
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During the 1990s, most African countries experienced what has been termed their ‘second independence’ (cf. Bratton and Hyden 1992), a period of political upheaval and transformation leading to the introduction of democratic rule. In many countries including South Africa and Cameroon, the process triggered fresh debates about the status and role of chiefs. The popular assumption in ‘struggle circles’ such as the African National Congress (ANC) was that chiefs would be relegated to the background in the democratic era, thus giving room to people’s power and new forms of accountability. But the reality was that the introduction of democracy created a situation whereby many rural people felt excluded economically from the boundless promises of the new dispensation. This dissatisfaction among rural people brought into question the legitimacy of some structures such as the local government even though the ruling ANC continued to enjoy much support among the masses. This in turn provided an enabling environment in which some, but not all, chiefs could make new claims for legitimacy. This is because some chiefs remain discredited by their past association with apartheid authorities. Chief Tshivhase is one of the few chiefs who has successfully associated himself with the ANC both at the national and provincial levels. This has given him space to act decisively in certain ways on behalf of the poor at the local level, thereby winning credibility among rural people. Thus, his credibility is two-fold – with the national politicians, because he is one of them, and with the people of the chiefdom. Chief Tshivhase’s ability to renegotiate his status and gain new legitimacy as chief is a particular example of how the game of neo-liberal democracy is played out in post-apartheid South Africa. In the chiefdom of Bali Nyonga in Cameroon, Chief Ganyonga’s career looks rather similar to Tshivhase’s in so far as he too has risen to national prominence in the ruling party in Cameroon, the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) in the era of democracy. But Cameroon’s democratic transition was contradictory in the sense that it introduced the form of democracy but not its substance, leaving the ruling party the ability to manipulate and suppress the opposition and civil society. It was against this background that Ganyonga’s prominence in the CPDM contributed to undermining his legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects because they believed that his prominence in the party left them without any shield from the predation and manipulation of the state. Ganyonga was seen to be in ‘illicit cohabitation’ with a self-serving ruling party, at a time when his subjects wanted to use their newfound rights as citizens to vote the opposition into office. But Ganyonga’s involvement in the politics of the so-called ‘Anglophone problem’ helped to legitimise his participation in modern politics as a chief. Against this background, this thesis examines why both chiefs used their positions as a springboard into national politics? It also establishes the kinds of legitimacy claimed by these chiefs and to what extent the masses are persuaded by such claims and how the chiefs’ involvement in national politics has affected the relationship between them and their subjects. This thesis therefore makes a case for the importance of comparative research on chiefs in the era of democracy and the predicaments they face therein. The thesis argues that contrary to exhortations about the incompatibility of chiefs and democracy, the reality is that political transition in both countries produced contradictions which created space for chiefs to fill but on condition that they were able to draw from different kinds of legitimacy and had not been discredited by their past or present involvement with the postcolonial state.Dissertation (MA (Social Science))--University of Pretoria, 2005.
Anthropology and Archaeology
unrestricted
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Shai, Namanetona Joel. "Intervention and resistance: the Batau of Mphanama, Limpopo province and external governance." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21032.
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Text in EnglishThe Batau of Kgaphola are of Swazi origin and migrated to Sekhukhuneland Limpopo Province in South Africa. The community has been involved in chieftainship disputes which date back to 1954 after the death of Chief Lobang III. Within the broader national political framework and execution of policies, the community became divided between the Makhuduthamaga and the Rangers. The Makhuduthamaga were anti-government and the Rangers pro-government. Each of the two groups gained the support of community members. The failure of the royal family to agree on who should lead the community after the death of Chief Lobang III led to a division from within. The former Lebowa government and the current Limpopo government intervened into the Batau chieftainship disputes without success. Commissions such as the Lekoloane, Ralushai and Nhlapo were established to deal with chieftainship disputes but this did not assist communities including the Batau of Kgaphola. The Kgatla Commission was also established and communities are still appearing before it and the Batau are still waiting to present their case. The study explores how the Batau of Mphanama dealt with their differences relating to chieftainship within the community and this instituted external intervention. It also uncovers how disputes within the royal family have affected members of the community and led to divisions. In the final instance the effect of decades of external political intervention and governance is evaluated.
Anthropology and Archaeology
M.A. (Anthropology)
Books on the topic "Chieftainships"
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Wylie, Diana. Center cannot hold: The decline of the Ngwato chieftainship, 1926-50. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Dissertation Services, 2003.
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Kaphamtengo, Toughlen J. The eastern flank of the Kalonga's state: The case of the Mpinganjira chieftainship to the time of the Yao invasion. [Zomba, Malawi]: University of Malawi, Chancellor College, History Dept., 1990.
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4
Dempsey, Hugh Aylmer. Tribal honors: A history of the Kainai Chieftainship. Kainai Chieftainship, 1997.
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Wylie, Diana. The center cannot hold: The decline of the Ngwato chieftainship, 1926-50. 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Chieftainships"
1
Loffman, Reuben A. "The Failure of ‘Great’ Chieftainships and the Consolidation of Catholic Authority, 1918–1932." In Church, State and Colonialism in Southeastern Congo, 1890–1962, 119–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17380-7_4.
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Sekatle, Pontso. "The relevance of Lesotho’s chieftainship system to contemporary governance." In Traditional Institutions in Contemporary African Governance, 162–74. New York : Routledge, 2017. | Series: African governance ; v. 1: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315227948-9.
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Loffman, Reuben A. "Missionaries and the Formation of Colonial Chieftainship, 1933–1939." In Church, State and Colonialism in Southeastern Congo, 1890–1962, 157–88. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17380-7_5.
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Bird, Isabella L. "A Simple Nature-Worship—Aino Gods—A Festival Song—Religious Intoxication—Bear-Worship—The Annual Saturnalia—The Future State—Marriage and Divorce—Musical Instruments—Etiquette—The Chieftainship—Death and Burial—Old Age—Moral Qualities." In Unbeaten Tracks in Japan, 273–84. (Isabella Lucy), 1831–1904-Correspondence 3.Japan- Description and travel 4.Japan-: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315788715-48.
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"FOUNDATION OF THE CHIEFTAINSHIPS." In Chinese Civilization, 247–72. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315005508-15.
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"FOUNDATION OF THE CHIEFTAINSHIPS." In Chinese Civilization, 273–76. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315005508-16.
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"FOUNDATION OF THE CHIEFTAINSHIPS." In Chinese Civilization, 277–324. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315005508-17.
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MARCUS, GEORGE E. "Chieftainship." In Developments in Polynesian Ethnology, 187–223. University of Hawaii Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv9zckwp.9.
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Turner†, V. W. "The Chieftainship." In Schism and Continuity in an African Society, 318–27. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003134923-11.
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Petersen, Glenn. "Chieftainship and Government." In Traditional Micronesian Societies, 125–57. University of Hawai'i Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824832483.003.0006.
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