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Journal articles on the topic 'Chieftainships'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Bishi, George. "The Archive and Chieftainship Claims in Zimbabwe: Some Methodological Reflections." History in Africa 46 (May 6, 2019): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2019.13.

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Abstract:This article focuses on the uses of the archive in contemporary Zimbabwe by individuals and families making claims to chieftaincy. A reading of the colonial archive on chieftainship histories reveals that there is an information gap especially for some years. For instance, from the 1960s to the present, there are relatively few documents specifically relating to the subject of chiefs and headmen in Zimbabwe. As a result, researchers working on chieftainships, hired historians, and claimants to chieftaincy face a frustrating challenge of limited sources. This article analyzes the sources that hired historians use to write chieftaincy claims reports in Zimbabwe for their clients. It also explores the use of oral evidence to complement or counter the narratives offered through colonial documents, and it also recommends the use of alternative sources on chieftaincy, both within and beyond the repositories of the National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ).

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2

McGregor, Alan. "Book Review Article: The Evolutionary Struggle to Procreate: the Case of Chieftainships." Mankind Quarterly 28, no. 4 (1988): 427–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.1988.28.4.6.

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3

Fernández Moreno, Nuria. "Between Tradition and Evangelisation: Marriage Ritualisation on Colonial and Contemporary Bioko Island." Culture & History Digital Journal 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): e015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.015.

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The start of the 20th century on Bioko Island (Equatorial Guinea) coincides with the expansion of Spanish colonisation. Around 1910, the intense process of “Hispanicisation” began, totally disrupting native Bubi society. The colonial government, together with the intense evangelisation carried out on the island by the Catholic Church, weakened and modified Bubi power structures. Colonialism also provoked important changes in Bubi family structure and the evangelising mission was, fundamentally, directed toward controlling and transforming marriage practices. This text analyses how the loss of the political function of the Bubi chieftainships affected marriage practices and examines the other variables that influenced these changes and their effects on the present-day situation of Bubi women. Finally, the text explains how the practices and values that the evangelisation managed to introduce influenced the construction of Bubi ethnic identity.

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4

Abler, T. S. "Seneca Moieties and Hereditary Chieftainships: The Early-Nineteenth-Century Political Organization of an Iroquois Nation." Ethnohistory 51, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 459–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-51-3-459.

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5

Goerg, Odile. "Chieftainships between Past and Present: From City to Suburb and Back in Colonial Conakry, 1890s-1950s." Africa Today 52, no. 4 (June 2006): 2–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2006.52.4.2.

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6

Goerg, Odile. "Chieftainships between Past and Present: From City to Suburb and Back in Colonial Conakry, 1890s-1950s." Africa Today 52, no. 4 (2006): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2006.0044.

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7

Herman, John E. "Empire in the Southwest: Early Qing Reforms to the Native Chieftain System." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1997): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2646343.

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By the time the Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723–35) issued the above edict in January 1728, criticism of Beijing's new confrontational approach toward the native chieftains of southwest China had already reached embarrassing proportions. With increasing frequency, civilian and military officials in Guangxi, Guizhou, Yunnan, and Sichuan referred to the state's abolition of native chieftainships as “senseless,” “a plan devoid of vision and purpose,” and “wantonly destructive of life and property.” Ortai (1680–1745), Yue Zhongqi (1686–1754), and several other officials recently assigned to the southwest by Yongzheng were labeled “reckless opportunists” intent on inciting disturbances among native chieftains and the indigenous non-Han peoples of southwest China in order to further their careers (ZPYZ, He Shiji 2a–3b; Ding Shijie 16b; Ortai 1:95a–b; Famin 21a–24b; YZSL 46:20b–21b). According to one influential official assigned to the southwest, “Your humble servant takes this opportunity to inform [the emperor] of the devastation and misery caused by [Ortai's] actions, in hope this policy towards native chieftains will be brought to an end and we can resume the strategy of peaceful assimilation initiated during previous reigns” (ZPZZ, Zu Binggui 1772.6).

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8

MA, JIANXIONG. "Salt and Revenue in Frontier Formation: State Mobilized Ethnic Politics in the Yunnan-Burma Borderland since the 1720s." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (July 11, 2013): 1637–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000868.

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AbstractThis research reviews the formation of the Yunnan-Burma frontier since the 1720s, when the Qing government reformed the administrative systems from chieftainships to official counties in the middle and southern Yunnan mountains areas. One of some crucial political changes was the policy of salt revenue which directly stimulated large scale ethnic resistance in the region of salt wells. However, the social political context of continuing ethnic conflicts was not only rooted in the reshaping of the salt-consuming districts, but also rooted in social changes in the Yunnan-Burma borderland because of increasing Han Chinese immigration and their penetration into mining, long distance trade and local agriculture. In order to successfully control mountain resources as the base of revenue, the Qing government continued to gradually integrate native Dai chieftains into official counties. Local resistance continued and reached a peak from the 1790s to the 1810s. Pushed by the Qing government, and with the collaboration of different social actors, the synthesized mobilization of frontier formation had made ethnic politics a main style of social political reconstruction, even if commercial exchange, long distance trade, and demographic reshaping also continued to be mixed with ethnic politics as another layer of the Yunnan-Burma frontier formation.

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9

Kapa, Motlamelle A. "THE CHIEFTAINSHIP IN LESOTHO: TO RETAIN OR TO ABOLISH?" Politeia 33, no. 2 (October 20, 2016): 82–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1780.

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This article presents and analyses the perspectives of a number of politicians and academics in Lesotho concerning the relevance and role of chieftainship as an institution in the political system of the country. The study was conducted in response to attempts in 2005 by the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) government to devolve political power and the on-going debate in academic and policy circles on the value of the institution of chieftainship in democratising systems in Africa. Evidence from the field is presented relating to how chieftainship is perceived by politicians (usually but wrongly regarded as competing with the chiefs for political power) and academics in Lesotho, and also to how chieftainship can co-exist with elected councils to consolidate democracy. Chieftainship was found still to enjoy legitimacy among a large number of politicians and academics, and still to be relevant to the countryâ€™s political system, even subsequent to the establishment of the elected councils.

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10

Mosko, Mark S. "Rethinking Trobriand Chieftainship." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1, no. 4 (December 1995): 763. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034960.

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11

Ifezue, Godsglory O. "Understanding Chieftainship in Botswana: The Status and Powers of Chiefs in Present Day Botswana." Journal of African Law 59, no. 2 (September 8, 2015): 271–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855315000157.

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AbstractThis article seeks to provide a critical analysis and understanding of the institution of chieftainship in Botswana. It looks at the institution of chieftainship starting from before colonization, right through colonization to the present day, post-colonization. It will be observed that interference with the institution started from colonization and continues to the present day. Consequently, this article weaves a discussion of the justification for such interference through an analysis of the status and powers of chiefs during colonization and their status post-colonization. The chiefs’ reaction to the encroachment is also covered, for the chiefs were not simply passive and co-operative while their powers were being taken away.

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12

O'Shea, John M., and John Ludwickson. "Omaha Chieftainship in the Nineteenth Century." Ethnohistory 39, no. 3 (1992): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482301.

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13

Herda, Phyllis, and Billie Lythberg. "Featherwork and divine chieftainship in Tonga." Journal of the Polynesian Society 123, no. 3 (September 2014): 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.15286/jps.123.3.277-300.

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14

Maloka, Tshidiso, and David Gordon. "Chieftainship, Civil Society, and the Political Transition in South Africa." Critical Sociology 22, no. 3 (October 1996): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089692059602200303.

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15

Woodson, Dorothy C. "Albert Luthuli and the African National Congress: A Bio-Bibliography." History in Africa 13 (1986): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171551.

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Seek ye the political kingdom and all shall be yours.No minority tyranny in history ever survived the opposition of the majority. Nor will it survive in South Africa. The end of white tyranny is near.In their Portraits of Nobel Laureates in Peace, Wintterle and Cramer wrote that “the odds against the baby born at the Seventh-Day Adventist Mission near Bulawayo in Rhodesia in 1898 becoming a Nobel Prize winner were so astronomical as to defy calculation. He was the son of a proud people, the descendant of Zulu chieftains and warriors. But pride of birth is no substitute for status rendered inferior by force of circumstance, and in Luthuli's early years, the native African was definitely considered inferior by the white man. If his skin was black, that could be considered conclusive proof that he would never achieve anything; white men would see to that. However, in Luthuli's case they made a profound mistake--they allowed him to have an education.”If there is an extra-royal gentry in Zulu society, then it was into this class that Albert John Luthuli was born. Among the Zulus, chieftainship is hereditary only for the Paramount Chief; all regional chiefs are elected. The Luthuli family though, at least through the 1950s, monopolized the chieftainship of the Abasemakholweni (literally “converts”) tribe for nearly a century. Luthuli's grandfather Ntaba, was the first in the family to head the tribe and around 1900, his uncle Martin Luthuli took over.

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16

Nkosi, S. A., J. F. Kirsten, S. M. Bhembe, and H. J. Sartorius von Bach. "THE ROLE OF TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE BOGOŜI (CHIEFTAINSHIP)." Agrekon 33, no. 4 (December 1994): 282–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03031853.1994.9524797.

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17

Price, Catherine. "Lakotas and Euroamericans: Contrasted Concepts of "Chieftainship" and Decision-Making Authority." Ethnohistory 41, no. 3 (1994): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/481834.

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18

Bellefontaine, Elizabeth. "Customary Law and Chieftainship: Judicial Aspects of 2 Samuel 14.4-21." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 12, no. 38 (June 1987): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908928701203805.

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19

Petersen, Glenn. "At the Intersection of Chieftainship and Constitutional Government: Some Comparisons from Micronesia." Journal de la société des océanistes, no. 141 (December 15, 2015): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/jso.7434.

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20

SALINAS, SALVADOR. "Untangling Mexico's Noodle: El Tallarín and the Revival of Zapatismo in Morelos, 1934–1938." Journal of Latin American Studies 46, no. 3 (July 21, 2014): 471–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1400073x.

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AbstractStudies on the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–40) have tended to emphasise popular support for the Cardenista regime while underestimating the domestic opposition to the president. The story of Enrique Rodríguez (‘El Tallarín’), a former Zapatista militant from the state of Morelos, reveals the breadth and complexity of the opposition to Cárdenas. The rebellion led by Rodríguez from 1934 to 1938 forced Cárdenas to renegotiate the terms of Zapatista loyalty to the federal government in order to secure peace in Morelos and represented a broad critique of the post-revolutionary state's advancement during the 1930s. Rodríguez stood as a defender of agrarian self-reliance, traditional chieftainship andpuebloreligious liberty.

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21

Pearson, Roger. "Chieftainship as an evolutionary stage in the transition from tribal to feudal society." Mankind Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1987): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.1987.28.2.3.

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22

Hooper, Steven. "“Supreme among our valuables”: Whale teeth tabua, chieftainship and power in eastern Fiji." Journal of the Polynesian Society 122, no. 2 (June 2013): 103–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15286/jps.122.2.103-160.

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23

Siikala, Jukka. "Hierarchy and power in the Pacific." Anthropological Theory 14, no. 2 (June 2014): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499614534116.

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Looking at recent turmoil in political processes in the Pacific, the article discusses the relationship of socio-cosmic holism and hierarchy in Tonga, Samoa and Fiji to western ideologies of democracy and individualism. Incorporation of traditional chieftainship into colonial and postcolonial state structures has had different outcomes in each case. The structural arrangements, which according to Dumont are seen as intermediary forms, are looked at using material from the recent history of the societies. Thus the riots in Nukuʻalofa orchestrated by the Tongan democracy movement, the military coup in Fiji and the multiplication of chiefly titles in Samoa are seen as results of the interplay of local and western ideologies culminating in notions of holism and individualism.

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24

Ludwickson, John. "Blackbird and Son: A Note concerning Late-Eighteenth- and Early-Nineteenth-Century Omaha Chieftainship." Ethnohistory 42, no. 1 (1995): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482936.

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25

LEKGOATHI, SEKIBAKIBA PETER. "‘COLONIAL’ EXPERTS, LOCAL INTERLOCUTORS, INFORMANTS AND THE MAKING OF AN ARCHIVE ON THE ‘TRANSVAAL NDEBELE’, 1930–1989." Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (March 2009): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003976.

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ABSTRACTThe perspectives of African informants and researchers profoundly shaped the writings of government ethnologist Dr. Nicholas Jacobus van Warmelo who not only collected information from local African informants but also relied on African researchers who wrote manuscripts in the vernacular that would constitute part of his archive. This study explores the process of producing knowledge on the ‘Transvaal Ndebele’, and provides an analysis of Van Warmelo's texts and of his researchers' manuscripts. By looking at the role of local interlocutors, I make a case for African agency in shaping the ‘colonial’ expert's conceptions of Ndebele identity. This article provides an account of the co-production of cultural knowledge. Van Warmelo was employed by the South African Native Affairs Department to identify and fix ‘tribes’, a highly political enterprise, and in the process generated an archive. His work was as much appropriated by the apartheid state for social engineering as by Ndebele interlocutors involved in contemporary struggles over chieftainship.

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26

Manatsha, Boga Thura. "Chiefs and the Politics of Land Reform in the North East District, Botswana, 2005–2008." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 1 (August 15, 2019): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619868738.

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The North East District has the most contentious land question in post-colonial Botswana. Most of its land was expropriated by a colonial syndicate called the Tati Concessions (Tati Company) in the 1880s. Chunks of said land are still held under freehold titles resulting in the district experiencing severe land scarcity, especially for communal use. In a continuous effort to address this problem, the government purchased 19 freehold farms between 2005 and 2008 (about 20000 hectares) for redistribution. The process was carried out under the leadership of the Tati Land Board and North East District Administration while the chiefs and their communities were marginalised. This oversight and marginalisation of traditional leaders and their communities undermine the Chieftainship Act, which mandates the chiefs to actively promote the welfare of their tribes, inform them about developments and government policies. Using the participatory democracy theory, the article examines this land reform from the point of view of the local chiefs. It concludes that the marginalisation of the chiefs amounted to ‘community exclusion’ rendering the reform anti-redistributive.

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27

Esin Koksal, Suheyla, Gokhan Gunduz, and Menderes Kalkat. "Installation of Test Setup and Measurement Procedures in Fir Wood Hydraulic Conductance Measurement." Drvna industrija 72, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5552/drvind.2021.1945.

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For a hydraulic conductor, through which liquid flows, hydraulic conductance (K, ml·s-1·MPa-1) is defined as the ratio of pressure difference at the inlet and outlet to the fluid amount passing through the hydraulic conductor in a unit time period. This property is one of the key functions of the wood, and is obtained by the flow rate (F – Flow, ml·s-1) along the wood sample divided by the pressure difference driving the flow (DP, MPa). This study aimed to establish a test setup to determine the hydraulic conductance values of Uludağ Fir (Abies bornmulleriana Mattf.). A test setup was established to measure the amount of water that flows in samples and pressure difference in characterized capillary tubes. In addition, calibration of the test apparatus is explained in detail. Fir wood samples taken from Yedigoller, which is affiliated to Kale Operation Chieftainship and Bolu Forest Regional Directorate, of 4 mm in diameter and 3 cm in length were prepared and hydraulic conductance measurements were performed, and the results are presented in this article. The installed test setup was used to obtain the following information about trees: operation of the hydraulic conduction system, the amount of needed water, seasonal effects and stress-related changes.

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28

Nsangua, Benoit Mposo, Hippollyte Nshimba Nseya, Faustin Boyemba B., Roger Katusi L., Faustin Mbayo M., and Laurianne Mbuyu M. "Etude De La Variabilite Structurale Et Floristique Des Forets Sur Terre Ferme En Chefferie De Bahema-Boga (Province De L’ituri, RDC)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 30 (October 31, 2018): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n30p500.

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The knowledge of the structural and floristic variability of forest is the principal tool which makes it possible to know the floristic composition of forest in an area. This paper focuses on analyzing the structural and floristic variability between compounds of forest on firm earth in chieftainship Bahema-boga in Ituri Province in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The study provides knowledge and education to those responsible for environmental protection and those who are concerned with the forest based on the floristic potential for the conservation and the sustainable management of the forests. The structure and the floristic composition vary from one forest to another. The quantity of carbon stoke also vary due to the function of structures and floristic composition of forests. The forests play an important role in the reduction of CO2. The inventories of trees whose diameter is ≥ 10 cm have allowed us to collect the data to analyze this structural and floristic variability in a sample of 3 ha (plots) of forests in firm earth. The results obtained indicate that 812 inventoried individuals (trees) are extended in 16 species, 11 kinds, and 8 famillies. The total earth surface of inventoried individuals is 32,06 m2 /ha. The species of Cynometra sessiliflora dominated those forests with 408 individuals (50,25%). The diametric class of the most elevated inventoried plants are located between 10-20cm (63,17%). The family of the Fabaceae is better represented in those forests (73,65%).

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29

Seotsanyana, 'Malimpho Elsie. "The Effectiveness of NUL Programmes in Creating the Social Resposibility." Humanities and Social Science Research 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): p21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/hssr.v3n3p21.

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The employer’s views have been sought on the quality of the National University of Lesotho (NUL) programmes in relation to addressing the concept of social responsibility. The employers’ views were sought through observing the quality of performance of the NUL graduates at the workplace and at the community engagements. The NUL designed programmes that are expected to address the societal needs, hence the reason why it is important to find out whether the programmes that prepared the graduates for the workplace have a successful outcome. A total of 150 employers in the Lesotho Ministries of Education and Training as well as Local Government and chieftainship in three of the ten districts of Lesotho formed the sample of the study. A two part questionnaire with four point likert scale of strongly agree and strongly disagree; highly satisfied and highly dissatisfied was designed to find out information on the employers’ perceptions on the performance of the NUL graduates in relation to social responsibility. Frequency counts analysis with descriptive statistics was employed to indicate the results of the study. Research results confirmed that the NUL programmes have deficiencies in moulding all graduates with competence in social responsibility. It was observed that there were graduates that have achieved the social responsibility skills, but there are those graduates who still require further training on the issue of social responsibility. It is therefore recommended that the NUL should periodically review its programmes in order to prepare a well rounded graduate that could be a community developer.

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30

Watts, Michael, Henrik Lebhuhn, and Dorothea Schmidt. "Imperiales Öl und vergessene Verbrechen." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 43, no. 170 (March 1, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v43i170.280.

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Nigeria is a petro-state with a vast shadow economy and shadow political apparatuses, in which the lines between public and private, state and market, government and organized crime are blurred and porous. Since the oil industry in the Niger delta became commercially viable in 1958, virtually every inch of the region has been touched by international oil corporations. As a result, a multiplicity of overlapping conflicts have evolved: From the new states and local government areas bankrolled by the oil revenue process, to reconfigured spaces of chieftainship and ethnicity in which a panoply of political movements struggle for the control over territory, to the violent spaces of the creeks controlled by insurgents and federal military forces.

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31

Mashman, Valerie. "Peace-Making, Adat and Tama Bulan Wang." Journal of Borneo-Kalimantan 6, no. 1 (July 14, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/jbk.2414.2020.

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Resident Charles Hose was credited with “the true civilization of the Baram people.” However, a careful examination of the role of Penghulu Tama Bulan Wang demonstrates that pacification of the Baram was achieved less by the mediation of Charles Hose and more by the role of local chiefs such as Penghulu Tama Bulan Wang. His source of power was the existing customary institution of chieftainship and the adat or system of customary law, which provided safeguards for preventing conflict, for making peace and creating alliances. The role of this local cultural component in establishment of the state of Sarawak has been underplayed in colonial accounts of peace-making and the contemporary written history of the state.

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32

Mamvura, Zvinashe. "‘Is Mugabe Also Among the National Deities and Kings?’: Place Renaming and the Appropriation of African Chieftainship Ideals and Spirituality in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe." Journal of Asian and African Studies, February 10, 2021, 002190962199279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909621992794.

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This article examines the elite construction of cultural landscapes in Harare. Since assuming the reins of power in the Zimbabwe African Nation Union (ZANU) in 1977, Robert Mugabe invented a political culture that conflated him with spirit mediums whom the nationalist movement had elevated to national deities and dead kings. Mugabe continued to cultivate this political culture in the post-colonial era using different discourses of self-presentation. The place-renaming exercise that the Mugabe regime implemented immediately after independence was part of Mugabe’s self-legitimating efforts. This article establishes that the place-renaming system in Harare projected Mugabe as a divine king.

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33

Klute, Georg. "POST-GADDAFI REPERCUSSIONS IN NORTHERN MALI." Strategic Review for Southern Africa 35, no. 2 (December 22, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v35i2.137.

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While utopias of (political) autonomy or an independent (Tuareg) state have for long been part and parcel of internal debates among Tuareg, it was only recently that the claim for independence was formulated to the outside world. A Tuareg state, Azawad, was even put into practice, albeit for some months only. A second characteristic is that there has never been a serious attempt at integrating all Tuareg, regardless of the country they are living in, into a unique nation-state. Is the 'national identity' of the respective post-colonial states so strong that it supplants the 'claim for independence'? Or is the pre-colonial form of political organisation among Tuareg, the regional drum-group (ettebel), still so vivid that it impedes the establishment of a state that would encompass all Tuareg? Apart from the independence movement MNLA (Mouvement National pour la Libération de l'Azawad) operating in Northern Mali, there are Islamist groups which fight for the spread of an Islamic mode of life. Some of these succeeded in recruiting Tuareg, particularly among the Tuareg of the Kidal region. The appeal of the 'Islamic claim' to the Kidal Tuareg goes back to their genesis as a political entity during the period of colonial conquest when the French installed a regional 'drum-group' within the framework of administrative chieftainship. As nearly all regional Tuareg claim descent from members of the Islamic army that conquered North Africa in the 7th century, regional power differs from power structures in all other regions inhabited by Tuareg. It is based on a double legitimacy: that of Islamic nobility, and that of the Tuareg warrior class. For several months, however, there has been ideological dissent among the Tuareg followers of the Islamic movements. This debate revolves around several issues, particularly the question as to whether or not the Islamic mode of life is to be limited to the sole region of Kidal.

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