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1

Soto, Lourdes Diaz. "Childhood Memories." Anthropology Education Quarterly 32, no. 1 (March 2001): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aeq.2001.32.1.104.

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Hunt, Naomi. "Childhood Memories." Self & Society 22, no. 6 (January 1995): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03060497.1995.11085490.

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Brunereau, Laurent, Catherine B. Sonier Vinikoff, and Philippe Rouleau. "Memories of Childhood." American Journal of Roentgenology 177, no. 4 (October 2001): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.2214/ajr.177.4.1770762.

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4

Weiner, Myron F. "Earliest Childhood Memories." American Journal of Psychotherapy 45, no. 3 (July 1991): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.psychotherapy.1991.45.3.447.

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5

Rosenbaum, Milton. "Childhood “Screen Memories”." Psychosomatics 39, no. 1 (January 1998): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0033-3182(98)71383-0.

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6

Loftus, Elizabeth F. "Creating childhood memories." Applied Cognitive Psychology 11, no. 7 (December 1997): S75—S86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-0720(199712)11:73.0.co;2-f.

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7

Newcombe, Nora S., Anna Bullock Drummey, Nathan A. Fox, Eunhui Lie, and Wendy Ottinger-Alberts. "Remembering Early Childhood." Current Directions in Psychological Science 9, no. 2 (April 2000): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8721.00060.

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In this article, we consider recent research on three questions about people's memories for their early childhood: whether childhood amnesia is a real phenomenon, whether implicit memories survive when explicit memories do not, and why early episodic memories are sketchy. The research leads us to form three conclusions. First, we argue that childhood amnesia is a real phenomenon, as long as the term is defined clearly. Specifically, people are able to recall parts of their lives from the period between ages 2 and 5 years, but they recall less from that period than from other periods. Second, we conclude that implicit memories from early childhood may be evident even when explicit memories are not, a finding that suggests early experience may affect behavior in ways that people do not consciously recognize. Third, we argue that although young children are well known to be wonderfully efficient learners of semantic information, they have difficulty in either encoding or retrieving the interlinked aspects of events that lend them their autobiographical character. Although more evidence is needed, the relative lack of episodic memories of early childhood may be linked to maturation of prefrontal cortex.
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Sangjung, Kang, and Robin Fletcher. "Memories of aZainichiKorean Childhood." Japanese Studies 26, no. 3 (December 2006): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371390600986611.

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9

Mitchell, Gail J. "Childhood: More Than Memories." Nursing Science Quarterly 18, no. 3 (June 23, 2005): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894318405277520.

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10

McLaughlin, Daniel. "Comment on "Childhood Memories"." Anthropology Education Quarterly 32, no. 1 (March 2001): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aeq.2001.32.1.113.

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11

Wang, Qi, Carole Peterson, and Yubo Hou. "Children dating childhood memories." Memory 18, no. 7 (October 2010): 754–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09658211.2010.508749.

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12

Tereshchenko, N. "Points: Early childhood memories." BMJ 291, no. 6489 (July 20, 1985): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.291.6489.219-e.

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13

Joseph, Rhawn. "Emotional trauma and childhood amnesia." Consciousness & Emotion 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2003): 151–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ce.4.2.02jos.

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It has been reported that, on average, most adults recall first memories formed around age 3.5. In general, most first memories are positive. However, whether these first memories tend to be visual or verbal and whether the period for childhood amnesia (CA) is greater for visual or verbal or for positive versus negative memories has not been determined. Because negative, stressful experiences disrupt memory and can injure memory centers such as the hippocampus and amygdala, and since adults who were traumatized or abused during childhood (TA) reportedly suffer memory disturbances, it was hypothesized that those with a history of early trauma might suffer from a lengthier childhood amnesia and form their first recallable memories at a later age as compared to the general population (GP). Because the right hemisphere matures earlier than the language-dominant left hemisphere, and is dominant for visual and emotional memory, as well as the stress reponse, it was hypothesized that first recallable memories would be visual rather than verbal. Lastly, since stress can injure the brain and disrupt memory, it was hypothesized that the traumatized group would demonstrate memory and intellectual disturbances associated with right hemisphere injury as based on WAIS-R, Wechsler Memory Scale, and facial-memory testing. All hypotheses were supported. Positive and visual memories are formed before negative and verbal memories. TA CA offset, on average, is at age 6.1 versus 3.5 for GPs. TA PIQ (performance IQ), short-term visual memory, and facial memory were significantly reduced.
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Westman, Alida S., and Cosette Orellana. "Only Visual Impressions are Almost Always Present in Long-Term Memories, and Reported Completeness, Accuracy, and Verbalizability of Recollections Increase with Age." Perceptual and Motor Skills 83, no. 2 (October 1996): 531–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1996.83.2.531.

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In two studies, students answered questions about their earliest memories from childhood and either elementary school and high school or college and yesterday. Visual sensory impressions were present in all childhood and almost all later memories. Sound aspects were more frequent in memories from high school and college than in those from childhood. Earliest memories from yesterday almost always included internal sensations. Recollections were rated as more accurate, complete, and verbalizable as events occurred later in life. Memories from childhood, elementary, and high school were thought about, found useful, or shared equally frequently. Yesterday's events were less likely shared, but, if shared, enhanced social relationships.
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15

Coffill, Brian. "Charles Ives’s Decoration Day: A Conductor’s Guide." SAGE Open 9, no. 1 (January 2019): 215824401882035. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244018820353.

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Charles Ives’ Decoration Day, a dreamy haze of almost-forgotten memories and half-remembered tunes, depicts recollections American Civil War through the eyes of a Connecticut youth at the end of the nineteenth century. The work, originally published as the second movement of Ives’ New England Holidays Symphony for orchestra, is a musical representation of the composer’s childhood memories of that eponymous holiday. This paper links Ives’ own descriptions of the composition, his childhood, and his memories of the somber annual memorial to the musical gestures in the score, synthesizing extant scholarship with practical analysis and performance experience. Through better understanding Charles’ connections to the Civil War, specifically by way of his father, the bandmaster George Ives, Decoration Day comes to life as a stirring epitaph for a boy’s long-lost hero.
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Rimbault, Éléonore. "Childhood Memories of Circus Children." Public Culture 33, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 261–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-8917220.

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Abstract Before the 1990s, there were many child performers in India's circus companies. They joined the circus as trainees and received a salary for their performance. After their activity was problematized as child labor and made illegal, they progressively disappeared from circus companies. Drawing from ethnographic materials, this article reflects on the memories of former circus children who have now become adults. The author argues that taking the interlocutors’ memories as a point of departure for the study of childhood helps circumvent some moral and methodological issues with this category. Childhood memories illuminate an individual's assessment of their own experience, regardless of whether it conforms to widespread normative expectations about childhood; it can also suggest biographical periodizations that are more relevant to a person's life than prevalent age categories. The essay ends with a caveat about the need for a reflexive approach to the context in which childhood memories are shared.
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Thomson, Donald M. "Allegations of childhood abuse: Repressed memories or false memories?" Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 2, no. 1 (April 1995): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13218719509524855.

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18

Cook, Sheila. "Childhood Memories of Top Meadow." Chesterton Review 22, no. 4 (1996): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton1996224138.

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19

Kilwein, John H. "Memories of a childhood pharmacy." Journal of Clinical Pharmacy and Therapeutics 18, no. 1 (February 1993): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2710.1993.tb00559.x.

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20

Simchon, Michal. "Expanding Childhood Memories Using Metaphors." Journal of Systemic Therapies 38, no. 4 (December 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jsyt.2019.38.4.1.

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21

Pliskin, Karen L. "Memories of a Jewish Childhood." Visual Anthropology 21, no. 5 (October 16, 2008): 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949460802342033.

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22

Arfuch, Leonor. "Childhood Exile: Memories and Returns." a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 33, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 687–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08989575.2018.1504393.

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23

Barasch, Moshe. "Reflection on Tombstones: Childhood Memories." Artibus et Historiae 9, no. 17 (1988): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1483324.

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24

Crowley, M. Sue. "Memories of Childhood Sexual Abuse." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 22, no. 9 (September 2007): 1095–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260507302879.

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25

Ilsley, J. K., C. D. Birman, J. Hoult, C. R. Brewin, L. Crook, and H. G. Pope. "Recovered memories of childhood abuse." BMJ 317, no. 7164 (October 10, 1998): 1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.317.7164.1012.

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26

Hyman, Ira E., Troy H. Husband, and F. James Billings. "False memories of childhood experiences." Applied Cognitive Psychology 9, no. 3 (June 1995): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/acp.2350090302.

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27

Zezelj, Iris, Sofija Pajic, Neda Omanovic, Jasmina Ninkovic, and Julija Grcic. "The impact of ego-involvement in the creation of false childhood memories." Psihologija 42, no. 3 (2009): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0903289z.

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An experiment employed a 'familiar-informant false-narrative procedure' to examine the effects of ego involvement manipulation on the creation of false memories for suggested events. Our main sample consisted of 54 Serbian adolescent students. During the pre-testing stage, students' parents (N=54) provided details from their children childhoods, which were used to create stimuli for the subsequent stages. Half of the participants were given an ego-involving suggestion- a short written statement that claimed that people with higher intelligence have a better and more detailed memory of their childhood. We hypothesized that ego-involved group would recollect more childhood events in general, create more false memories and be more confident in its' authenticity and clarity. Implanted event was recognized as autobiographic by 24% respondents in the testing stage and by 44.4% respondents in the retesting stage. There were significant qualitative differences between authentic and false memories: authentic memories were assessed as more reliable and clearer than the false ones. Ego-involvement manipulation had no impact on the frequency or quality of false memories reported by the participants. Even though the specific ego-involvement manipulation was not successful, our findings suggest that other motivating strategies we employed pushed the respondents into accepting false memory suggestion in the retesting stage. Future research could benefit from testing more elaborate ego-involving procedures.
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Hueller, Patrick. "The Lives and Time of David Hackman." After Dinner Conversation 5, no. 5 (2024): 56–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/adc20245547.

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How does our mind make meaning of fragmented childhood memories? In this work of philosophical short story fiction, the narrator recounts his childhood association with foul-mouthed Dave, a “spaz” who was frequently sent to the “Spaz Box” by teachers. The narrator does a meta-analysis of his childhood memory of watching Dave get violently attacked by his older brother. He also does an analysis of his childhood memory of Dave saving (or was it pushing?) a little girl who broke her arms in a fall. Through a review of his childhood memories, the narrator attempts to piece together the truth, while also understanding that even his most vivid memories may be incorrect.
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29

Myers, Lynn B., and Nazanin Derakshan. "Do childhood memories colour social judgements of today? The case of repressors." European Journal of Personality 18, no. 4 (June 2004): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.521.

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Previous research has shown that individuals who possess a repressive coping style have significantly poorer recall of negative childhood memories and also exhibit more comparative optimism for negative events than nonrepressors. The current study investigated whether there is a relationship between recall of childhood memories and comparative optimism. Repressors (REP, low trait anxiety–high defensiveness, N = 20) were compared with specific nonrepressor groups on trait anxiety and defensiveness: low anxious (LA, N = 16), high anxious (HA, N = 16) defensive high anxious (DHA, N = 13), and a non‐extreme group (NE, N = 15) chosen from an initial pool of 163 female participants. For REP compared with all non‐REP, age of earliest negative memory recalled was significantly older and REP recalled significantly fewer negative childhood memories. For REP only there was a significant correlation between number of negative memories recalled and comparative optimism, with high comparative optimism correlated with a low number of negative childhood memories recalled. There were no other significant correlations with comparative optimism, overall, or for any of the sub‐groups. These results indicate a link between childhood and adult measures of social judgements for REP only. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Kestere, Iveta, Arnis Strazdins, and Inese Rezgorina. "“Happy Soviet Childhood”." Zeitschrift für Pädagogik Beiheft, no. 1 (March 6, 2023): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3262/zpb2301197.

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The idealisation of the Soviet school in the memories of teachers began almost simultaneously with the re-establishment of Latvia’s independence in 1991. Memories of order and discipline in Soviet schools persistently induce nostalgia in contemporary Latvian educational space. The positive assessment of Soviet-era order generated interest in ‘discipline’ in the land of Soviet childhood. The museum, as an institution, is one of the custodians of the artefacts of Soviet childhood and has a ‘voice’ in interpreting the past and shaping collective memory. How does a museum’s exposition confirm or deny the popular, still living myth of a disciplined but also happy Soviet childhood? What aspects of discipline are overtly displayed in museums and what are hidden or ignored? How does discipline fit into or resonate with the myth of the “happy Soviet childhood” propagated in the Soviet Union? We address these questions to two main sources: a textbook for teachers published in 1968, which explains the official concept of Soviet childhood, and the exhibition stand on Soviet childhood opened by the National History Museum of Latvia in 2022. The article reveals that in contemporary Latvian public space, memories focus on traditional artefacts of childhood and visual affiliation with Soviet children’s political organizations, while reminders of the instruments of childhood discipline in the Soviet system are unconsciously suppressed as unattractive and contradictory.
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31

Gofman, A. A. "EMPATHY AND VICARIOUSNESS OF AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORIES IN THE CHINESE SAMPLE." Modern Psychology 2, no. 2 (4) (September 27, 2019): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/sbmp/2019.2.2(4).015.

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There is empirical evidence suggesting that autobiographical memories of similar experiences evoke empathy [1, 6]. The positive correlation between trait empathy and phenomenology of autobiographical memories was also demonstrated [9]. We assumed that not all autobiographical memories are relevant to empathic feeling. The most promising candidate for scaffolding impact onto empathy, in our point of view, is a specific type of memories – vicarious memories. 96 Chinese participants filled out an Interpersonal Reactivity Index questionnaire and drew their lifelines of the most important events from their childhood in correlation in the timeline. Lifelines were analyzed in regard to the proportion of other-focused and vicarious memories and their emotional valence. The study suggests that the significant predictor of empathy is the distinctive type of childhood memories with specific level of vicariousness. The main focus in these autobiographical memories is shifted to the other person who is active toward the participant.
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Tavani, Jean Louis, Julie Collange, Patrick Rateau, Michel-Louis Rouquette, and Bo Rasyid Sanitioso. "Tell me what you remember and I will know who you are: The link between collective memory and social categorization." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 20, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430215596076.

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The present article aims to show that collective memories could serve as a criterion in social categorization. We predicted that a target person who shares common collective memories will be perceived as similar (to the self), relatively more favorably and categorized as an ingroup member. We conducted four studies using memories of historical events or childhood objects. These studies consistently showed that a target who shares common memories is more likely to be perceived as an ingroup member than someone who does not. This effect is mediated by perceived similarity to the self. Finally, individuals who share common memories are perceived more favorably than when they do not. However, according to the type of collective memories (historical events vs. childhood memories) sharing memories impacts either perceived competence or perceived warmth. The current sets of studies support the idea that collective memory influences social categorization processes, exemplifying its group identity-defining function.
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Levy, Linda, and Binjamin Wilkomirski. "Fragments: Memories of a Wartime Childhood." History Teacher 31, no. 1 (November 1997): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494198.

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34

Sandberg, Anette. "Play Memories from Childhood to Adulthood." Early Child Development and Care 167, no. 1 (January 2001): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0300443011670102.

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35

Pope Jr, H. G. "Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse." BMJ 316, no. 7130 (February 14, 1998): 488–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.316.7130.488.

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36

Acklin, Marvin W., Ann Sauer, Gene Alexander, and Bernard Dugoni. "Predicting Depression Using Earliest Childhood Memories." Journal of Personality Assessment 53, no. 1 (March 1989): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5301_6.

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37

Rubin, David C. "The distribution of early childhood memories." Memory 8, no. 4 (July 2000): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/096582100406810.

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38

Brandon, Sydney, Janet Boakes, Danya Glaser, and Richard Green. "Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse." British Journal of Psychiatry 172, no. 4 (April 1998): 296–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.172.4.296.

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BackgroundThe growth in the USA of ‘recovered memory therapy’ for past sexual abuse has caused great public and professional concern. It became apparent that the polarisation of views and fierce controversy within the American psychiatric community was in danger of bringing psychotherapy into disrepute and it seemed important to examine objectively the scientific evidence before such polarisation developed in the UK.MethodA small working group reviewed their own experience, visited meetings and centres with expertise in this field, interviewed ‘retractors' and accused parents, and then began a comprehensive review of the literature.ResultsThere is a vast literature but little acceptable research. Opinions are expressed with great conviction but often unsupported by evidence.ConclusionsThe issue of false or recovered memories should not be allowed to confuse the recognition and treatment of sexually abused children. We concluded that when memories are ‘recovered’ after long periods of amnesia, particularly when extraordinary means were used to secure the recovery of memory, there is a high probability that the memories are false, i.e. of incidents that had not occurred. Some guidelines which should enable practitioners to avoid the pitfalls of memory recovery are offered.
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39

Paul, J. "Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse." British Journal of Psychiatry 173, no. 2 (August 1998): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.173.2.178b.

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40

Delmonte, Michael M. "Retrieved memories of childhood sexual abuse." British Journal of Medical Psychology 73, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/000711200160246.

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41

Howes, M., M. Siegel, and F. Brown. "Early childhood memories: Accuracy and affect." Cognition 47, no. 2 (May 1993): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0010-0277(93)90001-c.

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42

Arbuthnott, Katherine D., Kinda L. K. Kealy, and Shelley Ylioja. "Judgement of confidence in childhood memories." Applied Cognitive Psychology 22, no. 7 (November 2008): 953–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/acp.1404.

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43

Sullins, Carolyn D. "Suspected Repressed Childhood Sexual Abuse." Psychology of Women Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 1998): 403–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1998.tb00165.x.

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This article explores therapists' responses to clients' suspicions that they have repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse (CSA). Each participant was randomly assigned one of two vignettes, varied for gender, each concerning a client who suspects that he/she is a victim of CSA. Following the vignette, a series of questions regarding the client assesses the participants' ratings of diagnoses, treatment goals, treatment plans, appropriate responses, and validity of suspicions. Participants were significantly more likely to endorse a diagnosis of borderline personality disorder and endorse treatments focusing on present symptoms over treatments focusing on the client's past. Participants were unlikely to endorse controversial treatments, suggestive statements, or strong opinions regarding the client's suspicions of CSA. The client's gender had a significant effect on diagnoses only. These results do not support reports that many therapists neglect clients' current symptoms and instead focus on memories, use controversial techniques, make suggestive statements regarding abuse, or immediately assume that their clients have repressed memories.
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Jezierski, Kamil. "Specyfika rozwojowa struktury pamięci dzieciństwa w biegu dorosłego życia – wyniki badań narracyjnych." Psychologia Rozwojowa 25, no. 4 (2020): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843879pr.20.027.13435.

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Developmental Specificity of Childhood Memory Structure across the Adult Lifespan – Results of Narrative Research Theories of autobiographical memory and narrative identity allow us to assume that childhood memory is represented in the mind of an adult person as a comprehensive period with its own unique characteristics that is subjected to changes during the lifespan. Based on the concept of the global coherence of life history, it was assumed that in later periods of life, childhood memories will be more elaborate and thus cognitively more accessible as well as organized temporally and logically in a more coherent story. The use of narrative interview revealed differences between early, middle and late adulthood in the way the childhood memories are organized, as well as in the age-independent characteristics of the perceived childhood. The obtained results suggest that in late adulthood, childhood is recalled more extensively and more memories are logically organized, which is attributed to greater attention to the past resulting from the task of life summary. Regardless of the age of the respondents, less than half of the memories related logically to each other, with most of the text consisting of separate scenes not located in time. These findings raised the issue of the specificity of childhood memory and the universality of global coherence of life stories.
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Kedyarova, Elena A., Natalia I. Svetlakova, Vera V. Monzhievskaya, Margarita Yu Uvarova, and Nadezhda I. Chernetskaya. "PSYCHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF EARLY CHILDHOOD MEMORIES OF ADULTS WITH DIFFERENT LEVEL OF AGGRESSION." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 19, no. 4 (2022): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2022-19-4-86-92.

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The article presents the results of a comparative empirical study of meaningful differences in early childhood memories of adults with different levels of aggression. It has been proven that more aggressive subjects in their early childhood memories often have neurotic relationships with the mother, a passive model of behavior, and negative types of events. Less aggressive subjects significantly more often show in their early memories signs of successful socialization, an active type of response, and more harmonious relations with the environment
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46

Goodman, Gail S., Lauren Gonzalves, and Samara Wolpe. "False Memories and True Memories of Childhood Trauma: Balancing the Risks." Clinical Psychological Science 7, no. 1 (September 21, 2018): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167702618797106.

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How often do clinical psychologists discuss with their adult clients the possibility that the clients might have been abused as children but had repressed the memory? If during the course of therapy clients remember being abused as children when the clients had no previous memories of such abuse, how likely is it that the memories are false? These questions underlie Patihis and Pendergrast’s Mechanical Turk survey study (this issue, p. 3). We discuss relevant scientific findings, including from longitudinal research on adults who as children experienced documented child maltreatment. We question inferences and generalizations resulting from the methodology Patihis and Pendergrast employed. We argue that clinicians are often justified in asking about past child abuse, remembered and forgotten, and that clinicians and researchers should strive to balance the risk of adults forming false memories with the need for adults to overcome childhood trauma.
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47

Dunkley, Ria Ann, and Thomas Aneurin Smith. "By-standing memories of curious observations: children’s storied landscapes of ecological encounter." cultural geographies 26, no. 1 (August 13, 2018): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474018792652.

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Founded in contemporary concerns that children are increasingly disconnected from nature, this article explores how children re-imagine their memories of childhood experiences within the landscape of a National Park. The concept of ‘re-connecting’ children with ‘nature’ has recrystalised around conceptualisations of ‘slow ecopedagogy’ as a form of ecological conscientisation.Through creative mapping with children from the Brecon Beacons National Park, Wales, this article questions whether exposure to such environments predisposes young people to an environmental consciousness. Examining children’s creative representations of childhood memories from nonhuman encounters, and building on Philo’s discussion of ‘childhood reverie’, we develop the concept of by-standing memories to articulate how children re-story their own memories, the landscapes in which they take place and the nonhumans they include. Something of a ‘child panic’ currently surrounds the disconnect between children and ecology. While some are concerned by this ‘child panic’, which positions children as ‘by-standers’ to adult affairs, we argue that by-standing is critical for how children tell stories of their dwellings in, and curious observations of, place. The re-telling of childhood memories stretches the conceptualisation of slow ecopedagogy beyond the place of encounter, to the creative spaces of storying and re-telling, which are equally critical for memory itself.
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48

Jelenova, D., A. Kovacsova, T. Diveky, D. Kamaradova, J. Prasko, A. Grambal, Z. Sigmundova, and B. Bulikova. "Emotional processing of traumatic emotions and early experiences using the therapeutic letters, role playing and imagination in borderline and other difficult patients." European Psychiatry 26, S2 (March 2011): 1316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)73021-8.

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Abstract:
In many patients cognitive reconstruction helps to understand their problems in life and symptoms of stress or psychiatric disorders. Change in the thoughts and beliefs help them to feel better. But there are many patients who suffer with strong traumatic experiences deep in their mind and typically dissociate them or want to avoid them voluntarily. There is typical for patients suffering with dissociative disorders, borderline personality disorder and many people with various psychiatric disorders who were abused in childhood. The processing of the traumatic emotions from childhood can be helpful in the treatment of these patients. For the help is important:a) Understanding what was happen in childhoodb) Making clear of repeated figures of maladaptive behaviors, mostly in interpersonal relationsc) Making a connection between childhood experiences and here and now emotional reactions on various triggersd) Experiencing repeatedly the traumatic memories and elaborate them with imaginal coping.We describe:- how to map and elaborate emotional schemas- Socratic questioning with the patients with traumatic memories- how to work with traumatic experiences from childhood in borderline personality disorder.Supported by the research grant IGA MZ CR NS 10301-3/2009
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49

Bauer, Patricia J., Melissa M. Burch, Sarah E. Scholin, and O. Evren Güler. "Using Cue Words to Investigate the Distribution of Autobiographical Memories in Childhood." Psychological Science 18, no. 10 (October 2007): 910–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01999.x.

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The cue-word technique is frequently used with adults to examine the distribution of autobiographical memories across the life span. Such studies demonstrate childhood amnesia: a paucity of memories of events from the first 3 1/2 years of life, and a gradually increasing number of memories from age 3 to age 7. The pattern is remarkable in light of findings of autobiographical competence among children in the period of life eventually obscured by this amnesia. In the present study, we modified the cue-word task for use with school-age children. Seven-to 10-year-olds successfully generated and dated memories of past events. Girls provided more complete narratives than boys. Across the sample, the resulting distribution of memories was better fit by an exponential than by a power function, implying that early memories may not consolidate and instead remain vulnerable to interference. Implications for explanations of childhood amnesia are discussed.
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50

Pope, Harrison G., and James I. Hudson. "Can memories of childhood sexual abuse be repressed?" Psychological Medicine 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291700028142.

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SynopsisWe sought studies which have attempted to test whether memories of childhood sexual abuse can be repressed. Despite our broad search criteria, which excluded only unsystematic anecdotal reports, we found only four applicable studies. We then examined these studies to assess whether the investigators: (1) presented confirmatory evidence that abuse had actually occurred; and (2) demonstrated that their subjects had actually developed amnesia for the abuse. None of the four studies provided both clear confirmation of trauma and adequate documentation of amnesia in their subjects. Thus, present clinical evidence is insufficient to permit the conclusion that individuals can repress memories of childhood sexual abuse. This finding is surprising, since many writers have implied that hundreds of thousands, or even millions of persons harbour such repressed memories. In view of the widespread recent public and scientific interest in the areas of trauma and memory, it is important to investigate further whether memories of sexual abuse can be repressed.
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