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Journal articles on the topic 'Children and war – Liberia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Medie, Peace A. "Women and Postconflict Security: A Study of Police Response to Domestic Violence in Liberia." Politics & Gender 11, no. 03 (September 2015): 478–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000240.

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Domestic violence or Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the form of violence against women (VAW) that is most reported to the police in Liberia. This violence cuts across class, ethnic, religious, and age lines (Liberia Institute of Statistics and Geo-Information Services, et al. 2008) and results in psychological trauma, physical injuries, and, in some cases, death. Societal beliefs that frame domestic violence as a regular part of life serve to legitimize and foster the problem in Liberia (Allen and Devitt 2012; LISGIS et al. 2008) and pose a challenge to the state and to international organizations (IOs) and women's nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that have introduced measures to combat domestic violence since the end of the country's 14-year civil war in 2003. One such effort is the Women and Children Protection Section (WACPS) of the Liberian National Police (LNP), established by the government in collaboration with the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and other international partners in 2005. Although the section was established primarily to address rape, its officers are mandated to investigate all forms of VAW, including domestic violence.

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2

Darkwa, Linda. "Winning the Battle and Losing the War: Child Rape in Post Conflict Liberia." International Journal of Children’s Rights 23, no. 4 (December 21, 2015): 790–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02304005.

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Ten years after the end of hostilities, post conflict Liberia is confronted with the daunting challenge of addressing child rape. Using mix methods of data collection and content analysis the paper interrogates the drivers of child rape in Liberia, and submits that there is a chasm between the legally constructed concept of childhood enshrined in statutory documents and reflected in official processes, and the traditional and cultural construction by the citizens and children themselves. The paper draws attention to the impossibility of assuring security in a context where the state has not been able to assert itself throughout the entire territory and is unable to provide basic services to its entire population. The paper postulates that current efforts at addressing sexual violence against children has not yielded many results because they are not sufficiently comprehensive, enforcement mechanisms are weak and the critical mass of support needed for attitudinal and behavioural change does not exist.

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3

Francis, David J. "‘Paper protection’ mechanisms: child soldiers and the international protection of children in Africa's conflict zones." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 2 (May 14, 2007): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002510.

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The arrest and prosecution in March 2006 of the former Liberian warlord-President Charles Taylor by the UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone, for war crimes including the recruitment and use of child soldiers, and the arrest and prosecution of the Congolese warlord, Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, by the International Criminal Court, accused of enlisting child soldiers in the DRC war, have raised expectations that finally international conventions and customary international laws protecting children in conflict zones will now have enforcement powers. But why has it taken so long to protect children in conflict situations despite the volume of international treaties and conventions? What do we know about the phenomenon of child soldiering, and why are children still routinely recruited and used in Africa's bloody wars? This article argues that against the background of unfolding events relating to prosecution for enlistment of child soldiers, the international community is beginning to wake up to the challenge of enforcing its numerous ‘paper protection’ instruments for the protection of children. However, a range of challenges still pose serious threats to the implementation and enforcement of the international conventions protecting children. Extensive research fieldwork in Liberia and Sierra Leone over three years reveals that the application of the restrictive and Western-centric definition and construction of a ‘child’ and ‘childhood’ raises inherent difficulties in the African context. In addition, most war-torn and post-conflict African societies are faced with the challenge of incorporating international customary laws into their domestic laws. The failure of the international community to enforce its standards on child soldiers also has to do with the politics of ratification of international treaties, in particular the fear by African governments of setting dangerous precedents, since they are also culpable of recruitment and use of child soldiers.

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4

Brownell, Gracie, and Regina T. Praetorius. "Experiences of former child soldiers in Africa: A qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis." International Social Work 60, no. 2 (July 10, 2016): 452–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872815617994.

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Child soldiering affects approximately 300,000 children worldwide. Abducted and forced into combat, victims experience trauma that may have life-long effects. Thus, it is important to understand child soldiers’ experiences and develop culturally appropriate interventions. Using Qualitative Interpretive Meta-Synthesis (QIMS), the authors sought to understand the lived experiences of ex-child soldiers in Sierra Leone, Northern Uganda, and Liberia. Findings revealed the experiential nuances of four phases ex-child soldiers experience: abduction; militarization; demilitarization and reintegration; and civilian life. Findings enhance current knowledge about ex-child soldiers’experiences and inform policy and program design to help ex-child soldiers cope with the aftermath of the war and civilian life.

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5

EHLING, HOLGER. "“Please don’t kill me” Children in the Liberian Civil War." Matatu 17-18, no. 1 (April 26, 1997): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000216.

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6

PIEL, L. HALLIDAY. "The School Diary in Wartime Japan: Cultivating morale and self-discipline." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (December 7, 2018): 1004–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000439.

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AbstractDuring the Second World War, the Japanese state enacted sweeping education reforms designed to prime the population for Total War. The policies of the National Education Ordinance of 1941 aimed to strengthen collective loyalty and self-sacrifice for the state. Military drill and ceremonial rituals were the outward manifestation of wartime education. But this article examines how teachers borrowed an aspect of progressive ‘whole-person’ education from the more liberal pre-war era—‘daily life writing’ (seikatsu tsuzurikata)—to shape children's dispositions and consciousness. Through such reflective diary writing, children would learn to internalize the ideal behaviours and attributes of the Total War civilian. By comparing education discourse with samples of children's writings, teachers’ written feedback, and interviews of former students of an elementary school affiliated with the Ministry of Education, I show how reflective diary writing, despite its progressive origins as a means of self-expression for self-actualization and social critique, could be co-opted by right-wing Japanese ultra-nationalism for its potential as a means of self-censorship, self-monitoring, and self-control. At the same time, its practice did help children endure the hardships of war and defeat.

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7

Mariniello, Triestino. "Prosecutor v. Taylor." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 2 (April 2013): 424–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.2.0424.

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On April 26, 2012, Trial Chamber II (Chamber) of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Special Court or Court) in The Hague convicted former Liberian president Charles Ghankay Taylor of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from November 30, 1996, to January 18, 2002, in the territory of Sierra Leone during its civil war. Specifically, Taylor was found guilty of the crimes against humanity of murder, rape, sexual slavery, enslavement and other inhumane acts, and the war crimes of committing acts of terror, murder, outrages upon personal dignity, cruel treatment, pillage, and conscripting or enlisting children under the age of fifteen years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities. In a separate judgment rendered on May 30, 2012, the Chamber sentenced Taylor to a single term of fifty years for all the counts on which the accused had been convicted.

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8

Ferreira, Rialize, and Alfred Stuart Mutiti. "CREATING SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITY STRUCTURES FOR REINTEGRATED LIBERIAN CHILD SOLDIERS: PART I." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1807.

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This article deals with the socio-political context of the Liberian civil war. It gives background to the conflict, explains how the different factions emerged and how they involved children in the conflict to be reintegrated afterwards. It examines how different community structures are identified during the reintegration processes of child soldiers and questions whether the right structures are identified. To address these issues, the question is asked: What international and regional efforts and policies were created to address the problem of sustainable reintegration of child soldiers? It is necessary to focus on legal frameworks that protect children in armed conflicts and frameworks where the International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law provisions are stipulated. The role of the community in the social reintegration process is crucial, and documented literature on common mistakes made in working with community structures by the different actors are explained. However, the type of community structures to bring on board in the reintegration programmes is still a challenge. The qualitative research design, based on the Functionalist theoretical perspective, to gather data on creating sustainable community structures will briefly be mentioned to explain how research questions were answered and resolved.

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9

Supovitz, Jonathan, and Elisabeth Reinkordt. "Keep your eye on the metaphor: The framing of the Common Core on Twitter." education policy analysis archives 25 (March 27, 2017): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.25.2285.

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Issue framing is a powerful way for advocates to appeal to the value systems of constituency groups to evoke their support. Using a conceptual framework that focused on radial frames, metaphors, and lexical markers, we examined the linguistic choices that Common Core opponents used on Twitter to activate five central metaphors that reinforced the overall frame of the standards as a threat to children and appealed to the value systems of a diverse set of constituencies. In our research, we identified five frames: the Government Frame, which presented the Common Core as an oppressive government intrusion into the lives of citizens and appealed to limited-government conservatives; the Propaganda Frame, which depicted the standards as a means of brainwashing children, and in doing so, hearkened back to the cold war era when social conservatives positioned themselves as defenders of the national ethic; the War Frame, which portrayed the standards as a front in the nation’s culture wars and appealed to social and religious conservatives to protect traditional cultural values; the Business Frame, which rendered the standards as an opportunity for corporations to profit from public education and appealed to liberal opponents of business interests exploiting a social good; and the Experiment Frame, which used the metaphor of the standards as an experiment on children and appealed to the principle of care that is highly valued amongst social liberals. Collectively, these frames, and the metaphors and the language that triggered them, appealed to the value systems of both conservatives and liberals, and contributed to the broad coalition from both within and outside of education, which was aligned in opposition to the standards.

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10

Bonica, Joseph S. "“The Motherly Office of the State”: Cultural Struggle and Comprehensive Administration Before the Civil War." Studies in American Political Development 22, no. 1 (2008): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x08000059.

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This essay examines the cultural dimensions of state administrative formation. Revisiting the organization of early U.S. state school administrations in the decades before the Civil War, I emphasize the culturally peculiar vocabularies of universal salvation and motherly care in which early administrators outlined an apparatus of state “designed, like the common blessings of heaven, to encompass all.” Self-consciously distinguishing themselves from a republican governing tradition that depended upon localities to administrate state policy, the Unitarian Horace Mann and his liberal Protestant allies imagined a unified state “like a mother … taking care of all its children.” Drawing from a cultural preoccupation with a motherly and infinitely forgiving God, these Massachusetts state administrators articulated a vision of a department of state government that would directly recognize all persons, and all schools, “within every part of the Commonwealth.” Such words were more than metaphor, though metaphor was crucial to the project. Rather, the organizational logic of the “motherly state” unfolded in the matrices of responsibility and communication, of surveillance and discipline and labor policy that constituted the foundational systems of early comprehensive state administration. By bringing together the insights of institutional development with the methods of cultural history, this essay ultimately suggests that government itself can be understood as a cultural artifact.

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11

Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.

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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.

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12

Sesay, Max A. "Civil war and collective intervention in Liberia." Review of African Political Economy 23, no. 67 (March 1996): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249608704176.

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13

Marong, Alhagi, and Chernor Jalloh. "Ending Impunity: The Case for War Crimes Trials in Liberia." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 2 (2005): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499735986.

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AbstractThis article argues that Liberia owes a duty under both international humanitarian and human rights law to investigate and prosecute the heinous crimes, including torture, rape and extra-judicial killings of innocent civilians, committed in that country by the warring parties in the course of fourteen years of brutal conflict. Assuming that Liberia owes a duty to punish the grave crimes committed on its territory, the article then evaluates the options for prosecution, starting with the possible use of Liberian courts. The authors argue that Liberian courts are unable, even if willing, to render credible justice that protects the due process rights of the accused given the collapse of legal institutions and the paucity of financial, human and material resources in post-conflict Liberia. The authors then examine the possibility of using international accountability mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court, an ad hoc international criminal tribunal as well as a hybrid court for Liberia. For various legal and political reasons, the authors conclude that all of these options are not viable. As an alternative, they suggest that because the Special Court for Sierra Leone has already started the accountability process for Liberia with the indictment of Charles Taylor in 2003, and given the close links between the Liberian and Sierra Leonean conflicts, the Special Court would be a more appropriate forum for international prosecutions of those who perpetrated gross humanitarian and human rights law violations in Liberia.

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14

Schnabel, Landon. "Education and Attitudes toward Interpersonal and State-Sanctioned Violence." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (March 20, 2018): 505–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000094.

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ABSTRACTThe link between education and liberal attitudes is among the most consistent findings in public-opinion research, but the theoretical explanations for this relationship warrant additional attention. Previous work suggested that the relationship is due to education socializing students to the “official culture” of the United States. This study uses the World Values Survey and General Social Survey to examine Americans’ attitudes toward the justifiability of violence. I find that Americans with more education are less likely to say that interpersonal violence—against women, children, and other individuals—can be justifiable. However, they are more likely to say that state-sanctioned violence—war and police violence—can be justifiable. These patterns are consistent with a modified socialization model of education and social attitudes. I conclude that American education socializes people to establishment culture, identity, and interests, which differentiate between unacceptable interpersonal violence and ostensibly acceptable state-sanctioned violence.

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15

Senanayake, Harsha. "Fear of Small Numbers and Political Behaviour of Ethnocentric Majority of Sri Lanka: Undeclared War against Upcountry Tamil Females." Open Political Science 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0012.

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Abstract The United Nations Human Development Report (UNHDR) mentions that the rights of women and female children are inalienable, integral and indivisible. It further highlights the full and equal participation of women in every segment of the social process without any discrimination or without considering sex - gender hierarchies.1 The legal frameworks of the international system and local political space is accepting of the normative values of gender equality and the eradication of gender-based discrimination. But most of the majoritarian societies challenge these legal frameworks to address their political, social and market-oriented interests. These actions are driven by political, social and structural frameworks which have been accepted by the majoritarian societies in the liberal democratic world. Tamil women in upcountry tea plantations in Sri Lanka were subjected to systemic and structural violence because of Sinhala majoritarian statecrafts in post-independence Sri Lanka. The ethnocentric violence directly problematises human security, survival and the personal rights of the upcountry Tamil female labour force. This paper discusses the survival of Tamil female plantation labour forces, focusing mainly on the security crisis of female reproductive rights under the ethnocentric Sinhala Majoritarian Society.

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16

Okoli, Al Chukwuma, George Atelhe, and Ted Alphonsus. "LIBERIA: Civil War and the Complications SALWs Proliferation." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 29 (October 5, 2019): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.29.4.

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17

Kaufmann, Andrea. "Crafting a Better Future in Liberia." TSANTSA – Journal of the Swiss Anthropological Association 22 (May 1, 2017): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/tsantsa.2017.22.7345.

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Despite post-war reconstruction, Monrovia is an insecure, uncertain city. Many people are «hustling», an emic term for insecure income-generating activities. «Hustlers» are often part of associations. Associations strengthen identities, and form social relationships and solidarities. They fi ll the gap of war-aff ected social relationships, and contribute to social security, solidarity and integrate the marginalized. This article shows how social imaginaries serve as motor of change, and how associational life shapes social spaces as islands of certainty amidst uncertainty.

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18

Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.

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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.

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19

Michelet, Marie-Jo, Guillaume Le Gallais, William Claus, and Pierre Nabeth. "Demographic and nutritional consequences of civil war in Liberia." Lancet 349, no. 9044 (January 1997): 59–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)62198-8.

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20

Scott, Rena L. "Moving from Impunity to Accountability in Post-War Liberia: Possibilities, Cautions, and Challenges." International Journal of Legal Information 33, no. 3 (2005): 345–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500011227.

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Liberia has become the quintessential example of an African failed state. Though Liberia's civil war is officially over, war criminals are free and some are even helping run the transitional government under the authority of Liberia's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). This peace agreement calls for the consideration of a general amnesty for those involved in the Liberian civil war alongside the parceling of governmental functions among members of various rebel groups. The drafters of the agreement claim that this was the only viable solution for sustainable peace in Liberia. Meanwhile, Charles Taylor relaxes in Nigeria's resort city of Calabar.

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Abbasi, Aliya. "Politics of Development in Pakistan: From the Post-Independence Modernization Project to ‘Vision 2025’." Journal of South Asian Development 16, no. 2 (August 2021): 220–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09731741211034018.

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This article critically analyses Pakistan’s development project since its independence in 1947 up till Vision 2025 of 2014. Vision 2025 aspires to ‘inclusive growth’ through the expansion of the market as the basis for a ‘people-centric’ approach to development. Based on a critical evaluation of Pakistan’s development trajectory, I argue that a reliance on economic growth via liberal capitalism to address poverty has failed in Pakistan. Post-independence aspirations of decent livelihoods became disrupted by the development project, which evolved through Cold War politics. Premised upon the privileging of liberal capitalism, this modernization project was executed by authoritarian regimes that initiated new processes of dispossession and accentuated existent inequalities. Moreover, a critical analysis of Pakistan’s development crises must consider how poverty intersects with social inequality justified through zat or caste to reproduce entrenched positions of privilege and disadvantage. Mainstream Pakistani society comprises an efficacious trope of inequality normalized through the ‘othering’ of poor families, resistance to which is misrepresented as a lack of character and industry. Impoverished communities bear disproportionate costs of development, which compel them to find shelter in segregated communities in slums and earn a living as servants, vendors and through begging, including children on the streets. In the wake of neo-liberal policy reforms, the Benazir Income Support Programme provides temporary monetary relief to some but leaves intact the underlying causes of worsening inequality. A critical discussion of Pakistan’s development trajectory challenges the ideological premises of Vision 2025 and its promise of universal wellbeing.

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22

Mulbah Trye, Jr, Adventor. "Faith Integration in Curriculum Development: A Need for an Integrated Curriculum in Post-Civil War Liberia." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 1, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2020v01i01.0005.

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Integration of faith and learning practitioners must be able to develop an integrated curriculum which includes the focused, intentional and targeted integration approach as recommended in this paper. The integration should include various aspects like the programs of studies, the lesson plans and the evaluation of learning activities. Furthermore, the integrated curriculum should be designed to include faith aspects in learning through intra-disciplinary, multidisciplinary, interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary approaches. The paper further expounds on the meaning and significance of an integrated curriculum for Christian educators. The case is post-civil war Liberia and the major question of the paper is, how can an integrated curriculum bridge the gap of the missing link of faith integration in curriculum development in Liberia? Consequently, a proposed model is provided for Christian education stakeholders in Liberia. The model can be applicable across Christian educators worldwide.

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23

Thompson, Karen, and Josephine Crawshaw. "Water in Liberia — how war affects policy formulation and implementation." Waterlines 16, no. 3 (January 1998): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/0262-8104.1998.012.

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Joyce, Renanah Miles. "“A Force for Good”: Army-Building After War in Liberia." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 11, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2020.1798672.

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Ngovo, Bernard L. "The dominance of English among Liberian children." English Today 15, no. 4 (October 1999): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400011263.

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Baker, Bruce. "Post-War Policing by Communities in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Rwanda." Democracy and Security 3, no. 2 (August 3, 2007): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17419160701483753.

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Klay Kieh, George. "Warlords, Politicians and the Post-First Civil War Election in Liberia." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x586979.

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AbstractThe issue of post-conflict elections has become one of the major areas in both the scholarly literature and in policy circles. This is because post-conflict elections are considered critical to the peacebuilding process in war-torn societies. The rationale is that post-conflict elections can be used to address the vexing problem of choosing the leadership for states recovering from war. With the leadership chosen in the context of free, fair and transparent elections, it can then shepherd the arduous process of rebuilding the society. In this vein, using the first post-conflict election in Liberia as a case study, this article examines the electoral landscape, and the factors that led to the Taylor-led National Patriotic Party (NPP) winning a landslide victory.

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Aning, Emmanuel Kwesi. "Gender and civil war: The cases of Liberia and Sierra Leone." Civil Wars 1, no. 4 (December 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249808402388.

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Parr, Nicholas J. "Pre-Marital Fertility in Liberia." Journal of Biosocial Science 27, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000006957.

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SummaryThis analysis of the 1986 Liberia Demographic and Health Survey data finds remarkably high fertility levels among women who have never married or lived with a man, reflecting widespread pre-marital sex and a lack of use of contraception. It is found that single Liberian women are more likely to foster out children than married Liberian women of the same age.

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30

Bernini, Stefania. "War Children." Revue des sciences sociales, no. 64 (November 30, 2020): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/revss.5812.

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Kolawole, JA, KC Smith, and PD Paye. "Posology in children oral liquid medication studies in Liberia." International Journal of Biological and Chemical Sciences 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijbcs.v9i1.16.

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32

TOWNSEND, PETER. "POVERTY AND HUMAN RIGHTS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL SECURITY AND ESPECIALLY CHILD BENEFIT." Hong Kong Journal of Social Work 40, no. 01n02 (January 2006): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219246206000039.

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Poverty has been reduced by too little, or not at all, in recent years. A fifth, perhaps a quarter, of the world's population are living in extreme poverty. The measurement of the phenomenon, and especially of annual trends in the rates and severity of poverty, is not acceptably precise, consistent, and generally agreed. Nor is policy being analyzed and justified in precise correlation with such trend reports as have been published. The first Millennium Development Goal — to halve world poverty by 2015 — has become an unlikely prospect. The reasons lie in the present form of the globalization of the market, together with continuing preference shown to neo-liberal economic and social policies. If poverty is to be systematically reduced, the orthodoxies of definition, measurement, explanation and resolution, which as key elements of the problem necessarily reinforce each other, have to be re-examined and re-formulated quickly. In re-examining approaches to measurement and policy the new human rights instruments, endorsed by a majority and in some cases by an overwhelming majority of governments, must play a vital role. Their potentialities are considerable for the measurement of poverty, deprivation, exclusion and development. But, crucially, they can help to engineer an international, as well as scientific, consensus in the war on poverty. One priority illustration would be a UN Child Investment Fund to finance the universal right of children to social security.

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Osborne, Myles. "A Note on the Liberian Archives." History in Africa 36 (2009): 461–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0012.

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Two decades of civil war have left Liberians facing many challenges. One such group includes those concerned with the preservation and maintenance of Liberia's archives, which were severely compromised during the period of conflict. This paper provides a brief introduction for scholars as to the nature of Liberia's archival materials available in-country, the impact of the war on the collections, and details about how scholars interested in the history of Liberia may access these records.There are three archival collections in Liberia. The first is at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tubman Boulevard, between 12th and 13th Streets. The second is at the Center for National Documents and Records (National Archives) at 96 Ashmun Street, while the third—the Presidential Archives—is at the Executive Mansion on Capitol Hill.

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Paterson, Doug. "Three Stories from the Trenches: The Theatre of the Oppressed in the Midst of War." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.110.

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From Israel, Liberia, and Iraq, where conflict and war are the rule, come stories about performances and workshops in the tradition of Augusto Boal's Theatre of the Oppressed. The author found both strengths and limitations in Forum Theatre.

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Rosen, David M. "The War Machine: Young Men and Violence in Sierra Leone and Liberia." Ethnos 79, no. 3 (February 15, 2013): 440–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2012.678272.

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Weah, Aaron. "Declining ethnic relations in post-war Liberia: The transmission of violent memories." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 910 (April 2019): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000274.

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AbstractMore than ten years after the Liberia Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) released its Final Report, there has been no implementation of the recommendations proffered. This article focuses on post-conflict memorialization, the TRC's strategy to engender collective remembering, and a set of State-led actions designed to teach future generations about the past violence with a view to preventing relapse into violent conflict. Both the constructive and destructive patterns of remembering that have evolved in the wake of the government's silence since the release of the recommendations will be analyzed.

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Lemke, Jeslyn. "The War Machines: Young Men and Violence in Sierra Leone and Liberia." African Journalism Studies 38, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2017.1349270.

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38

Murphy, W. P. "The War Machines: Young men and violence in Sierra Leone and Liberia." African Affairs 112, no. 446 (December 7, 2012): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads074.

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Martin, Yolanda C. "The war machines: Young men and violence in Sierra Leone and Liberia." Visual Studies 28, no. 1 (March 2013): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1472586x.2012.717771.

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40

Thomas. "The War Machines: Young Men and Violence in Sierra Leone and Liberia." Journal of West African History 1, no. 1 (2015): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jwestafrihist.1.1.0202.

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Bruno, Karl. "The technopolitics of Swedish iron mining in Cold War Liberia, 1950–1990." Extractive Industries and Society 7, no. 1 (January 2020): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2019.06.008.

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42

Gershoni, Yekutiel. "War without End and an End to a War: The Prolonged Wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone." African Studies Review 40, no. 3 (December 1997): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524966.

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43

del Castillo, Lina. "Surveying the Lands of Republican Indígenas: Contentious Nineteenth-Century Efforts to Abolish Indigenous Resguardos near Bogotá, Colombia." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 4 (May 23, 2019): 771–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19000294.

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AbstractNineteenth-century republicans across the political spectrum agreed: the Spanish monarchy produced ‘miserable Indians’. Abolishing tribute and privatising communal lands, known as resguardos in New Granada (roughly today's Panama and Colombia), would transform that wretched class into equal citizens. Drawing on late eighteenth-century privatisation efforts by the Spanish Crown, early republican leaders in Gran Colombia inaugurated an era seeking equal access to wealth from communal land for all indigenous community members. After Gran Colombia (the first Colombian Republic, 1819–30) dissolved into New Granada, Ecuador and Venezuela in 1830, New Granada's experiments with indigenous resguardo policies went further. By then, legislative efforts considered the needs of all resguardo members, including unmarried mothers and their illegitimate children. Complex laws, diverse ecological terrain and nuanced social realities required well-trained surveyors to ensure each eligible indigenous family received a fair share of land. Whereas indigenous communities in Pasto, Santa Marta and the Cauca river valley resorted to armed insurrection against liberal policies through the War of the Supremes (1839–42), those in the highlands near Bogotá did not. Instead, these republican indígenas – with their greater access to the levers of power housed in the national capital – chose to engage in the reforms of a decentralising state. This article reveals how contentious experiments seeking republican equality within indigenous resguardos as a path towards abolishing the institution were consistently stymied by efforts to ensure that indigenous community governance and communal landholding remained intact.

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Tarr, S. Byron. "The ECOMOG Initiative in Liberia: A Liberian Perspective." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050167x.

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This is a Liberian perspective on the unique initiative by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the Liberian conflict by organizing and deploying a Peace Monitoring Group in Liberia. It considers whether ECOWAS’ initiative can become a self-reliant security system that can end a civil war and institutionalize deterrence to subregional inter-state and internal conflicts. Can this self-generated, West African initiative set the stage for democratization? Is the initiative the start of an inter-African cooperative security system? Is the model of Nigerian leadership a harbinger of a regional hegemony in the making? Is the modest role of the USA constructive in resolving the conflict, in light of the fact that Liberia is a country with which the USA has had an historic relationship?

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Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.

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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.

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Akbulut-Yuksel, Mevlude. "Children of War." Journal of Human Resources 49, no. 3 (2014): 634–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/jhr.49.3.634.

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Meurant, Jacques. "Children in War." International Review of the Red Cross 31, no. 280 (February 1991): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400081353.

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Plunkett, M. C. B., and D. P. Southall. "War and children." Archives of Disease in Childhood 78, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/adc.78.1.72.

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Pearn, J. "Children and war†." Journal of Paediatrics and Child Health 39, no. 3 (March 28, 2003): 166–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1754.2003.00124.x.

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Ekert, H. "CHILDREN AND WAR." Journal of Paediatrics and Child Health 39, no. 7 (September 2003): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1754.2003.00225.x.

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