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Journal articles on the topic 'Children of atomic bomb victims'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Bazyka, Dimitry, and Anatolii Prysyazhnyuk. "ONCOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF THE CHORNOBYL DISASTER IN THE REMOTE 35-YEAR POST-ACCIDENT PERIOD." JOURNAL OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF MEDICAL SCIENCES OF UKRAINE, no. 2;2021 (August 30, 2021): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37621/jnamsu-2021-2-7.

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Studies conducted in Ukraine on the long-term oncological consequences of the Chornobyl disaster indicate a significant impact of radiation after an emergency exposure on the incidence of malignant neoplasms of the affected population. This is evidenced by the increased radiation risk of leukemia in liquidators, which exceeds the national population level and its value is comparable to the data on atomic bomb survivors. For the first time in this cohort the radiation dependence of chronic lymphoid leukemia was established. There are radiation risks of leukemia in children exposed to the Chornobyl exposure. There is an increase in the incidence of thyroid cancer not only in children but also in adults: liquidators, evacuated from 30-km zones and inhabitants of areas contaminated with radionuclides. There is an excess of breast cancer in women-liquidators. The incidence of all forms of malignancy compared to national rates decreases over time, but still exceeds them. It is expected that further monitoring of malignant neoplasms in the groups of victims will allow to quantify the radiation risks of already known from previous studies of forms of cancer and those whose radiation-associated manifestation can be expected in the future. Key words: Chornobyl catastrophe, victims, malignant neoplasms, leukemia, breast cancer, thyroid cancer.

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2

KIM, Kyoungin. "A Study on the Trends of Korean Atomic Bomb Literature and Its Epic Reproduction：Focusing on “Discrimination against Korean Atomic Bomb Victims” Expressed in Novels and Poems." Border Crossings: The Journal of Japanese-Language Literature Studies 17, no. 1 (2023): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22628/bcjjl.2023.17.1.159.

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This article analyzes the current status and varied aspects of Korean atomic bomb literature, which portrays the harm suffered by Korean atomic bomb victims in August 1945, and examines how discrimination against Korean atomic bomb victims was expressed in literary works. It also cites Japanese atomic bomb literature and shows that this same discrimination is present there, in doing so presenting both its similarities and differences with Korean works. According to Korean atomic bomb literature, the harm incurred by Korean victims of the atomic bomb and that of Japanese people is completely different. In particular, the paper looks at the ways in which Korean atomic bomb victims in Hiroshima and Nagasaki were discriminated against before and after the bombing through the identification of keywords [e.g., crows, AIGO (Oh my!), Omoni (Mother)] in Korean and Japanese atomic bomb novels and poems. In this process, it became clear that these keywords are used both in Korean atomic bomb literature and in some Japanese literature to convey discrimination against Korean atomic bomb victims and the cruelty inflicted by the use of the atomic bomb.

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3

Tong, Kurt W. "Korea's forgotten atomic bomb victims." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 23, no. 1 (1991): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1991.10413161.

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4

Nam, YoungJoo. "A Study on the Documentation of the Atomic Bombs Damage in Koreans: A Case of House of Peace in Hapcheon." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 45, no. 6 (2023): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2023.06.45.06.365.

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The purpose of this study is to propose a plan to record “Hapcheon Anti-Nuclear ＆ Peace Festival”, which has been held by House of Peace in Hapcheon since 2012 to recognize victims of the atomic bomb II. The peace conference aims to inform the public of the damage to the second generation of atomic bombs, recognize the Japanese government as atomic bomb victims, and enact laws for medical and welfare benefits for the Korean government. The data produced, collected, and donated through this competition are important evidence that can reveal the heredity of the atomic bomb and prove the damage to the second generation of atomic bomb patients. Accordingly, this study proposed a plan to record the peace conference based on the documentation strategy. In particular, this study suggested that there is no record of omission or production at each stage, and that records for the recognition of victims of the atomic bomb II can be continuously collected and donated.

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5

Lee, Eunjeong. "Bodies Exposed to Atomic Bomb and Pains: Focusing on Korean Atomic Bomb Victims." Minjok yeonku 73 (March 30, 2019): 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35431/minjok.73.7.

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6

Lee, Haeng-seon. "Korean A-Bomb Victims and the Narrative of Testimony, Atomic Bomb Literature." Journal of Memory & Vision 39 (December 31, 2018): 148–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31008/mv.39.4.

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7

Yoo, Byung Sun, and Hee Jeong Jeon. "A Study on Atomic Bomb Victims’ Subjective Perception of the Atomic Bomb Victim Support System." Journal of Korean Society for the Scientific Study of Subjectivity: Q Methodology and Theory 61 (December 30, 2022): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18346/kssss.61.1.

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8

Lee, Haeng-seon. "Choi Chang-hak’s 1981 Atomic Bomb Novel Cemetery on the Beach and Korean Atomic Bomb Victims." Journal of Memory & Vision 45 (December 10, 2021): 413–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31008/mv.45.11.

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9

Takahashi, Yuko. "Identities Surrounding a Cenotaph for Korean Atomic Bomb Victims." Korean Studies 42, no. 1 (2018): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2018.0003.

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10

Richardson, Lauren. "The Forgotten Victims of the Atomic Bomb: North Korean Pipokja and the Politics of Victimhood in Japan-DPRK Relations." Pacific Affairs 96, no. 1 (2023): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/202396161.

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This article examines the redress campaign waged by activists in Japan on behalf of roughly 2,000 North Korean A-bomb victims (pipokja). These victims were repatriated from Japan after being subjected to the 1945 US nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, while under colonial rule. From the early 1990s through to the twenty-first century, activists in Japan pursued redress for these A-bomb survivors in close synchronicity with the redress movements centred on South Korean victims. Highlighting the potential of the individual as entrepreneur within collective action settings, the redress developments were initiated and largely driven by an activist, Lee Sil-gun (1929–2020).<br/> Although Tokyo and Pyongyang were initially reluctant to acknowledge that A-bomb survivors existed in North Korea, in the face of sustained pressure by the Japan-based activists, the two governments facilitated a limited redress process for the victims by making various concessions on the issue. How did these activists navigate the structural constraints of the authoritarian North Korean state and the volatile bilateral relationship in enacting their transnational activism? How were they able to elicit concessions on their redress objectives from Tokyo and Pyongyang in the absence of formalized diplomatic relations? Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Japan and South Korea, this article probes these questions by empirically tracing and analyzing the evolution of the redress campaign for the North Korean A-bomb victims. I utilize the concept of polylateral diplomacy to elucidate the dynamic of engagement between the activists and the two governments.

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11

Ota, Osamu. "Korean Atomic Bomb Survivors Who Crossed Borders and Japan's Solidarity Movement: Focusing on Son Gwi-dal's Stowaway and the Attempted Treatment of Eom Bun-ryeon and Im Bok-sun in Japan." Korean Association For Japanese History 60 (April 30, 2023): 5–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2023.4.60.5.

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This paper examines the aspects of the border-crossing actions of Korean atomic bomb survivors in South Korea and the solidarity movements that arose in Japan around these actions, with a focus on the “illegal entry” by Son Gwi-dal and the attempt of seeking for medical treatment in Japan by Eom Bun-ryeon and Im Bok-sun in 1968. Using testimonies and writings of A-bomb suvivors, journalists' reports, documentary films, newspaper articles, and diplomatic records, the paper highlights the meaning and historical significance of their crossing-border actions and Japan's citizens' solidarity movements. Incident was an act of crossing a boundary drawn by the law and treaty that ignored colonial responsibility, which aimed to “resolve completely and finally” through the Korea-Japan Claims Settlement Treaty. Their atempts to cross the boundary were not only to cross the border established between Korea and Japan, but also to cross the boundary between Japanese victims in Japan and those overseas. In the late 1960s, some Korean atomic bomb survivors emerged as people who appealed for compensation to the Japanese Embassy in South Korea, wrote their experiences as victims, or expressed their situation and hopes in meetings, films, and books, rather than being merely objects of pity. We consider Son Gwi-dal, Eom Bun-ryeon and Im Bok-sun's stowaway as symbolic actions that mark the beginning of Korean atomic bomb survivors' emergence as agents. Meanwhile, their border-crossing acts greatly shocked those who were engaged in Japan's anti-nuclear power movement or civil society. Those who became interested in Korean atomic bomb survivors recognized their historical significance through their border-crossing acts and introduced their writings and meetings, published books, made and screened films, and sought solidarity with them by reflecting on the nationalistic “peace” that regarded the atomic bombing victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as sacrifices of “post-war Japanese” and positioning Korean victims of colonialism in history, thereby questioning the Korea-Japan Treaty System that disregarded colonial responsibility.

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12

Steinfeld, Alan D. "The Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors." Radiology 187, no. 2 (1993): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.1148/radiology.187.2.352.

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13

Nam, Youngjoo. "Construction and Improvement Plan of Hapcheon Atomic Bomb Museum Exhibition for Memory Spatialization of Korean Atomic Bomb Victims." Journal of Humanities and Social sciences 21 9, no. 5 (2018): 809–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22143/hss21.9.5.58.

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14

Moon, Seong-geun, Ansun Jeong, Yunji Han, et al. "Cohort Study Protocol: A Cohort of Korean Atomic Bomb Survivors and Their Offspring." Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health 56, no. 1 (2023): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3961/jpmph.22.469.

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In 1945, atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Approximately 70 000 Koreans are estimated to have been exposed to radiation from atomic bombs at that time. After Korea’s Liberation Day, approximately 23 000 of these people returned to Korea. To investigate the long-term health and hereditary effects of atomic bomb exposure on the offspring, cohort studies have been conducted on atomic bomb survivors in Japan. This study is an ongoing cohort study to determine the health status of Korean atomic bomb survivors and investigate whether any health effects were inherited by their offspring. Atomic bomb survivors are defined by the Special Act On the Support for Korean Atomic Bomb Victims, and their offspring are identified by participating atomic bomb survivors. As of 2024, we plan to recruit 1500 atomic bomb survivors and their offspring, including 200 trios with more than 300 people. Questionnaires regarding socio-demographic factors, health behaviors, past medical history, laboratory tests, and pedigree information comprise the data collected to minimize survival bias. For the 200 trios, whole-genome analysis is planned to identify <i>de novo</i> mutations in atomic bomb survivors and to compare the prevalence of <i>de novo</i> mutations with trios in the general population. Active follow-up based on telephone surveys and passive follow-up with linkage to the Korean Red Cross, National Health Insurance Service, death registry, and Korea Central Cancer Registry data are ongoing. By combining pedigree information with the findings of trio-based whole-genome analysis, the results will elucidate the hereditary health effects of atomic bomb exposure.

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15

Conway, E., A. Flamm, G. Foltin, et al. "(P1-12) Had the Times Square Bomb Exploded: What about the Injured Children?" Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (2011): s102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x1100344x.

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IntroductionChildren frequently are the victims of disasters due to natural hazards or terrorist attacks. However, there is a lack of specific pediatric emergency preparedness planning worldwide. To address these gaps, the federal grant-funded New York City Pediatric Disaster Coalition (PDC) established guidelines for creating Pediatric Critical care (PCC) surge plans and assisted hospitals in creating their plans. To date, five hospitals completed plans, thereby adding 92 beds to surge capacity. On 01 May 2010, 18:00h, there was an attempt to detonate a car bomb in Times Square, a large urban attraction in the heart of New York City. The perpetrator was later convicted of the attempted use of a weapon of mass destruction. Had the bomb exploded, given the location and time of day, it is possible that many critically injured victims would have been children.MethodsThe unit director or a senior attending of nine major hospitals in the NYC area (five in close proximity and four at secondary sites) were surveyed for the number of their vacant pediatric critical care beds at the time of the event before activation of surge plans.ResultsAt the time the car bomb was discovered, the nine hospitals, which have a total of 141 PCC beds, had only 29 vacant approved pediatric critical care beds.ConclusionsHad the event resulted in many pediatric casualties, the existing PCC vacant beds at these hospitals may not have satisfied the need. Activating surge plans at five of these hospitals would have added 92 to the 29 available PCC beds for a total of 121. In order to provide PCC to a large number of victims, it is crucial that hospitals prepare PCC surge plans.

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16

Satoh, Chiyoko, Norio Takahashi, Jun-ichi Asakawa, et al. "Genetic Analysis of Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors." Environmental Health Perspectives 104 (May 1996): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3432814.

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17

Satoh, C., N. Takahashi, J. Asakawa, et al. "Genetic analysis of children of atomic bomb survivors." Environmental Health Perspectives 104, suppl 3 (1996): 511–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1289/ehp.96104s3511.

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18

Schull, William J. "The children of atomic bomb survivors: a synopsis." Journal of Radiological Protection 23, no. 4 (2003): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0952-4746/23/4/r302.

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19

Yoshimoto, Yasuhiko. "Cancer Risk Among Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors." JAMA 264, no. 5 (1990): 596. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1990.03450050054027.

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20

Lee, Ji-Young. "The Emotional Solidarity and Cleavage between Korean and Japanese Atomic Bomb Victims." Journal of Koreanology 62 (February 28, 2017): 45–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15299/jk.2017.02.62.45.

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21

Lee, Ji-Young. "Japanese Atomic Bomb Victims' the Emotion of Pain and Japanese Victim Identity." Journal of Japanology 51 (August 31, 2020): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21442/djs.2020.51.11.

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22

Miyamoto, Yuki. "Gendered Bodies in Tokusatsu : Monsters and Aliens as the Atomic Bomb Victims." Journal of Popular Culture 49, no. 5 (2016): 1086–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpcu.12467.

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23

Shichijo, Kazuko, Toshihiro Takatsuji, Manabu Fukumoto, Masahiro Nakashima, Mutsumi M. Matsuyama, and Ichiro Sekine. "Autoradiographic analysis of internal plutonium radiation exposure in Nagasaki atomic bomb victims." Heliyon 4, no. 6 (2018): e00666. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2018.e00666.

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24

Frolova, E. V. "August 6 — International Physicians for Peace Day." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 7 (July 8, 2023): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2307-08.

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73 years ago, on the morning of August 6, 1945, at 8:15 a.m., an atomic bomb was dropped on the Japanese city of Hiroshima. The American bomber had the sonorous name "Enola Gay" - it was named after the mother of the crew commander, and the deadly bomb with the affectionate name "Little Boy" contained 20 thousand tons of TNT equivalent. In a few seconds, the "Little Boy" claimed about 130 thousand human lives, most of which turned into radioactive dust, and tens of thousands of people were dishoused. Three days later, on August 9, the city of Nagasaki was subjected to a similar strike using a bomb with no less peaceful name "Fat Man", with equally terrible consequences [3]. According to some reports, the Americans, in order to achieve complete surrender of Japan, planned to carry out a total of three nuclear strikes, but as of early August 1945, the US military had only two deadly bombs at their disposal. At that time, few could have imagined how terrible and irreversible the consequences of a nuclear strike could be. The incidence of leukemia increased 18 times. The victims of this terrible bombardment continue to die from radiation sickness to this day, annually replenishing the list of victims by 5,000 names [1]. To date, the number of victims of the tragedy has approached 450 thousand. The US Air Force colonel, who gave the order to drop the bomb from an escort aircraft, soon went mad, and spent the rest of his days in a psychiatric hospital.

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25

B., G., J. V. Neel, and W. J. Schull. "The Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors. A Genetic Study." Population (French Edition) 48, no. 3 (1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1534109.

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Edwards, A. W. F., J. V. Neel, and W. J. Schull. "The Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors: A Genetic Study." Biometrics 50, no. 1 (1994): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2533232.

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27

Goto, Hitomi, Tomoyuki Watanabe, Masaru Miyao, Hiromi Fukuda, Yuzo Sato, and Yoshiharu Oshida. "Cancer mortality among atomic bomb survivors exposed as children." Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine 17, no. 3 (2011): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12199-011-0246-6.

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28

Heath, Clark W. "The Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors: A Genetic Study." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 268, no. 5 (1992): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1992.03490050109039.

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29

Zwigenberg, Ran. "Modern Relics: The Sanctification of A-Bomb Objects in the Hiroshima Museum." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 1 (2021): 44–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab014.

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Abstract In April 2017, a group of mannequins was removed during renovation of the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. The new exhibit instead focuses on objects left by the dead (ihin) as well as survivor testimonies, representing the latest change in a seventy-year controversy regarding museal representations of the devastation wrought by the atomic bomb. Controversies paralleled debates over Holocaust memorialization and the treatment of objects left by victims. The following examines the history of A-bomb objects in the Hiroshima museum, most importantly, the way relics have been discussed, exhibited, and debated. This evolution has elevated relics to the status of sacred objects, central to commemoration and memorialization.

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30

Pilzer, Joshua. "Yi Suyong and the Quiet of “Korea’s Hiroshima”." Ethnomusicology 65, no. 3 (2021): 444–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/ethnomusicology.65.3.0444.

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Abstract Bicultural residents of the Hapcheon Atomic Bomb Victims Welfare Center in rural southeastern Korea who were raised in Hiroshima and survived the bomb live in a complex world of quiet—of radiation-related vocal disability, Japanese and Korean cultural values of restraint and civility, religious practice and propriety, and traumatic memory. In this article, I musically encounter a world largely devoid of music, focusing on one survivor’s style of quietude. Manipulating rhythm, pitch, and silence in speech, testimony, and craftwork, she navigates between personal aims and the expectations she faces as a witness to Korean experiences of the atomic bomb. 히로시마에서 자랐고 원자폭탄의 폭격 속에서 생존한 합천원 폭피해자복지회관의 이중 문화 주민들은 복잡한 조용함의 세계에 살 고 있다. 방사선 관련 음성 장애, 일본과 한국 문화의 절제와 정중함 의 가치, 종교적 관습과 타당성, 그리고 외상 기억이 이 조용함의 많 은 원천 중 일부이다. 본 연구는 한 생존자의 조용함의 스타일을 중심 으로 음악이 많지 않은 이 세계를 음악적으로 조우한다. 이 생존자는 말, 증언, 공예품에서 리듬과 음조, 그리고 침묵을 조종하며, 한국인 의 원폭 경험에 대한 증인으로서 자신이 직면한 기대와 개인적인 목 표 사이를 탐색한다.

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Zwigenberg, Ran. "Healing a Sick World: Psychiatric Medicine and the Atomic Age." Medical History 62, no. 1 (2017): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2017.75.

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The onset of nuclear warfare in Hiroshima and Nagasaki had far-reaching implications for the world of medicine. The study of the A-bomb and its implications led to the launching of new fields and avenues of research, most notably in genetics and radiation studies. Far less understood and under-studied was the impact of nuclear research on psychiatric medicine. Psychological research, however, was a major focus of post-war military and civilian research into the bomb. This research and the perceived revolutionary impact of atomic energy and warfare on society, this paper argues, played an important role in the global development of post-war psychiatry. Focusing on psychiatrists in North America, Japan and the United Nations, this paper examines the reaction of the profession to the nuclear age from the early post-war period to the mid 1960s. The way psychiatric medicine related to atomic issues, I argue, shifted significantly between the immediate post-war period and the 1960s. While the early post-war psychiatrists sought to help society deal with and adjust to the new nuclear reality, later psychiatrists moved towards a more radical position that sought to resist the establishment’s efforts to normalise the bomb and nuclear energy. This shift had important consequences for research into the psychological trauma suffered by victims of nuclear warfare, which, ultimately, together with other research into the impact of war and systematic violence, led to our current understanding of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).

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32

Wake, Naoko. "Surviving the Bomb in America." Pacific Historical Review 86, no. 3 (2017): 472–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.3.472.

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This article explores the little-known history of Japanese American survivors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. By focusing on this particular group of survivors with a careful attention to their layered citizenship, national belonging, and gender identity, the article makes important connections between the history of the bomb and the history of immigration across the Pacific. U.S. survivors were both American citizens and immigrants with deep ties to Japan. Their stories expand our understanding of the bomb by taking it out of the context of the clash between nations and placing it in the lives of people who were not within a victors-or-victims dichotomy. Using oral histories with U.S. survivors, their families, and their supporters, the article reveals experiences, memories, and activism that have connected U.S. survivors to both Japan and the United States in person-centered, relatable ways. Moreover, the article brings to light under-explored aspects of Asian America, namely, significant intersections of former internees’ and bomb survivors’ experiences and the role of older women’s agency in the making of Asian American identity. In so doing, the article destabilizes the rigidly nation-bound understanding of the bomb and its human costs that has prevailed in the Pacific region.

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33

Abrahamson, Seymour, James V. Neel, and William J. Schull. "The Children of the Atomic Bomb Survivors: A Genetic Study." Radiation Research 131, no. 2 (1992): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3578446.

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34

Yamazaki, James N. "Perinatal Loss and Neurological Abnormalities Among Children of the Atomic Bomb." JAMA 264, no. 5 (1990): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1990.03450050063029.

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35

Duró, Ágota. "A Pioneer among the South Korean Atomic Bomb Victims: Significance of the Son Jin-doo Trial." Asian Journal of Peacebuilding 4, no. 2 (2016): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18588/201611.00a012.

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36

Barbasiewicz, Olga. "Hidden Memory and Memorials The Monument in Memory of the Korean Victims of the Atomic Bomb and the Remembrance of Korean Victims." Polish Political Science Yearbook 48, no. 2 (2019): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019206.

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37

Szarecki, Artur. "Ciało w stanie rozpadu. Doświadczenie bomby atomowej w relacjach hibakusha." Przegląd Humanistyczny, no. 1 (April 26, 2017): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.9225.

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The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 are a symbolic source of all later views on a nuclear holocaust. The specificity of the Japanese narratives, however, lies in the fact that they take the first-person form, and thus they give a direct testimony of the individuals’ experience. In the article I refer to the personal accounts of the victims of the atomic bomb (the so-called hibakusha) to prove that corporeality is employed in them as the primary category of description, and functions as the existential ground on which both the horror of the explosion is constructed, and the collapse of the “world of life” of the community is experienced.

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38

Margaret Kosuge, Nobuko. "Prompt and utter destruction: the Nagasaki disaster and the initial medical relief." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 866 (2007): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383107001063.

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AbstractThe article takes an overall look at the initial medical relief activities in Nagasaki after the atomic bomb fell there on 9 August 1945. In Nagasaki, as in Hiroshima, medical facilities were instantaneously destroyed by the explosion, yet the surviving doctors and other medical staff, though themselves sometimes seriously injured, did their best to help the victims. Medical facilities in adjacent areas also tended to the wounded continuously being brought there; some relief workers arrived at the disaster area when the level of radiation was still dangerously high. This article will in particular highlight the work of the doctors.

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39

Eguchi, Susumu, Mitsuhisa Takatsuki, Masahiro Nakashima, and Takashi Kanematsu. "Living-donor liver transplantation from second generation children for atomic bomb survivors." Hepatology Research 39, no. 11 (2009): 1150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1872-034x.2009.00547.x.

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40

Fujimura, Kingo, Fumiyoshi Kasagi, Hideo Sasaki, and Chikako Ito. "Prevalence and Cause of Death in Patients with Monoclonal Gammopathy in Atomic Bomb Survivors in Hiroshima." Blood 112, no. 11 (2008): 2714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v112.11.2714.2714.

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Abstract Purpose: To examine the effect of Atomic bomb (A-bomb) radiation exposure condition on the development M-proteinemia in A-bomb survivors in Hiroshima. Back ground: The influence of radiation exposure on the development of M-proteinemia remained unclear. The screening test for monoclonal gammopathy in A- bomb survivors in Hiroshima was started from Sep. 1988 at the Hiroshima Atomic Bomb Casualty Council Health management center to challenge this problem with the free access policy. Materials: The peak year of the examined population was 1989, which was examined 42915 survivors. This population was designed as study population. This population consisted of five groups of irradiated conditions as follows, 60% was exposed directly in all over the Hiroshima city at A- bombing, 27% entered to center of Hiroshima city within 14 days after A-bombing, 9% helped the victims of A- bombing at the suburbs and 1% was exposed in prenatal state. Examination study: Each participant was examined one test yearly. Routine laboratory tests, such as complete blood cell counts, serum biochemical examination and serum protein electrophoresis on cellulose acetate were performed for the first step screening. M-protein or low level of gammaglobulin was subsequently assessed in a detailed analysis by immunoelectrophoresis of serum and urine, and measurement of serum concentration of immunoglobulin andβ2-Microglobulin. Results: One thousand and hundred eighty two cases of M-proteinemia were detected for 18 years. The over all prevalence rate was 2.75%, and 4.1% in males and 2.1% in females. Nine hundred twenty nigh cases of MGUS(78.6%), 147 cases of MM(12.4%), 80 cases of IgM Macroglobulinemia(6.8%) and 26 cases of two clone M-proteinemia(2.2%) were detected. Of these M-proteinemia, 669cases(2.6%) were developed in directly exposed population, 368cases(3.1%) were in entered population and 133 cases(3.4%) were in helper population. The prevalence rate of these M-proteinemia was increased depend on aging. Forty three cases (4.6%) of MGUS moved to overt MM for 18 years. The mean duration time from MGUS to overt MM was 8.9 years (2~18 years). Four hundred sixteen cases (35.2%) were died with MM or lymphoproliferative diseases (99cases,23.8%), cancer (93cases,22.3%), infection (50cases,12%), cardio or cerebral vascular diseases (89 cases,21.4%) and others (85cases,21%). The 101 cases (13.2%) of 766 living cases combined some cancer throughout the follow up. No significant differences in the prevalence rate of M-proteinemia and death from MM or combination with cancer were observed among any A-bomb irradiated conditions. Conclusions: There were no clear correlations between the development or disease state of M-proteinemia and the irradiated conditions. We are now starting to analyze the individual radiation dose effects longitudinally on the development of M-proteinemia.

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Noda, Asao, Kazuto Kato, Chieko Tamura, et al. "Ethical, legal and social implications of human genome studies in radiation research: a workshop report for studies on atomic bomb survivors at the Radiation Effects Research Foundation." Journal of Radiation Research 62, no. 4 (2021): 656–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrr/rrab043.

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Abstract The Radiation Effects Research Foundation (RERF) is the primary organization in Japan dedicated to studying the health consequences of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki atomic bombings in World War II. In December 2020, RERF held a virtual international workshop on the ethical, legal and social implications (ELSI) of genome studies. In this workshop, the ELSI considerations of future human genome studies on radiation research including atomic bomb survivors and their families were discussed. Since genome sequencing (GS) is now practical and affordable, RERF now plans GS of parents/child trios to examine genetic effects of atomic bomb radiation. As such studies may engender some novel risks and benefits, ethics review and engagement with families (including consent) need to be considered. These include protection of individual privacy, use of samples from deceased prior participants, return of results to the participants, public sharing of genome data and advance science and social welfare. Specifically with regard to social welfare, the results of such studies may have implications for public and government decision-making regarding social benefits of victims and other important questions. Based on these broad-ranging discussions we have developed the following concepts to guide this work: “trust,” “compromise” and “relationship building,” inclusive of the concerned stakeholders, scientific aims and Japanese society at large. We conclude that in order to realize, establish and maintain these concepts, it is essential to put procedures into place to ensure the successful, consensus-based implementation of the RERF studies.

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Watkins, Kari. "The Oklahoma City National Memorial & Museum: Looking Back & Thinking Forward." South Central Review 40, no. 2-3 (2023): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scr.2023.a915862.

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Abstract: This essay offers a brief history of the Oklahoma City Terrorist attack on the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on 19 April 1995, when a truck bomb planted by a former American soldier, Timothy McVeigh, exploded near the building, killing 168 people, including 19 children. It then describes the early commemorative ceremonies taking place on the site, and the gradual transformation of these commemorative efforts into an initiative to create a permanent museum and memorial to honor the victims and to inform visitors to the museum about what occurred that terrible day. The museum and memorial is known today as the Oklahoma National Memorial and Museum. The attack that inspired it remains the worst domestic terrorism attack in US history.

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Preston, Dale L., Harry Cullings, Akihiko Suyama, et al. "Solid Cancer Incidence in Atomic Bomb Survivors Exposed In Utero or as Young Children." JNCI: Journal of the National Cancer Institute 100, no. 6 (2008): 428–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnci/djn045.

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Yoshimoto, Y. "Cancer risk among children of atomic bomb survivors. A review of RERF epidemiologic studies." International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics 35, no. 1 (1991): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0020-7292(91)90103-c.

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Yang, Dong Sook. ""The Formation of ‘Hiroshima Prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’ and A Nuclear Bomb Ban Campaign"." Journal of Memory & Vision 38 (June 30, 2018): 206–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31008/mv.38.5.

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김, 경인. "The Art of Theater in Japan on Korean Atomic Bomb Victims : With a Focus on Shinya Eiko’s One-Person Plays." Korean Journal of Japanese Language and Literature 101 (June 30, 2024): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18704/kjjll.2024.06.101.149.

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Matsunari, Yuko, and Nao Yoshimoto. "Comparison of Rescue and Relief Activities Within 72 Hours of the Atomic Bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 28, no. 6 (2013): 536–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x13008832.

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AbstractPurposeTo clarify the factors and reasons for the differences in the outcomes of rescue and relief efforts in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, mainly focusing on the numbers of rescue/relief staffs and casualties in the period within 72 hours of the atomic bombings in August 1945.MethodsBy retrieving the data and information from the records and reports concerning the disasters in the two cities, together with other publications as to the damages by the atomic bombings and subsequent rescue-relief activities, and restoration activities.Results and ConclusionsIt seems that there was less damage in Nagasaki, where a stronger atomic bomb was used than in Hiroshima. There were crucial geographic factors that led to the different effects in terms of the numbers of victims; however, systematic organization and mobilization of rescue and relief staffs, maintenance of functional transportation, and advanced medical knowledge and public warning with regard to disaster all may have contributed to a lower death toll and increase in survivors in Nagasaki.MatsunariY, YoshimotoN. Comparison of rescue and relief activities within 72 hours of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2013;28(6):1-7.

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Richardson, D. B., and S. Wing. "Re: Solid Cancer Incidence in Atomic Bomb Survivors Exposed In Utero or as Young Children." JNCI Journal of the National Cancer Institute 100, no. 20 (2008): 1482–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnci/djn321.

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Little, Mark. "The Children of Atomic Bomb Survivors: A Genetic Study. James V. Neel , William J. Schull." Quarterly Review of Biology 68, no. 2 (1993): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/418079.

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NAKAMURA, Nori. "Genetic Effects of Radiation in Atomic-bomb Survivors and Their Children: Past, Present and Future." Journal of Radiation Research 47, SupplementB (2006): B67—B73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1269/jrr.47.b67.

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