Academic literature on the topic 'Children with social disabilities – Education – Namibia Case studies'

Purpose Recently with increased legislative support and evidence-based studies on the importance of education for children with disabilities in China, special education programs and intervention and rehabilitation services have received more and more attention. There are limited studies on special education programs for children with disabilities located in China’s rural areas. This paper aims to select one special education program in China’s northeast rural area with a special focus on its curriculum design, accommodative services and teacher qualifications. Recommendations were provided on how to modify the curriculum to meet each child’s special needs, increase social interaction among children, increase teacher qualifications and improve teacher family collaboration. Design/methodology/approach The participating program serves orphans and children with disabilities between 6 and 18 years old and provides them 9-year free education, along with free textbooks, uniforms, food and boarding. Currently, there are approximately 100 students and 40 teachers, one director and one nurse. The teacher/staff and student ratio is 1:3. Data were collected through classroom observation and interviews. Afterward, the interview data were transcribed. Data were analyzed following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-step approach. The researcher reviewed the collected data, then coded the data and reviewed, refined and revised the codes, and finally themes and sub-themes were identified with quotations that support each theme/sub-theme. Findings The identified themes are accommodations, education plan and curriculum and teacher qualifications. Accommodations include, but are not limited to, visual and hearing aids. National unity textbooks were adopted, along with national syllabus objectives, as a guideline for instruction and evaluation of child progress. Teachers also adjust curriculum-based students’ individual needs. All teachers hold an associate degree in special education, and those who teach specials hold a higher degree in the specialty area. Given that there is no speech language pathologist, physical therapist, or occupational therapist, teachers with rich working experiences in the related field serve as special professionals. Research limitations/implications The current research reports the program design, accommodations for children with disabilities, curriculum and syllabus, parent/guardian role and teacher qualifications in the selected school. Given that the current study focuses on only one school located in the rural area of China’s northeast, it may represent special education programs in rural China, but it is hard to be generalized to provide a big picture of China’s special education programs in more developed, metropolitan areas. Practical implications The selected school offers accommodative services to students with disabilities; adjusts its curriculum to make it developmentally appropriate; and offers educational, medical and rehabilitation services to promote student development to the maximum. The selected school should improve teacher quality, increase social interaction between children with and without disabilities, modify the curriculum to cater to individuals with different severities of disabilities and increase family professional collaboration. Originality/value There is limited study on special education programs for young children with disabilities in China’s rural area. The current study fills this gap and studies a special education school that offers services to children as young as six years old located in a small town in the northeast of China. The special focus of the study includes program curriculum, accommodations, rehabilitation and intervention services and teacher qualifications in this program.

Special education must be interdisciplinary in order to ensure the comprehensive quality of education for children with special needs in general and children with developmental disorders in particular. For children with developmental disorders such as autism spectrum disorder, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, learning disabilities, etc., regular education interventions are important as they provide children with essential knowledge and help them practice necessary skills before utilizing these skills in their social integration process. This article introduces intervention models used in an educational institution in combination with medical therapy and the effects of this combination in two case studies of children with developmental disorders. Through concrete evidence and results of clear case studies, the article desires to contribute to a clearer illustration of the combined model of health and education used in interventions for children with special needs in general and especially for children with developmental disorders in Vietnam.

Since the re-establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, successive administrations have reaffirmed their commitment to social justice. However, despite high-level equality policies, social-class inequality is a major feature of Scottish society, affecting all social policy domains, including education. In this article, we provide a brief overview of the development of support for children with learning difficulties and disabilities within the context of Scottish comprehensive schooling. We then consider the way in which ideas of social justice are reflected in education for learners with additional support needs, whose numbers have expanded over recent years and who are particularly likely to live in the most deprived parts of Scotland. Using family case studies, we explore the experiences of families from different social backgrounds, whose children have been identified as having additional support needs. The data suggest that children living in deprived areas experience cumulative disadvantage, attracting stigmatising labels without the benefit of extra resources necessary to improve educational outcomes. By way of contrast, those from more advantaged areas are generally more successful in avoiding stigmatising labels while ensuring that facilitating resources are in place. Findings are discussed within Fraser’s three-dimensional framework of social justice, encompassing distribution, recognition and representation.

A child is a member of a vulnerable group in societies. Children's rights are equal for all children and they cannot be denied, because they are a birthright. However, throughout the world, children with disabilities and their families constantly experience a barrier in regard to the enjoyment of their basic human rights and to their inclusion in society. Their abilities are overlooked, their capacities are underestimated and their needs are given low priority. The barriers they face are more frequently a result of the environment in which they live rather than a result of their impairment. The situation began to change only when requirements to include disabled children in the education system were introduced in legislation. Following the example of other countries worldwide, the Republic of North Macedonia introduced inclusion of children with disabilities in the mainstream educational process, because the right to education is a right for all children, including the ones with special educational needs. For this purpose, the Republic of North Macedonia implemented a series of changes in the educational system for successful inclusion of children with special educational needs. Hence, the main aim of our paper is to represent the actual situation in Macedonian schools regarding the problem of educational inclusion of students with disabilities in the regular school system. The research methods are based on document studies and case studies about changes in social and educational policies for students with disabilities and special educational needs who are included in primary and secondary education. At the same time we shall present some guidelines for teachers who work with these children and future directions for a proper inclusion system in the Republic of North Macedonia, because every child has a fundamental right to education and must be given the opportunity to achieve and reach an acceptable level of learning. In this frame, school societies try to support full participation of students with disabilities in areas of their lives on equal terms, conditions, social justice and basic human rights.

Purpose The purpose of this study was to explore how speech-language pathologists (SLPs) who are augmentative and alternative communication (AAC) specialists approach the assessment process for 2 case studies, 1 child with cerebral palsy and 1 with autism spectrum disorder. The aim of the study was to answer the following questions: (a) How do clinicians with expertise approach the AAC assessment process for children with developmental disabilities? (b) Can any initial hypothesis be drawn about how SLPs approach the assessment of children with motor versus social interactive deficits? Method This study used a phenomenological qualitative design. The researchers conducted 2 in-depth, semistructured interviews with 8 SLPs who specialized in AAC and self-identified as primarily working with children. Results Four major themes emerged from the data: area of assessment, method of assessment, evaluation preparation, and parent education. Each major theme contained multiple subthemes and categories within those subthemes. Conclusions Participants discussed similar areas of assessment for both cases, indicating that some aspects of AAC assessment are universal. However, the specific aspects of what they were assessing and how they went about assessing them differed between the 2 cases. The results of the current study provide an outline of an assessment protocol for children with complex communication needs.

The article discusses the heuristic possibilities of objective and subjective approaches to determiningthe quality of life of individuals in modern society. In order to construct a measurement of the quality oflife of the population, objective and subjective indicators were defined in this perspective: quantitativeones that record the presence or absence of a certain property and qualitative ones that record the extentof its manifestation and development. For the empirical representation of the quality of life of residentsof the city of Dnipro, data from sociological studies, the «Dnipro – my hometown» and the fourth all-Ukrainian municipal IRI survey were used.Possibilities and conditions for self-realization of the person are characterized, subjective level ofevaluation of strategies of success, professional prospects, achievement of material well-being in theurban space is determined through the prism of age differentiation. Positive shifts in the perception of thecity as an inclusive space (the spread of inclusive education, the opening of children’s and playgrounds,which take into account the needs of children with disabilities , etc.) have been noticed.Characteristics of urban social life were determined through fragmentation, disunity, decentralization,dehumanization. They are becoming the markers of modern society. These processes affect the emotionalinternal state of the individual and determine the sphere of his social fears. The main factors that causeanxiety and fear in the mass consciousness of the residents of the city are related to economic issues –rising prices, loss of work, closure of enterprises. The structure of expenditures and the assessment ofwell-being, as well as the level of satisfaction with material goods, have been determined. The subjectivecharacteristic of the labor market and opportunities to engage in entrepreneurial activity are provided. Thegeneral summary of the quality of life in Dnipro is presented in the Summary of Capability AssessmentIndex.

RESUMENTradicionalmente, la transcripción de entrevistas, ya sea individuales o grupales, constituye, con frecuencia, el material empírico básico para llevar a cabo estudios cualitativos en ciencias sociales y de la educación. Sin embargo, la utilización de estrategias visuales (dibujos, fotografías, videos) se ha convertido en las últimas décadas en un recurso metodológico especialmente sensible y adecuado para aquellas personas que, por distintas razones, no tienen un nivel lingüístico o comunicativo desarrollado. Este es el caso, por ejemplo, de niños y niñas, personas de origen extranjero con poca competencia en la lengua de la sociedad de destino o de algunas personas con discapacidad intelectual. El objetivo de este artículo es describir e ilustrar la utilización metodológica de recursos visuales, así como discutir sus posibilidades, a partir de ejemplos de su uso desarrollados en tres investigaciones socioeducativas. ABSTRACTTraditionally, the transcription of interviews, either individual or group, has become the basic empirical material to conduct qualitative studies in social sciences and education. However, in the last few decades, the use of visual strategies (drawings, photographs, videos) has become a methodological resource, particularly sensitive and suitable for those people who do not have a level or communicative language developed for whatever reason. This is the case of children, people of foreign origin with less competence with the language of the society of destination or people with intellectual disabilities, for example. The objective of this article is to describe and illustrate the use of methodological visual resources within the framework of three research projects. We discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the use of these strategies through experience with the projects that are described and illustrated in this article.

Many studies have shown a link between being competent in early mathematics and achievement in school. Early math skills have the potential to be the best predictors of later performance in reading and mathematics. Movement and songs are activities that children like, making it easier for teachers to apply mathematical concepts through this method. This study aims to develop audio-visual learning media in the form of songs with a mixture of western and traditional musical idioms, accompanied by movements that represent some of the teaching of early mathematics concepts. The stages of developing the ADDIE model are the basis for launching new learning media products related to math and art, and also planting the nation's cultural arts from an early age. These instructional media products were analyzed by experts and tested for their effectiveness through experiments on five children aged 3-4 years. The qualitative data were analyzed using transcripts of field notes and observations and interpreted in a descriptive narrative. The quantitative data were analyzed using gain score statistics. The results showed that there was a significant increase in value for early mathematical understanding of the concepts of geometry, numbers and measurement through this learning medium. The results of the effectiveness test become the final basis of reference for revision and complement the shortcomings of this learning medium. Further research can be carried out to develop other mathematical concepts through motion and song learning media, and to create experiments with a wider sample. Keywords: Early Mathematical Skills, Movement and Song Idiom Traditional, Audio-visual Learning Media References An, S. A., & Tillman, D. A. (2015). Music activities as a meaningful context for teaching elementary students mathematics: a quasi-experiment time series design with random assigned control group. 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RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. 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I want to argue here that the use of terms like “disabled” has very concrete and practical consequences; such language choices are significant and constitutive, not simply the abstract subject of a theoretical debate or a “politically correct” storm in a teacup. In this paper I want to examine some significant moments of conflict over and resistance to definitions of “disability” in an arts project, “In the Picture”, run by one of the UK’s largest disability charities, Scope. In the words of its webpages, this project “aims to encourage publishers, illustrators and writers to embrace diversity - so that disabled children are included alongside others in illustrations and story lines in books for young readers” (http://www.childreninthepicture.org.uk/aboutus.htm). It sought to raise awareness of “ableism” in the book world and through its webpage, offer practical advice and examples of how to include disabled children in illustrated children’s books. From 2005 to 2007, I tracked the progress of the project’s Stories strand, which sought to generate exemplary inclusive narratives by drawing on the experiences of disabled people and families of disabled children. My research drew on participant observation and interviews, but also creative audience research — a process where, in the words of David Gauntlett, “participants are asked to create media or artistic artefacts themselves.” Consequently, when I’m talking here about definitions of “disability’, I am discussing not just the ways people talk about what the word “disabled” might mean, but also the ways in which such identities might appear in images. These definitions made a real difference to those participating in various parts of the project and the types of inclusive stories they produced. Scope has been subject to substantial critique from the disability movement in the past (Benjamin; Carvel; Shakespeare, "Sweet Charity"). “In the Picture” was part of an attempt to resituate the charity as a campaigning organization (Benjamin; O’Hara), with the campaign’s new slogan “Time to get Equal” appearing prominently at the top of each page of the project’s website. As a consequence the project espoused the social model of disability, with its shift in focus from individual peoples’ bodily differences, towards the exclusionary and unequal society that systematically makes those differences meaningful. This shift in focus generates, some have argued, a performative account of disability as an identity (Sandhal; Breivik). It’s not simply that non-normative embodiment or impairment can be (and often is) acquired later in life, meaning that non-disabled people are perhaps best referred to as TABs — the “temporarily able bodied” (Duncan, Goggin and Newell). More significantly, what counts as a “disabled person” is constituted in particular social, physical and economic environments. Changing that environment can, in essence, create a disabled person, or make a person cease to be dis-abled. I will argue that, within the “In the Picture” project, this radically constructionist vision of disablement often rubbed against more conventional understandings of the term “disabled people”. In the US, the term “people with disabilities” is favoured as a label, because of its “people first” emphasis, as well as its identification of an oppressed minority group (Haller, Dorries and Rahn, 63; Shakespeare, Disability Rights). In contrast, those espousing the social model of disability in the UK tend to use the phrase “disabled people”. This latter term can flag the fact that disability is not something emanating from individuals’ bodily differences, but a social process by which inaccessible environments disable particular people (Oliver, Politics). From this point of view the phrase “people with disabilities” might appear to ascribe the disability to the individual rather than the society — it suggests that it is the people who “have” the disability, not the society which disables. As Helen Meekosha has pointed out, Australian disability studies draws on both US civil rights languages and the social model as understood in the UK. While I’ve chosen to adopt the British turn of phrase here, the broader concept from an Australian point of view, is that the use of particular sets of languages is no simple key to the perspectives adopted by individual speakers. My observations suggest that the key phrase used in the project — “ disabled people” — is one that, we might say, “passes”. To someone informed by the social model it clearly highlights a disabling society. However, it is a phrase that can be used without obvious miscommunication to talk to people who have not been exposed to the social model. Someone who subscribes to a view of “disability” as impairment, as a medical condition belonging to an individual, might readily use the term “disabled people”. The potentially radical implications of this phrase are in some ways hidden, unlike rival terms like “differently abled”, which might be greeted with mockery in some quarters (eg. Purvis; Parris). This “passing” phrase did important work for the “In the Picture” project. As many disability activists have pointed out, “charity” and “concern” for disabled people is a widely espoused value, playing a range of important psychic roles in an ableist society (eg. Longmore; Hevey). All the more evocative is a call to support disabled children, a favoured object of the kinds of telethons and other charitable events which Longmore discusses. In the words of Rosemarie Garland Thomson, the sentimentality often used in charity advertising featuring children “contains disability’s threat in the sympathetic, helpless child for whom the viewer is empowered to act” (Garland Thomson, 63). In calling for publishers to produce picture books which included disabled children, the project had invested in this broad appeal — who could argue against such an agenda? The project has been successful, for example, in recruiting support from many well known children’s authors and illustrators, including Quentin Blake and Dame Jackie Wilson. The phrase “disabled children”, I would argue, smoothed the way for such successes by enabling the project to graft progressive ideas —about the need for adequate representation of a marginalized group — onto existing conceptions of an imagined recipient needing help from an already constituted group of willing givers. So what were the implications of using the phrase “disabled children” for the way the project unfolded? The capacity of this phrase to refer to both a social model account of disability and more conventional understandings had an impact on the recruitment of participants for writing workshops. Participants were solicited via a range of routes. Some were contacted through the charity’s integrated pre-school and the networks of the social workers working beside it. The workshops were also advertised via a local radio show, through events run by the charity for families of disabled people, through a notice in the Disabled Parents site, and announcements on the local disability arts e- newsletter. I am interested in the way that those who heard about the workshops might have been hailed by —or resisted the lure of — those labels “disabled person” or “parent of a disabled child” or at least the meaning of those labels when used by a large disability charity. For example, despite a workshop appearing on the programme of Northwest Disability Arts’ Deaf and Disability Arts Festival, no Deaf participants became involved in the writing workshops. Some politicised Deaf communities frame their identities as an oppressed linguistic minority of sign language users, rather than as disabled people (Corker; Ladd). As such, I would suggest that they are not hailed by the call to “disabled people” with which the project was framed, despite the real absence of children’s books drawing on Deaf culture and its rich tradition of visual communication (Saunders; Conlon and Napier). Most of those who attended were (non-disabled) parents or grandparents of disabled children, rather than disabled people, a fact critiqued by some participants. It’s only possible to speculate about the reasons for this imbalance. Was it the reputation of this charity or charities in general (see Shakespeare, "Sweet Charity") amongst politicised disabled people that discouraged attendance? A shared perspective with those within the British disabled peoples’ movement who emphasise the overwhelming importance of material changes in employment, education, transport rather than change in the realm of “attitudes” (eg Oliver, Politics)? Or was it the association of disabled people undertaking creative activities with a patronising therapeutic agenda (eg Hevey, 26)? The “pulling power” of a term even favoured by the British disability movement, it seems, might be heavily dependent on who was using it. Nonetheless, this term did clearly speak to some people. In conversation it emerged that most of those who attended the workshops either had young family members who were disabled or were imbricated in educational and social welfare networks that identified them as “disabled” — for example, by having access to Disability Living Allowance. While most of the disabled children in participants’ families were in mainstream education, most also had an educational “statement” enabling them to access extra resources, or were a part of early intervention programmes. These social and educational institutions had thus already hailed them as “families of disabled children” and as such they recognised themselves in the project’s invitation. Here we can see the social and institutional shaping of what counts as “disabled children” in action. One participant who came via an unusual route into the workshops provides an interesting reflection of the impact of an address to “disabled people”. This man had heard about the workshop because the local charity he ran had offices adjacent to the venue of one of the workshops. He started talking to the workshop facilitator, and as he said in an interview, became interested because “well … she mentioned that it was about disabilities and I’m interested in people’s disabilities – I want to improve conditions for them obviously”. I probed him about the relationship between his interest and his own experiences as a person with dyslexia. While he taught himself to read in his thirties, he described his reading difficulties as having ongoing impacts on his working life. He responded: first of all it wasn’t because I have dyslexia, it was because I’m interested in improving people’s lives in general. So, I mean particularly people who are disabled need more care than most of us don’t they? …. and I’d always help whenever I can, you know what I mean. And then thinking that I had a disability myself! The dramatic double-take at the end of this comment points to the way this respondent positions himself throughout as outside of the category of “disabled”. This self- identification points towards the stigma often attached to the category “disabled”. It also indicates the way in which this category is, at least in part, socially organised, such that people can be in various circumstances located both inside and outside it. In this writer’s account “people who are disabled” are “them” needing “more care than most of us”. Here, rather than identifying as a disabled person, imagined as a recipient of support, he draws upon the powerful discourses of charity in a way that positions him giving to and supporting others. The project appealed to him as a charity worker and as a campaigner, and indeed a number of other participants (both “disabled” and “non-disabled”) framed themselves in this way, looking to use their writing as a fundraising tool, for example, or as a means of promoting more effective inclusive education. The permeability of the category of “disabled” presented some challenges in the attempt to solicit “disabled peoples’” voices within the project. This was evident when completed stories came to be illustrated by design, illustration and multimedia students at four British universities: Liverpool John Moores University, the University of Wolverhampton, the University of Teeside and the North East Wales Institute. Students attending an initial briefing on the project completed a questionnaire which included an item asking whether they considered themselves to be disabled. While around eight of the eighty respondents answered “yes” to this question, the answers of these students and some others were by no means clear cut. A number of students identified themselves as dyslexic, but contested the idea that this diagnosis meant that they were disabled. One respondent commented along similar lines: “My boyfriend was very upset that the university considers him to be disabled because he is dyslexic”. How can we make sense of these responses? We could note again that the identity of “disabled” is highly stigmatised. Many disabled students believe that they are seen as lazy, demanding excessive resources, or even in the case of some students with non- visible impairments, lying (Kleege; Olney and Brockman). So we could view such responses as identity management work. From this point of view, an indicator of the success of the project in shifting some of the stigma attached to the label of “disabled” might be the fact that at least one of the students participants “came out” as dyslexic to her tutors in the course of her participation in the project. The pattern of answers on questionnaire returns suggests that particular teaching strategies and administrative languages shape how students imagine and describe themselves. Liverpool John Moores University, one of the four art schools participating in the project, had a high profile programme seeking to make dyslexic students aware of the technical and writing support available to them if they could present appropriate medical certification (Lowy). Questionnaires from LJMU included the largest number of respondents identifying themselves as both disabled and dyslexic, and featured no comment on any mismatch between these labels. In the interests of obtaining appropriate academic support and drawing on a view of dyslexia not as a deficit but as a learning style offering significant advantages, it might be argued, students with dyslexia at this institution had been taught to recognise themselves through the label “disabled”. This acknowledgement that people sharing some similar experiences might describe themselves in very different ways depending on their context suggests another way of interpreting some students’ equivocal relationship to labels like “dyslexia” and “disabled”. The university as an environment demanding the production of very formal styles of writing and rapid assimilation of a high volume of written texts, is one where particular learning strategies of people with dyslexia come to be disabling. In many peoples’ day to day lives – and perhaps particularly in the day to day lives of visual artists – less conventional ways of processing written information simply may not be disabling. As such, students’ responses might be seen less as resistance to a stigmatised identity and more an acknowledgement of the contingent nature of disablement. Or perhaps we might understand these student responses as a complex mix of both of these perspectives. Disability studies has pointed to the coexistence of contradictory discourses around disability within popular culture (eg, Garland-Thomson; Haller, Dorries and Rahn). Similarly, the friezes, interactive games, animations, illustrated books and stand-alone images which came out of this arts project sometimes incorporate rival conceptions of disability side by side. A number of narratives, for example, include pairs of characters, one of which embodies conventional narratives of disability (for example, being diagnostically labelled or ‘cured’), while the other articulates alternative accounts (celebrating diversity and enabling environments). Both students and staff reported that participation in the project prompted critical thinking about accessible design and inclusive representation. Some commented in interviews that their work on the project had changed their professional practice in ways they thought might have longer term impact on the visual arts. However, it is clear that in student work, just as in the project itself, alternative conceptions of what “disability” might mean were at play, even as reframing such conceptions are explicitly the aim of the enterprise. Such contradictions point towards the difficulties of easily labelling individual stories or indeed the wider project “progressive” or otherwise. Some illustrated narratives and animations created by students were understood by the project management to embody the definitions of “disabled children” within the project’s ten principles. This work was mounted on the website to serve as exemplars for the publishing industry (http://www.childreninthepicture.org.uk/stories.htm). Such decisions were not unreflective, however. There was a good deal of discussion by students and project management about how to make “disabled children” visible without labelling or pathologising. For example, one of the project’s principles is that “images of disabled children should be used casually or incidentally, so that disabled children are portrayed playing and doing things alongside their non- disabled peers” (see also Bookmark). Illustrator Jane Ray commented wryly in an article on the website on her experience of including disabled characters in a such a casual way in her published work that no-one notices it! (Ray). As I’ve discussed in more detail elsewhere (Matthews, forthcoming), the social model, espoused by the project, with its primary focus on barriers to equality rather than individual impaired bodies, presented some challenges to such aims. While both fairytales and, increasingly, contemporary books for young people, do sometimes engage with violence, marginalisation and social conflict (Saunders), there is a powerful imperative to avoid such themes in books for very young children. In trying to re-narrativise disabled children outside conventional paradigms of “bravery overcoming adversity”, the project may have also pushed writers and illustrators away from engaging with barriers to equality. The project manager commented in an interview: “probably in the purest form the social model would show in stories the barriers facing disabled children, whereas we want to show what barriers have been knocked down and turn it round into a more positive thing”. While a handful of the 23 stories emerging from the writing workshops included narratives around bullying and or barriers to equal access, many of the stories chose to envisage more utopian, integrated environments. If it is barriers to inequality that, at least in part, create “disabled people”, then how is it possible to identify disabled children with little reference to such barriers? The shorthand used by many student illustrators, and frequently too in the “images for inspiration” part of the project’s website, has been the inclusion of enabling technologies. A white cane, a wheelchair or assistive and augmentative communication technologies can be included in an image without making a “special” point of these technologies in the written text. The downside to this shorthand, however, is the way that the presence of these technologies can serve to naturalise the category of “disabled children”. Rather than being seen as a group identity constituted by shared experiences of discrimination and exclusion, the use of such “clues” to which characters “are disabled” might suggest that disabled people are a known group, independent of particular social and environmental settings. Using this arts project as a case study, I have traced here some of the ways people are recognised or recognise themselves as “disabled”. I’ve also suggested that within this project other conceptions of what “disabled” might mean existed in the shadows of the social constructionist account to which it declared its allegiances. Given the critiques of the social model which have emerged within disability studies over the last fifteen years (e.g. Crowe; Shakespeare, Disability Rights), this need not be a damning observation. The manager of this arts project, along with writer Mike Oliver ("If I Had"), has suggested that the social model might be used strategically as a means of social transformation rather than a complete account of disabled peoples’ lives. However, my analysis here has suggested that we can not only imagine different ways that “disabled people” might be conceptualised in the future. Rather we can see significant consequences of the different ways that the label “disabled” is mobilised here and now. Its inclusion and exclusions, what it makes it easy to say or difficult to imagine needs careful thinking through. References Benjamin, Alison. “Going Undercover.” The Guardian, Society, April 2004: 8. Bookmark. Quentin Blake Award Project Report: Making Exclusion a Thing of the Past. The Roald Dahl Foundation, 2006. Breivik, Jan Kare. “Deaf Identities: Visible Culture, Hidden Dilemmas and Scattered Belonging.” In H.G. Sicakkan and Y.G. Lithman, eds. What Happens When a Society Is Diverse: Exploring Multidimensional Identities. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006. 75-104. Carvel, John. “Demonstrators Rattle Scope.” The Guardian, Society section, 6 Oct. 2004: 4. Conlon, Caroline, and Jemina Napier. “Developing Auslan Educational Resources: A Process of Effective Translation of Children’s Books.” Deaf Worlds 20.2. (2004): 141-161. Corker, Mairian. Deaf and Disabled or Deafness Disabled. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1998. Crow, Liz. “Including All of Our Lives: Renewing the Social Model of Disability.” In Jenny Morris, ed. Encounters with Strangers: Feminism and Disability. Women’s Press, 1996. 206-227. Davis, John, and Nick Watson. “Countering Stereotypes of Disability: Disabled Children and Resistance.” In Mairian Corker and Tom Shakespeare, eds. Disability/Postmodernity: Embodying Disability Theory. London: Continuum, 2002. 159-174. Duncan, Kath, Gerard Goggin, and Christopher Newell. “Don’t Talk about Me… like I’m Not Here: Disability in Australian National Cinema.” Metro Magazine 146-147 (2005): 152-159. Garland Thomson, Rosemarie. “The Politics of Staring: Visual Rhetorics of Disability in Popular Photography.” In Sharon L. Snyder, Brenda Jo Bruggemann, and Rosemarie Garland Thomson, eds. Disability Studies: Enabling the Humanities. New York: MLAA, 2002. 56-75. Gauntlett, David. “Using Creative Visual Research Methods to Understand Media Audiences.” MedienPädagogik 4.1 (2005). Haller, Beth, Bruce Dorries, and Jessica Rahn. “Media Labeling versus the US Disability Community Identity: A Study of Shifting Cultural Language.” In Disability & Society 21.1 (2006): 61-75. Hevey, David. The Creatures Time Forgot: Photography and Disability Imagery. London: Routledge, 1992. Kleege, Georgia. “Disabled Students Come Out: Questions without Answers.” In Sharon Snyder, Brenda Jo Brueggeman, and Rosemarie Garland Thomson, eds. Disability Studies: Enabling the Humanities. New York: Modern Language Association of America, 2002. 308-316. Ladd, Paddy. Understanding Deaf Culture: In Search of Deafhood. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 2003. Longmore, Paul. “Conspicuous Contribution and American Cultural Dilemma: Telethon Rituals of Cleansing and Renewal.” In David T. Mitchell and Sharon L. Snyder, eds. The Body and Physical Difference: Discourses of Disability. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1997. 134-158. Lowy, Adrienne. “Dyslexia: A Different Approach to Learning?” JMU Learning and Teaching Press 2.2 (2002). Matthews, Nicole. “Contesting Representations of Disabled Children in Picture Books: Visibility, the Body and the Social Model of Disability.” Children’s Geographies (forthcoming). Meekosha, Helen. “Drifting Down the Gulf Stream: Navigating the Cultures of Disability Studies.” Disability & Society 19.7 (2004): 720-733. O’Hara, Mary. “Closure Motion.” The Guardian, Society section, 30 March 2005: 10. Oliver, Mike. The politics of Disablement. London: Macmillan, 1990. ———. “If I Had a Hammer: The Social Model in Action.” In John Swain, Sally French, Colin Barnes, and Carol Thomas, eds. Disabling Barriers – Enabling Environments. London: Sage, 2002. 7-12. Olney, Marjorie F., and Karin F. Brockelman. "Out of the Disability Closet: Strategic Use of Perception Management by Select University Students with Disabilities." Disability & Society 18.1 (2003): 35-50. Parris, Matthew. “Choose Your Words Carefully If You Want to Be Misunderstood.” The Times 10 July 2004. Purves, Libby. “Handicap, What Handicap?” The Times 9 Aug. 2003. Ray, Jane. “An Illustrator’s View: Still Invisible.” In the Picture. < http://www.childreninthepicture.org.uk/au_illustrateview.htm >.Sandhal, Carrie. “Queering the Crip or Cripping the Queer: Intersections of Queer and Crip Identities in Solo Autobiographical Performance.” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 9.1-2 (2003): 25-56. Saunders, Kathy. Happy Ever Afters: A Storybook Guide to Teaching Children about Disability. London: Trenton Books, 2000. Shakespeare, Tom. “Sweet Charity?” 2 May 2003. Ouch! < (http://www.bbc.co.uk/ouch/features/charity.shtml >. Shakespeare, Tom. Disability Rights and Wrongs. London: Routledge, 2006.

Most schools that serve learners who come from disadvantaged areas and backgrounds face unusually difficult challenges. These schools experience poor performance and disciplinary problems, and teachers lack motivation and commitment. This study explores the role of leadership and management in the schooling of at-risk learners at Pandu Primary School. This school accommodates learners mostly from Hafo, a township characterised by poverty with a high crime rate. However, in spite of these factors school inspectors and advisory teachers perceive the school to be successful. The school uses an abundance of energy and unusually high levels of human effort in a very focused way to improve the teaching and learning standard. The study found the co-existence of apparently conflicting management and leadership approaches in managing and leading the school. Strict control used in the school to make teachers work hard is an element of classical organisational theory, with its emphasis on span of control or number of workers supervised. Policies with strict rules are in place to create a calm atmosphere and serve as directives for teachers and learners. On the other hand, constructivist approaches – such as instructional leadership, transformational leadership, collegial model of management and open systems – are also clearly evident in the findings. Instructional leadership is evident in the emphasis on improvement of classroom practice. Elements of transformational leadership are seen in that the principal motivates the teachers and serves as a role model. The school also has some features of the collegial model of management, and can be described as an open system. Thus, by drawing on management and leadership approaches informed by different traditions and philosophies, the school succeeds against severe odds.

Thesis (MPhil (Centre for Higher Education))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Learning in young adulthood, especially in communities where there may be substantial barriers to learning and exclusion from formal education, needs further investigation. This study provides an in-depth investigation of six youths’ predispositions to learning while awaiting trial in a place of safety. This study focused on an in-depth investigation of youths’ predispositions to learning in the particular context of the place of safety (Western Cape, South Africa). I have been working with awaiting trial male youths for over four years as principal at the place of safety. The place of safety is a residential facility for boys and youths between the ages of 10 and 16 years who broke the law and who were at risk. The court placed these youths at the place of safety for the duration of their pending court cases, which may take up to two years in extreme cases like rape and murder. They typically come from communities where they had been exposes to violence, substance abuse and crime, both at home and at school. All of the youths at the place of safety broke the law and were awaiting trial; and they had all dropped out of school or had never attended school. The six respondents used in my study either were abusing drugs themselves or witnessed drug abuse. During their stay al the place of safety, the learners undergo various therapeutic programmes. They also attend school, where the curriculum is adapted to the individual needs of the learners. While working with these youths at the school, I became deeply concerned about the limited prospects they seemed to have. I was curious why most of them demonstrated little or no ambition or eagerness to learn, given that they all had literacy levels below the average for their age group and that most of them had dropped out of school or had never attended school. Popular media reports as well as official documents indicate that youths in South Africa – and the Western Cape in particular – are exposed to drug abuse, violence and crime, which may influence the escalating number of school dropouts. An understanding of the predispositions to learning among awaiting trial youths may contribute to a better understanding of the sense of disempowerment within these communities. This research project focused on qualitative case studies where I tried to discover and understand youths’ predispositions to learning. I followed an interpretive approach to provide insights into the life stories of the six respondents between the ages of 14 and 16 years and how they interpret and make meaning of their personal realities. This marginalised group of people had the opportunity to narrate their individual life stories with relation to their experienced learning processes. I conducted this study, collected, and interpreted data over a period of approximately two-and-a-half v years. I collected data from their official files and by conducting in-depth individual interviews. I video-recorded the six personal interviews and used the footage to assist me in the process of data analysis. The thesis presents the life stories of the six respondents as a foundation for a discussion on how we as educators define and practice adult education in the context of marginalised youth.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die leerprosesse van jeugdiges in gemeenskappe waar akute leerstoornisse en gebreke ten opsigte van formele onderrig heers, behoort nagevors en ondersoek te word. Hierdie studie het gepoog om ondersoek in te stel na die ontvanklikheid of predisposisie van ses jeugdiges teenoor leer terwyl hulle verhoorafwagtend is en in plek van veiligheid aangehou word. Die studie het op grondige ondersoek na die ontvanklikheid of predisposisies vir leer by jeugdiges teen die agtergrond van die plek van veiligheid (Wes-Kaap, Suid-Afrika) gefokus. Ek werk reeds langer as vier jaar by die plek van veiligheid as skoolhoof. Seuns en jeugdiges van 10 tot 16 jaar oud wat die wet oortree het en sorg nodig het, gaan daar tuis nadat die hof hulle daar geplaas het vir die duur van hulle hofsake. In sommige ernstige sake, soos moord en verkragting, kan dit selfs twee jaar neem vir die sake om afgehandel te word. Hulle kom gewoonlik van gemeenskappe waar hulle tuis en by die skool blootgestel was aan geweld, dwelmmisbruik en misdaad. Die ses respondente in my studie het self dwelms misbruik of was blootgestel aan dwelmmisbruik. Alle leerders by die plek van veiligheid het die wet oortree en is verhoorafwagtend. Hulle het die skool op voortydige ouderdom verlaat of het nooit voorheen skoolgegaan nie. Terwyl hulle by die plek van veiligheid bly, ondergaan hulle verskillende terapeutiese programme. Hulle woon ook skool by. Die leerplan is aangepas na aanleiding van die individuele behoeftes van die leerders. Terwyl ek met hierdie seuns en jeugdiges by die skool gewerk het, het ek besorg geraak oor die beperkte verwagtinge wat hulle klaarblyklik gehad het. Ek het gewonder waarom die meeste van hulle min of geen ambisie toon en klaarblyklik min of geen gretigheid het om te leer nie, veral as in ag geneem word dat hulle vlakke van geletterdheid benede die gemiddelde vlakke van hul ouderdomgroepe is en dat die meeste van hulle die skool voortydig verlaat het of selfs nooit skool bygewoon het nie. Algemene beriggewing en amptelike dokumente dui aan dat jeugdiges in Suid- Afrika – en veral in die Wes-Kaap – toenemend aan dwelmmisbruik, geweld en misdaad blootgestel word. Dit kan invloed hê op die groeiende aantal skoolverlaters. Beter begrip van verhoorafwagtende jeugdiges se ontvanklikheid of predisposisies vir leer kan lei tot beter begrip van die graad van ontmagtiging wat in hierdie gemeenskappe ervaar word. Hierdie navorsingstudie het op kwalitatiewe gevallestudies gefokus waartydens ek gepoog het om jeugdiges se ontvanklikheid of predisposisies vir leer te ondersoek en te verstaan. Vertolkende of interpretatiewe benadering is gevolg om insigte te bekom ten opsigte van die lewensverhale van vii die ses respondente en die wyse waarop hulle hul persoonlike werklikhede interpreteer en verstaan. Hierdie gemarginaliseerde groep mense het die geleentheid gekry om hul persoonlike lewensverhale met betrekking tot hul beleefde leerervaringe te verbaliseer. Ek het hierdie studie oor tydperk van ongeveer twee-en-‘n-halwe jaar uitgevoer, met in agneming van dataversameling en –verwerking. Ek het data versamel deur middel van inligting in amptelike dokumente, asook deur die voer van persoonlike onderhoude. Die indringende onderhoude wat ek met ses respondente gevoer het, is op video vasgelê. Ek het hierdie data gebruik in die proses van dataverwerking. Die tesis bied blik op die lewensverhale van die ses respondente. Dit kan dien as grondslag vir diskoers oor hoe die beoefening van volwasse onderrig en leer teen die agtergrond van gemarginaliseerde jeugdiges gedefinieer en toegepas word.

Closing the achievement gap has been a national conversation for several decades and a priority for educators and researchers. By looking closely at one school which is showing exceptional success with closing the achievement gap for low income students and English language learners, this study seeks to understand how school personnel and parents view after-school activities and ways in which those activities may be impacting students who are making significant gains in spite of the achievement gap. After-school activities have been shown to bring many positive outcomes for students. That said, there is much that we do not yet know about what takes place at the intersection of schools and after-school activities. To maximize after-school opportunities for disadvantaged students and use or redirect existing resources most effectively, we need to ask and understand how schools perceive their role vis-à-vis after-school activities. We also need to explore how school personnel and parents perceive access and barriers to participation in after-school activities. Using secondary data from a large on-going study, this case study asks how one school understands engagement with after-school providers to bolster those students who may have the most to gain from such enrichment in the form of the many opportunities after-school resources can offer. This study will contribute to our understanding of how after-school resources can support success for low income and English language learners.

The combination of technology and inclusive education practices are two new phenomena in the education sector. As a teacher in the 21st century, one must be better equipped to cope with new challenges. The learning environment has changed, and weaker children or children with learning disabilities have become part of the system. More diversity in classrooms provides possibilities for unique relationships and equality. Technology can improve and transform teaching in a way that will benefit weaker children specifically. In this research study, I attempted to determine what kind of experiences primary school teachers in Namibia have about technology and inclusive education. This research study also examined the teachers’ perceptions when technology was used as a pedagogical tool in the classroom, the challenges when technology was used in the learning environment to develop inclusive education, and how these two phenomena complemented each other. This study therefore focused on teachers’ experiences, technology, and inclusive education. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to clarify the teachers’ experiences about technology and inclusive education. In addition, participant classroom observations were conducted to see and hear how teachers used technology to assist learners in an inclusive classroom as well as the challenges they faced when technology was used. The study built a case for technology as a developer of inclusive education in primary schools of Namibia. Results showed that technology significantly complemented inclusive education.
Inclusive Education
M. Ed. (Inclusive Education)

The aim of this study was to investigate the responsiveness of rural primary schools in Zimbabwe to the needs of in-school OVC. The study adopted a qualitative approach in which the phenomenological and case study designs were employed to study in-school OVC in their natural setting. The target population for the study comprises OVCs, principals and school counsellors. From this population, a sample of 24 participants was purposively drawn. Data was collected from the participants in the three sampled rural primary schools in Masvingo district through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, document analysis and observation. Tesch’s model was applied to analyse data qualitatively. The study revealed that rural primary schools’ capacity to address the needs of in-school OVC was deemed ineffective by all the participants due to a myriad of factors which include inter-alia: lack of specialist school-counsellors; lack of funds to initiate school-based projects aimed to assist OVC; lack of a comprehensive school-feeding scheme; and a dearth of workshops to equip principals and teachers with knowledge to handle and deal with OVC. To improve the responsiveness of schools to the needs of OVC the study recommends that the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education should train specialist counsellors in teachers’ colleges. The study also recommends that the government should increase funds allocated for the Basic Education Assisted Module scheme to cater for more OVC. In addition, the study recommends that the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education should conduct workshops in schools on how to deal with challenges confronting OVC. Lastly a model to improve rural primary schools’ capacity to address the needs of OVC was suggested, which proposes partnerships among stakeholders in projects aimed at supporting in-school OVC.
Educational Studies
D. Ed. (Socio-Education)

This study examined the effect of parent involvement on the academic achievement of previously disadvantaged learners who was awarded scholarships to attend independent boys‟ schools in Johannesburg. Through a qualitative inquiry using a small sample of parents and teachers (SSP coordinators), the findings added to the existing literature review. There is evidence that parent involvement is essential in high school and that parent involvement at home has an impact on the learners‟ achievement irrespective of the parents‟ socio-economic status and level of education. Furthermore, the results support the assumption that, the sense of not belonging and other barriers that hinder parents from being involved in school activities could be resolved by improving communication and forging a healthy relationship between parents and teachers. This creates a need for a parent involvement programme that will attend to the needs of the parents and teachers. This programme will empower them with skills that will improve their partnership.
Psychology of Education
M. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

Upon close examination of Education White Paper 6: Building an Inclusive Education System, it became evident that, special schools have a crucial role to play. EWP6 clearly outlines the roles of special schools as resource centres. This entails a paradigm shift from a medical to a social model.The purpose of this research was to investigate the role of resource centres in supporting learners who require high levels of support, in an inclusive education system in the Pietermaritzburg district. The study was conducted at a special school with 23 respondents. The triangulated data were collected through participant observations, open-ended questionnaire and interviews. This study revealed that not only are SSRCs totally committed to the paradigm shift but SSRCs are “leading " the way with regard to implementing inclusive strategies like SIAS process, the curriculum changes and alternate means of assessment. SSRCs are valuable resources that are currently under utilized.
Inclusive Education
M. Ed. (Inclusive Education)

This transformative mixed method case study investigated the influence of Dance/Movement Therapy (DMT) as a physical activity on the psychosocial well-being of learners with the visual impairment of low vision in a school for the visually impaired in Gauteng. A study of existing literature indicated a series of psychological and social dynamics which shape a person with low vision’s self-esteem and subsequent psychosocial well-being. A DMT intervention programme was designed accordingly. Through a filtering process, six female, adolescent participants with possible self-esteem challenges were identified. These participants completed the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) prior to taking part in the eight 60 minute sessions of the DMT intervention programme. The RSES was completed again post-intervention. Results indicated an increase in the self-esteem levels of all six participants to various degrees. Qualitative measures, including observations schedules, process notes in a researcher’s diary and participant reflections in DMT Journey Journals supported quantitative findings.
Mokgwa o, o o tswakantseng was diphetogo wa dithuto o batlisitse thotloetso ya Motantsho/ Motsamao wa pholo jaaka ikatiso ya mmele mo go itekanelong/ boitekanelong jwa tlhaloganyo ya barutwana ba ba sa boneng sentle mo sekolong sa bana ba ba sa boneng mo kgaolong/ porofinsi ya Gauteng. Dipatlisiso tsa dikwalo tse di leng teng di supa tatelano ya tlhaloganyo le loago e e farologaneng e e bopang go tlhoka go itshepa ga motho yo a neng le pono e e bokowa le tlhaloganyo le botho jwa gagwe. Ka jalo lenaneo la tseregano la DMT le ile la diriwa. Ka mokgwa wa go tlhopha, makgarebe a baša a le marataro, a a nang le mathata a go tlhoka boitshepo a ile a tlhopiwa. Ba tsaya karolo ba ba ile ba tlatsa kgotsa ba konosetsa selekano sa boitshepo sa Rosenberg (RSES) pele ba tsaya karolo mo go lenaneong la dikarolo tse robedi tsa metsotso e le 60 ya tserenanyo ya DMT. Morago ga tsereganyo selekano se ile sa tladiwa gape. Dipholo di supile kgolo e e farologaneng ya boitshepo mo go batsayakarolo botlhe ba le barataro. Ditekanyetso tsa boleng, tse di akaretsang lenaneo la ditlhokomediso, dintlha tsa tiriso tsa letsatsi le letsatsi mmatlisisi le maikutlo a batsaakarolo di totobatsa dipholo tse.dintsi mo dikwalong tsa tsela ya DMT.
Die invloed van die fisiese aktiwiteit van Dans/Bewegingsterapie op die psigososiale welstand van leerders met lae visie in ‘n skool vir gesiggestremde leerders in Gauteng is deur hierdie transformatiewe gemengde metode gevallestudie ondersoek. ‘n Studie van bestaande literatuur het ‘n reeks sielkundige en sosiale faktore wat die persoon met lae visie se self-beeld en gevolglike psigososiale welstand vorm uitgelig en ‘n Dans/Bewegingsterapie intervensieprogram is daarvolgens ontwerp. Ses vroulike adolesente deelnemers met moontlike self-beeld uitdagings is deur middel van ‘n filtreringsproses geïdentifiseer. Hierdie deelnemers het die Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) voor en na hulle deelname aan 8 60 minute sessies van die Dans/Bewegingsterapie intervensieprogram voltooi. Resultate het onderskeidelik ‘n toename in selfbeeldvlakke van al ses deelnemers tot in verskillende mates aangedui. Kwalitatiewe maatstawwe soos die gebruik van obserwasieskedules, prosesnotas in ‘n navorserdagboek en deelnemers se refleksies in hulle persoonlike Dans/Bewegingsterapie joernale het die kwantitatiewe bevindinge ondersteun.
Psychology of Education
M. Ed. (School Guidance and Counselling)

AbstractIn education, the ‘Nordic model’ refers to the similarities and shared aims of the education systems developed in the five Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden and Norway—after World War II. Traditionally, there have always been many similarities and links between the Nordic countries through their historical connections and geographical proximity. The common experience of solidarity and political oppression during World War II also created the basis for a common political orientation in the postwar period, which was also reflected in the education systems during the development of the countries’ economies and their establishment of welfare states. At the same time, this very process has been strongly supported by social-democratic governance in these countries in the 1960s and 1970s (Blossing, Imsen, & Moos, 2014). The model is based on a concept ofEducation for All, where equity, equal opportunities and inclusion are consistently cited as the goal of schooling and orientation (Blossing et al., 2014; Telhaug, Mediås, & Aasen, 2006). This corresponds to the egalitarian idea of a classless society, which is characterised by individual democratic participation, solidarity and mutual respect and appreciation for all. This idea was manifested in, for example, major reallocations of economic resources through the tax systems and free schooling for all, which arose out of the principle that parents’ lack of economic resources should not prevent children from obtaining a good quality education. The equalisation of structural inequalities and creation of equity was—and still is—the task of the education system in the Nordic countries. Worldwide, especially within the Nordic countries, the view is being shared that the education system should be fair and provide access and opportunities for further education, regardless of where someone lives, the status of the parental home, where someone comes from, what ethnic background someone has, what age or gender someone is, what skills one has or whether someone has physical disabilities (Blossing et al., 2014; Quaiser-Pohl, 2013). Some special features of the Nordic system are therefore deeply embedded in the school culture in the countries, for example, through the fact that access to free and public local schools and adapted education is statutory, which is in contrast to many other countries, even other European ones (further developed and discussed in Chap.10.1007/978-3-030-61648-9_2). The Nordic model is widely considered a good example of educational systems that provide equal learning opportunities for all students. Achieving equity, here meaning the creation of fairness, is expressed concretely in political measures to distribute resources equally and strengthen the equality of marginalised groups by removing the barriers to seize educational opportunities, for example, when mixed-ability comprehensive schools are created or the educational system is made inclusive regarding students with special needs (UNESCO, 1994; Wiborg, 2009). Equality is roughly connoted with ‘sameness in treatment’ (Espinoza, 2007), while equity takes further in consideration also the question of how well the requirements of individual needs are met. Thus, the goal of equity is always linked to the concept of justice, provided that an equality of opportunities is created. If, however, one looks at individual educational policy decisions on the creation of educational justice in isolation, one must weigh which concept of equity or equality is present in each case. For example, it is not enough to formally grant equal rights in the education system to disadvantaged groups, but something must also be done actively to ensure that marginalised groups can use and realise this equality. The complexity of the terms becomes even greater when one considers that to achieve equality, measures can be taken that presuppose an unequal distribution of resources or unequal treatment and, therefore, are not fair e.g., when resources are bundled especially for disadvantaged groups and these are given preferential treatment (will be further developed and discussed in Chap.10.1007/978-3-030-61648-9_2). Thus, equality and equity rely on each other and are in a field of tension comprising multiple ideas (Espinoza, 2007).