Journal articles on the topic 'Childrens's plays, Japanese'

The purpose of the study was to examine Japanese and Korean kindergarteners' perspectives by asking them to photograph play and explain why their photos represent play (photo elicitation interviews). The participants consisted of 50 kindergarteners on Japan’s main island and 50 kindergarteners in South Korea. Japanese and Korean kindergartners were provided with digital cameras and were asked to photograph their views of play without adult accompaniment. Afterwards, the children were asked to describe why their photos represented play. “Can you tell me why this means play to you?” The data were analyzed using content and thematic analyses and the photos were reviewed along with children’s responses. The thematic analysis of results revealed that Japanese and Korean kindergartners’ perceptions were related to interactions with other children, pretend play, schoolyards, and toys or props. The findings of this study indicated the ways in which Japanese and Korean children’s play perceptions were related to cultural and social contexts. Implications for early childhood education were also discussed.

Purpose The aim of this article is to explore how young children (five year olds) collectively construct pretend identities with peers in play while using and negotiating consumer knowledge and experiences. Particular attention is given to children’s collaborative transformation of objects, ideas, places and persons, as they occur in the context of pretend play. Design/methodology/approach Data were gathered from ethnographic fieldwork in a local preschool in Japan. Two classes of five-year-old children (both boys and girls) were observed over four months. The theoretical framework highlights the dynamic and fluid interactional sphere and conversational exchanges through which pretend identities are created, negotiated and expanded. Findings In the findings, children’s construction of pretend identities is identified in terms of three characteristic forms of interaction in play: children’s reciprocal immediacy; maintaining and challenging participation; and willingness and collaboration to expand a play theme. Children’s collective construction of pretend identities indicates that playing roles means playing rules. Originality/value Through participant observation focusing of children’s perspectives and practices, this study contributes both to childhood studies and consumption studies. It also contributes to insight into how young children in the Japanese preschool experience consumer culture in a specific socio-cultural environment and how they construct peer relationships.

Immigrant (Japanese and South Americans in the United States) families’ play was compared to play in families in their countries of origin (Japan and Argentina, respectively) and in a common country of destination (European Americans in the United States). Two hundred and forty 20-month-old children and their mothers participated. Generally, the play of immigrant children and mothers was similar to European American children's and mothers’ play. Japanese and Argentine children engaged in more symbolic play, whereas immigrant children engaged in more exploratory play. Likewise, South American immigrant mothers demonstrated and solicited more exploratory play than Argentine mothers. Japanese mothers solicited more symbolic play, and Argentine mothers demonstrated more symbolic play than immigrant mothers. The findings from this study provide insight into the nature of child and mother play generally and that of immigrant children and their mothers specifically and shed light on the parenting climate in which immigrant children are reared.

Abstract This essay analyzes the children’s imaginative play in Kazuo Ishiguro’s various novels, with a special focus on Never Let Me Go. Children often engage in various types of repetitive imaginative play, acting out stories about things that do not actually exist in order to avoid the pain of confronting their problems. An exploration of children’s play and the roles performed by the guardians and Madam helps us read the novel from a new perspective – the Mujo view of Buddhism. Mujo is the Buddhist philosophy which describes “the impermanence of all phenomena.” In Never Let Me Go, shadows of death weigh heavily on the reader as an unavoidable reminder of the nature of life. This brings Mujo to the Japanese readers’ minds. The Mujo view of Buddhism has imbued Japanese literature since the Kamakura Era (1185), and a reading of Never Let Me Go from the Mujo perspective sheds light on the condition of its protagonists. My analysis aims to introduce the Mujo doctrine to anglophone literary studies by foregrounding the poignancy and resilience found in Never Let Me Go.

AbstractBy 1989 a new curriculum in Japanese elementary and secondary schools had been devised and started. I will report on the contents of the new curriculum and point out some problems in teaching astronomy in Japan identified from the results of recent research in science education. Recent research shows that it is important to know how children’s ideas and misconceptions are constructed and what role the philosophy of science may play in shaping them.

The aim of this study is to present the varieties of changes to children’s playgrounds over the past 26 years, depicting the stages of the design process in designing playgrounds based on an adult perspective to encourage children to play more in today’s changing society. Fourteen Japanese selected works from 1992 (first issue) to 2018 (the latest issue) were chosen for analysis. By analyzing the titles, descriptions, ichnographies, photos, and critical design reviews, the form of and changes to children’s playgrounds are revealed in this paper. Results show the quantitative trends and qualitative changing patterns related to children’s play. Daily physical playing was considered crucial in the first decade of the 1900s. In the 2000s, natural education activities were given more importance, while in recent years exercise play and variety of play have been given more attention. According to the results, we have to consider not only the richness of daily playing facilities, but also the broader aspect of playability, more than just including natural elements into designs, or increasing the variety of play styles. The different ways children enjoy play and the future design trends are also discussed in the last part of the article. Changes corresponding to the improvement of technology should be made to make playgrounds more attractive for children. This study could serve as a design reference for professionals.

The following paper analyses child language socialization in a multilingual transnational family from the perspective of the emerging concept of family language policy (FLP). The central assumption of FLP is the crucial role of parents’ language ideologies in their children’s language socialization and construction of their widely-understood identity. The participants of the undertaken case study were three members of a Polish-Japanese family residing in the UK. The inquiry was based on a series of semi-structured interviews with individual family members and cyclical observation of the whole family over the period of 13 months. The results showed certain discrepancies between the language ideologies and practices of the parents, as well as difficulties in managing the family’s language policy that was to a large extent shaped by the child’s individual preferences and educational needs, often irrespective of the parents’ plans or intentions. Generally, the study reported essential difficulties in maintaining the child’s multilingualism due to a limited use of the minority languages (Japanese and Polish) at the cost of the majority language (English).

This is an English translation with some expansion of the article originally published in Japanese as a university bulletin in 2009. Previous research has found both differences and similarities between ijime in Japan and bullying in England. Bullying is often by pupils in different classes or higher year groups whom the victim does not know very well; ijime is often by victims’ classmates whom the victim knows very well. However, it has not been shown whether these differences are found for all types of bullying, or how they relate to friendships generally and the impact of differing school systems. We aimed to see whether previously found differences between ijime and bullying could be replicated, and, if so, whether they held for six different types of victimization, and whether friendship characteristics were consistent with explaining why they occur. To investigate the role of friendships and their location, 1036 Japanese and 931 English secondary school pupils participated in a comparative study of perceptions of bullying and ijime. The previous differences were confirmed and found to hold irrespective of type of bullying. Japanese pupils mainly formed friendships on a class basis, English pupils on a broader basis including pupils in different years. In school, English pupils spent much time in the playground with their friends and saw this as a likely venue for bullying, whereas Japanese pupils spent more time in the classroom and saw this as a likely venue for ijime. The difference in friendship formation, together with differences in the organization of class-based teaching in the two countries, are hypothesized to play a significant role in explaining some differences between bullying and ijime.

The purpose of this study was to explore the variables related to paternal involvement in the caregiving of 6- to 8-year-old extremely low-birthweight (ELBW) children, specifically, sociodemographic factors related to the family or individual biological factors related to ELBW. Thirty-three children with a mean birthweight of 845.5 grams and a mean gestational age of 27.4 weeks participated in this research. Approximately 29% of their fathers were classified by the mothers as nonco-operative in overall child care. The paternal involvement in caregiving was related to the sociodemographic variables of the family; the co-operative fathers were proportionally more often from families where the child had no older female sibling(s) and/or grandparent(s), whereas the nonco-operative fathers were proportionally more often from families where the child had older female sibling(s) and/or grandparent(s). The individual perinatal risk variables and IQ, and the paternal variables (age, socioeconomic status) were not related to the paternal co-operativeness. Our sample mothers seemed to have raised their children in more difficult parenting and economic situations, and to have received proportionally more support from grandparent(s) than did typical Japanese mothers. The children's relationships with peers differed between the paternal co-operative and nonco-operative groups; there were proportionally more children from the nonco-operative group who preferred to play alone than to play with peer(s) at the ages of 3-5 years. Thus, scarce paternal involvement in the process of caregiving appeared to influence the children's sociability.

Background: Appreciating food is an important concept in mindful eating, mentioned by advocates of an expanded model of mindful eating in 2016. With the exception of Japan, this concept is not common in many countries. Objective: We aimed to describe the role that appreciation for food has in the health of children from two perspectives: 1) association between children’s appreciation for food and their backgrounds, such as home and school educational experiences related to food, and 2) association between their appreciation for food and outcomes, such as attitude toward food, eating behaviors, and health status. Design: Cross-sectional. Methods: Data were obtained from self-administered anonymous questionnaires sent to 2070 elementary school students in Tokyo, Japan, during October and December 2006. They contained several question items pertaining to the characteristics of participants: home and school educational experiences related to food, attitudes towards food (including level of appreciation for food), eating behaviors, and health status. T-test, Pearson’s correlation coefficient, and simple and multiple linear regression analyses were used to compare the total score of appreciation for food with other factors. Results: Surveys were completed by 1994 children (response rate: 96.3%) and significant correlations were indicated by gender, educational experiences at home and school, attitudes toward healthy food, recommended food preferences, breakfast consumption, and body mass index. Conclusions: We concluded that appreciation for food plays an important role in children’s health.

Nursery schools can play an important role in children developing healthy eating behaviours, including vegetable consumption. However, the effect of school-level vegetable promotion on vegetable consumption and body mass index (BMI) remains unclear. This study examined the associations of nursery school-level promotion of eating vegetables first at meals with Japanese children’s vegetable consumption behaviours and BMI. We used cross-sectional data collected in 2015, 2016, and 2017 on 7402 children in classes of 3–5-year-olds in all 133 licensed nursery schools in Adachi, Tokyo, Japan. Caregivers were surveyed on their children’s eating behaviours (frequency of eating vegetables, willingness to eat vegetables and number of kinds of vegetables eaten), height and weight. Nursery school-level promotion of eating vegetables first at meals was assessed using individual responses, with the percentage of caregivers reporting that their children ate vegetables first at meals as a proxy for the school-level penetration of the promotion of vegetable eating. Multilevel analyses were conducted to investigate the associations of school-level vegetable-eating promotion with vegetable consumption behaviours and BMI. Children in schools that were 1 interquartile range higher on vegetable promotion ate vegetable dishes more often (β = 0.04; 95% CI: 0.004–0.07), and were more often willing to eat vegetables (adjusted odds ratio = 1.17; 95% CI: 1.07–1.28), as well as to eat more kinds of vegetables (adjusted odds ratio = 1.19 times; 95% CI: 1.06–1.34). School-level vegetable-eating promotion was not associated with BMI. The school-level health strategy of eating vegetables first may be effective in increasing children’s vegetable intake but not in preventing being overweight.

The influence of family, school and peers on students' emotional social development is very important as a starting point for the design of school activities that will also improve student development in an integral way. The Star of the Week program was developed with the aim of helping students apply the knowledge, attitudes, and skills needed to socialize and understand and manage emotions. This study uses the Thiagarajan model stages, namely define, design, develop, and disseminate (4D). The results of the validity test from the experts show that this program has workable value with 91.1% material aspects, 90% emotional development aspects and 92% presentation aspects. For the practicality test results through teacher questionnaires obtained scores of 90%, and 88.67% through teacher observations of children who are in the high practical category. The results of the program effectiveness test showed a value of 89.08% on children's social-emotional development, because it showed an increase in values ​​before and after the intervention. The implication of further research is that it is hoped that various kinds of learning methods will develop aspects of child development based on cooperation and peer relationships. Keywords: Early Childhood, Peer Relationships, Star of the Week Program, Social Emotional References Acar, I. H., Hong, S. Y., & Wu, C. R. (2017). Examining the role of teacher presence and scaffolding in preschoolers’ peer interactions. European Early Childhood Education Research Journal, 25(6), 866–884. https://doi.org/10.1080/1350293X.2017.1380884 Acar, I. H., Rudasill, K. M., Molfese, V., Torquati, J., & Prokasky, A. (2015). Temperament and preschool children’s peer interactions. Early Education and Development, 26(4), 479–495. https://doi.org/10.1080/10409289.2015.1000718 Akhir, K., & Wisz, M. S. (2018). 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In Tokyo, the traditional role of streets as children’s play spaces has been largely replaced by designated spaces such as parks. Based on two case studies, this article demonstrates how carfree streets provide an opportunity for residents to reinvent and domesticate street spaces for children’s play. The declining heterogeneity in Japanese streets and the government’s rigidity in restricting informality are explored through literature review, while participant observation and interviews with key stakeholders are used to explain the evolution of streets and street activities, and the intricacies in appropriating spaces reclaimed from cars. The article concludes that these activities give texture to the street spaces, and the emergent camaraderie produces a “placeness” that is unique to each location. Moreover, the long-standing rapport that community organizations have with residents and authorities has empowered street-based activities to transgress the boundaries that limit the heterogeneity of streets as public open spaces.

This paper examines the discursive, embodied, and sequential organization of preschool teachers’ compassionate touch in interaction: physically touching a child so as to soothe and relieve the child’s distress. Utilizing multimodal conversation analysis, episodes of compassionate touch were identified and transcribed from a corpus of 48 hours of audio-visual recordings in a Japanese preschool. The analysis focuses on such touch within situations of peer conflict and accidents during play. It shows how compassionate touch was used with verbal resources and communicative practices, examines their positioning within sequences of interaction, and discusses children’s responses. The findings attempt to further our understanding of affective touch in children’s sociality and preschool childcare.

We conducted a school-wide training for Japanese preschool teachers based on the behavioral and functional approach to children with problem behaviors. Twenty-five Japanese teachers at a kindergarten and nursery school participated in the program, attending six training sessions and four case-study meetings. The training sessions consisted of lectures on behavioral and functional approaches, and group work to develop individual support plans. Following training, teachers’ knowledge of applied behavior analysis improved, as well as children’s behaviors targeted in the training plans. In addition, the overall behavior of the children improved, and the postprogram questionnaire showed that participants’ satisfaction and acceptance were high. A case-study meeting had been maintained weekly at both schools for 1 year. Although these results are promising, the current investigation has limitations, and the results should be interpreted with caution.

This paper discusses the role of the School Library Coordinator, a post created by Kawasaki City, Japan local government, in accordance with the legislated introduction of teacher librarians into all Japanese schools. It is difficult for teacher librarians to play the roles of both teacher and librarian simultaneously. They are expected to play the central role in school libraries, to support pupils’ spontaneous learning activities as well as to foster pupils’ imaginative minds.Teacher librarians are also expected to coordinate schools, families and communities to promote pupils’ reading activity by the Basic Plan to Promote Children’s Reading Activity. Kawasaki City local government introduced School Library Coordinators to assist teacher librarians and to complement their onerous duties in schools and society. Although this paper’s research and analysis indicates that Kawasaki City’s innovation of School Library Coordinators has been successful, it is noted that there is potential for more efficient performance by library coordinators in collaboration with teacher librarians.

AbstractChildhood socioeconomic status is robustly associated with various children’s cognitive factors and neural mechanisms. Here we show the association of childhood socioeconomic status with psychometric intelligence and mean diffusivity and fractional anisotropy using diffusion tensor imaging at the baseline experiment (N = 285) and longitudinal changes in these metrics after 3.0 ± 0.3 years (N = 223) in a large sample of normal Japanese children (mean age = 11.2 ± 3.1 years). After correcting for confounding factors, cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses show that higher childhood socioeconomic status is associated with greater baseline and baseline to follow-up increase of psychometric intelligence and mean diffusivity in areas around the bilateral fusiform gyrus. These results demonstrate that higher socioeconomic status is associated with higher psychometric intelligence measures and altered microstructural properties in the fusiform gyrus which plays a key role in reading and letter recognition and further augmentation of such tendencies during development. Definitive conclusions regarding the causality of these relationships requires intervention and physiological studies. However, the current findings should be considered when developing and revising policies regarding education.

AbstractThe rise of life expectancy throughout the developed world has meant that older adults play an increasingly important role in their grown-up children’s lives. We evaluate whether the intergenerational solidarity theory is useful for understanding the intergenerational transfers of time in Japan given the relatively generous welfare provision for the older adults and the fall in intergenerational coresidence. We apply seemingly unrelated regression models to data of the 2006 Japanese Survey on Time Use and Leisure Activities (Statistics Bureau Japan, 2006) to investigate how coresidence patterns are associated with paid and unpaid work time of adult married children. The sample contains 23,226 married couples where both husband and wife are aged 20 to 59. We find evidence of intergenerational solidarity in coresident households. We also find that “doing gender” is layered through intergenerational exchanges of support between married working-age children and their older parents. Working-age women’s time use patterns are associated with coresidence arrangements and care needs of their older relatives to a much greater extent than working-age men’s. The observed patterns are consistent with healthy older women supporting their daughters’ careers in exchange for care when they need help themselves. For working-age men, the patterns are not very pronounced. Notably, working-age husbands without children appear to be more responsive to their older the parents’ care needs, suggesting that fatherhood may be associated with solidifying gendered role performance within Japanese couples.

Ohmura, Tomoko. The Long, Long Line. Toronto, ON: OwlKids Books, 2013. Print."Thank you for waiting, and welcome aboard! One at a time, please!" mentions the bird, who is the ride guide on this mysterious ride for which 50 different animals have patiently lined up. As they wait, the bird flies amongst them, offering reassuring words as they guess as to what they may be in line for and play word games to pass the time. The anticipation builds, and finally they start boarding the ride, which turns out to be a very large whale on which the animals ride while the whale performs somersaults, dives and sprays. Children will be delighted by all 50 animals represented on the large gatefold spread in the center of the book, from the smallest frog to the largest elephant.Children will love the small details such as the tail of the next animal in line ‘peeking’ around the corner of the page and the size of the animals increasing as they get closer to the ride giving perspective of size. A list of all 50 animals is included at the back for easy reference when young readers get stumped by a species. While this is indeed a picture book aimed at young children it is no quick read – children will want to hear every word of the animals’ conversations as they wait and will want to count as they go, and likely once all the animals are aboard the whale they will want to confirm there are indeed 50 animals present, perhaps multiple times.The colourful illustrations by the author are cute and engaging and show a wide range of expressions and interplay between the animals. The language felt slightly unnatural but this may be a result of this edition being a translation of the original Japanese work Nanno Gyoretsu? A fun book for public and elementary schools as well as a nice addition to science or math based storytime in lower elementary grades.The Long, Long Line was selected as one of the best children’s books of 2013 by Kirkus Reviews.Recommended: 3 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Debbie FeisstDebbie is a Public Services Librarian at the H.T. Coutts Education Library at the University of Alberta. When not renovating, she enjoys travel, fitness and young adult fiction.

Video games are predicated on representations of space, and those spaces are depicted and delimited by specialised visual markings that specify how the game can be played in those areas. For games to present a sense of space, they must display some sense of spatiality beyond that of merely virtualizing a simple game, in the way that puzzle and card games like Tetris and computerized Solitaire do. For games to present space, the games must contain immersive play environments. Many games present immersive environments for play and these spaces can come in many forms: from cityscapes to general play environments in games of various genres and game play styles like Grand Theft Auto 3 (GTA3), Warcraft III, and Super Mario Brothers. Given the many video game genres, this article focuses on games that present some type of virtualized environments. Although video games that present play spaces or environments can be divided into walls, ceilings, and floor or ‘turf’ sections, turf sections prove the most pivotal of the in-game elements to game play. The game turf sections are any part of the game space that the player can use as a basis for spatial exploration. In games like Resident Evil where movement is restricted to walking and running across the floor, only the floors are turf areas. In games like Spiderman—where the player can climb the walls and ceilings with equal ease—the walls, ceilings, and floors all merge into a heterogeneous turf. These game turfs often employ codes such as green for safe and red for danger and create a basic gaming rhetoric for spatial representation and a method for reading video game spaces. In this way, video game turfs serve to mark boundaries and borders for methods of exploration and play. The internal game spaces and delimitations and the external delimitations of the play spaces constitute game turfs. This article also argues that debates over violence in video games misunderstand these turf boundaries and maintains that the violence in video games can be perceived not as random desensitising violence, but as violence within a specific space—that of game play. Media theorists like Dave Grossman and Gloria DeGaetano (Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill ) and educators like Jeanne B. Funk (“Violent Video Games: Who's at Risk?”) both argue that violent video games can lead to an increase in violent behaviour or desensitization towards violence. These debates over violence in video games ignore the rhetoric of gaming created through markings like turf, and they ignore the physical turf on which video games are most often played. The arguments against violence in video games assume a simple causal relationship between people playing video games and actual violence. These arguments neglect the rhetoric of gaming, which establishes borders and spaces of acceptable action as well as setting the moral turf for actions. Similarly, players rely on the game turfs to indicate game play methods and spatial usage. When the turfs are incorrectly represented, video game players suffer frustration during game play; games also purposely complicate these turfs at times to increase game play difficulty, or to intentionally frustrate players. The internal game space of a video game cannot be examined outside of the space of play because the space of play dictates how the game is played and how the game space is to be read. This interrelationship of game to play space can be seen through the concept of cheating. Johan Huizinga notes that The player who trespasses against the rules or ignores them is a ‘spoil-sport.’ The spoil-sport is not the same as the false player, the cheat; for the latter pretends to be playing the game... It is curious to note how much more lenient society is to the cheat than to the spoil-sport. This is because the spoil-sport shatters the play-world itself. (11) The significance of the play-world to the video game space still holds as true as with other games. While the games have internal rules for game play, the games are played within spaces of play which encompass more than just the rules within the game. The complex relationship of video game internal space as it exists within a field of play requires that any valid discussion of video games and violence must acknowledge the acts and functions within the game and within the play space. For constructing the internal game space, Mark Wolf notes in his article “Abstraction and the Video Game” that video game imagery can be discussed in terms of both appearance and function: “Since the substance of video games is both simultaneously imagery and events, their elements can be abstracted in both appearance and behavior” (49). Wolf’s comment illustrates the multiple levels of significance that accompany seemingly simple video game representations. The simplest level of video game representation is clearly illustrated with games like the Legend of Zelda series, which depicts roads and towns as safe (or safer), and wilderness areas, like forests, swamps, and mountains, as unsafe. The level of ‘safe’ for any area determines how many fights, also called random encounters, occur. The Final Fantasy game series also uses the same distinction with road areas as more secure than wild areas. In addition to security, the area types--desert, forest, swamp--indicate the type of monsters to be encountered. In similar ways, simulation and colonization games like SIMCITY and Warcraft III depict controlled and well developed areas in particular ways while depicting undeveloped areas with markings to indicate the resources or game space type for those areas. The game music also sets the score for the game space, with games like Resident Evil using one score only for the save rooms, a rare safe space in Resident Evil, where the player can save the game and store the items. These game space delimitations help players in reading the game spaces and how the game spaces will operate. These turf types also indicate the acceptable levels of play—that is, how to play appropriately in the game—which both children and adults learn in other types of organised play like sports, board games, card games, and other organised play activities – that is, how to play appropriately in the game. These turf types all indicate internal game space creation. Internal game space rules are also established through the game narrative. These space divisions are not always marked by the same visual language that marks the basic turfs of other games. Instead, these spaces are defined by the visual language as combined with the game narrative. In fact, the game that has sparked the most recent violence and video game controversy, Grand Theft Auto 3, has some of the most exacting narratively defined turfs. GTA3 presents an amoral world of gangsters, crooked cops, prostitutes, and others of similar character. GTA3 further delimits its game space by setting certain areas as turfs for the different criminal elements, including Chinatown for the Chinese gangs, Yakuza areas for the Japanese mafia, and a Mob area for the Italian mafia. Within these turfs, the violence–in-video-games controversy notes violence in terms of blood spilt, but it fails to recognise how the fighting is contextualised within the scope of the game narrative, a turf in itself. Fighting certainly constitutes violence, but in video games it primarily remains violence as self-defense and as violence against non-human creatures. The division between human and non-human may seem grossly arbitrary, but children’s cartoon regulations allow for violence against non-humans while violence against humans remains regulated. Violent turfs, then, also relate to the narrativised nature of the characters against whom the violence is directed. Game narratives also divide games into narrativised turfs with spaces of acceptable action. Within a game like Legend of Zelda or Diablo the player can interact with the villagers, but the player cannot hurt or kill the villagers. The village or town space is a safe place for the player and for the villagers, as are many areas outside of the towns and villages where villagers reside. This safe space also prevents the player from hurting the villagers when they demand inflated prices for goods that would help the player to save the town. This sort of enforced morality based on the game turf is neglected in the debate over violence in video games as with articles like Craig A. Anderson and Karen E. Gill’s, which seek to examine the game as divorced from the play space and from the game narrative even though it shows how video game violence is most often situated within a moral landscape (“Video Games and Aggressive Thoughts”). Distinctions within game spaces are evident in all games that present environments of play because games require borders of play to function. In addition to the visual and narrative turfs within them, video games are played within a physical play space. The game space is the space of the immersive game environment—the story space of Diablo II, for instance. The play space is the space in which the game is played – often a living room or bedroom in a home. The debate over violence in video games neglects the multiple landscapes over which they argue. Furthermore, although this debate focuses on the possibility of children playing video games and then becoming violent, it ignores the fact that the play space of video games is a physical and mental space of unreality and make-believe where players are most often heroes fighting against evil monsters. Arguments over violence in video games collapse these levels of game space and the play space within which the games are played. Although the internal game space may be filled with mobsters, blood, and killing, the play space is most often defined by patience, quiet attention, and sharing with other players as the games are played communally with siblings and friends. In confusing the game space by viewing it as solely defined by the narrative of the actual game, the debate over violence in video games also fails to recognise that the use of media varies with different play styles, which also influences the overall play space. While video games do often have violent narratives, video game spaces and play are composites of the actual game and the spaces in which the games are played, which are heavily controlled by how the players play. Video game spaces cannot be reduced to merely the game narratives or game spaces because video game play requires the interaction of play. Considering play requires considering both the internal game spaces and the exterior environment of where and how the players play. Thus, an awareness and examination of game turfs provides a different perspective on the debate over violence and video games that embraces the multiple spaces and multiple uses of space in video games. Works Cited Anderson, Craig A. and Karen E. Dill. “Video Games and Aggressive Thoughts, Feelings, and Behavior in the Laboratory and in Life.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 78:4 (April 2000): 772-790. Blizzard Entertainment. Warcraft III: Reign of Chaos. (PC). Irvine, CA: Blizzard Entertainment, 2002. Funk, Jeanne B. “Violent Video Games: Who's at Risk?” Kid Stuff : Marketing Sex and Violence to America's Children. Eds. Diane Ravitch and Joseph P. Viteritti. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003. 168-192. Grossman, Dave and Gloria DeGaetano. Stop Teaching Our Kids to Kill: A Call to Action against TV, Movie and Video Game Violence. New York: Crown, 1999. Huizinga, Johan. Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture. Boston: Beacon Press, 1955. Maxis (EA). SIMCITY 3000 Unlimited. (PC). Redwood City, CA: Maxis (EA), 2000. Nintendo. Super Mario Brothers. (Nintendo Entertainment System). Redmond, WA: Nintendo, 1985. Rockstar North. Grand Theft Auto 3 (GTA3). (Playstation2, PC) New York: Rockstar Games, 2001. Sucker Punch. Sly Cooper and the Thievius Raccoonus. (Playstation2). San Mateo, CA: SCEA, 2002. Wolf, Mark. “Abstraction and the Video Game.” Eds. Mark Wolf and Bernard Perron. The Video Game Theory Reader. New York: Routledge, 2003. 47-65. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Taylor, Laurie. "Video Game Internal Turfs and Turfs of Play" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0403/09-video.php>. APA Style Taylor, L. (2004, Mar17). Video Game Internal Turfs and Turfs of Play. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 7, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0403/09-video.php>

To re-imagine can, at one extreme, be a casual thought (what if I moved all the furniture in the living room?) and, at the other, re-imagining can be a complex process (what if I adapt a classic text into a major film?). There is a long history of working with the ideas of others and of re-working our own ideas. Of taking a concept and re-imagining it into something that is similar to the original and yet offers something new. Such re-imaginations are all around us; from the various interpretations of the Sherlock Holmes stories to the adjustments made, often over generations, to family recipes. Some of these efforts are the result of a creative drive to experiment and push boundaries, some efforts are inspired by changes in society or technology, yet others will be born of a sense of 'this can be done better' or 'done differently'. Essentially, to re-imagine is to ask questions, to interrogate that which is often taken for granted. This issue of M/C Journal seeks to explore the 'why' and the 'how' of re-imagining both the everyday and the extraordinary. In a reflection of the scale and scope of the potential to re-imagine all that is around us, this issue is particularly diverse. The contributions offer explorations into varied disciplines, use a range of methodological lenses, and deploy different writing styles. To this end we present a range of articles—some of which contain quite challenging content—that cover copyright, crime fiction, the stage, the literary brand and film, horror and children’s film, television, military-inspired fashion, and a piece that focuses on events leading up to September 11, 2001. We then present three, quite different, works that explore various aspects of Australian Indigenous culture and history. We begin with our feature article: “‘They’re creepy and they’re kooky’ and They’re Copyrighted: How Copyright Is Used to Dampen the (Re-)Imagination”. In this work Steve Collins explores important issues of copyright in the re-imagining and re-purposing of content. In particular, this article unpacks—using examples from the United States—how copyright legislation can restrict the activities of creative practitioners, across varied fields, and so adds to the debate on copyright reform. In our lead article “The Re-imagining Inherent in Crime Fiction Translation”, by Alistair Rolls, ideas of re-imagination, language, and the world’s most popular genre—crime fiction—are critically appraised. Rolls looks at a suite of issues around imagining original and re-imagining, through translation, crime fiction texts. These two forms of creativity are essential to the genre's development for, as Rolls notes, this type of fiction was born, “simultaneously in France and America but also in the translation zone between the two.” Amy Antonio re-imagines the femme fatale. Antonio acknowledges the centrality of the femme fatale to the noir tradition and re-imagines this iconic figure by positioning her on the Renaissance stage, explaining how the historical factors that precipitated the emergence of the noir femme fatale in the years following World War II, similarly existed in the sixteenth century and, as a result, the femme fatale can be re-imagined in a series of Elizabethan and Jacobean plays. The articles in this issue turn from fiction, to theatre, and then to film with Leonie Rutherford embarking on a “Re-imagining the Brand” exercise. Through two, very informative, case studies—Adventures of Tin Tin and Silver, Return to Treasure Island—Rutherford engages with issues of re-imagining classic literary texts as big-screen blockbusters. This article addresses some of the complexities associated with the updating “of classic texts [that] require interpretation and the negotiation of subtle changes in values that have occurred since the creation of the ‘original’.” Erin Hawley also looks at film, through a lens of horror, in “Re-imagining the Horror Genre in Children’s Animated Film”. Hawley explores how animated films have always been an ambiguous space “in terms of age, pleasure, and viewership.” Hawley goes on to challenge common assumptions that “animation itself is often a signifier of safety, fun, nostalgia, and childishness; it is a means of addressing families and young audiences” and outlines how animation complements horror where, “the fantastic and transformative aspects of animation can be powerful tools for telling stories that are dark, surprising, or somehow subversive.” Issues of the small screen, and social media, are reviewed by Karin van Es, Daniela van Geenen, and Thomas Boeschoten in their work of “Re-imagining Television Audience Research on Twitter”. In particular, this work highlights issues with how audience research is undertaken and argues for new ways forward that adapt to the changing viewing landscape: one that features social media as an increasingly important tool for people to engage with more traditional types of entertainment. Fashion, too, features within this special issue with the work Emerald L. King and Denise N. Rall, “Re-imagining the Empire of Japan through Japanese Schoolboy Uniforms”. King and Rall present their research into the significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities, which are explored in this work through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. The idea of re-imagining is challenged by Meg Stalcup through her article “What If? Re-imagined Scenarios and the Re-virtualisation of History” which looks at several events that took place in the lead up to September 11, 2001. Several of the men who would become 9/11 hijackers were stopped for minor traffic violations. Police officers in the United States replayed these incidents of contact, yet their questioning “what if?” asked not only if those moments could have revealed the plot of that traumatic day, but also places alternate scenarios into play. John C. Ryan, Danielle Brady, and Christopher Kueh guide us through a geographical re-imagining of one of Australia’s capital cities in “Where Fanny Balbuk Walked: Re-imagining Perth’s Wetlands through Digital Modelling”. This re-imagining of a major city’s natural environment calls “attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities.” Moreover, this work highlights the value of re-imagining a city anew as well as re-imagining the original after a process of considerable change. Rachel Franks traces the history of an effort to communicate the concept of equality under the law, to the Indigenous peoples of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania), in “A True Crime Tale: Re-imagining Governor Arthur’s Proclamation Board for the Tasmanian Aborigines”. This article provides an overview of some of the various re-imaginings of this Board—including the re-imagining of the Board’s history—and also offers a new re-imagination of this curious, colonial object; positing that the Board serves as an early “pamphlet” on justice and punishment. Brooke Collins-Gearing, Vivien Cadungog, Sophie Camilleri, Erin Comensoli, Elissa Duncan, Leitesha Green, Adam Phillips, and Rebecca Stone take a very different, and rather creative, approach to re-imagining with “Listenin’ Up: Re-Imagining Ourselves through Stories of and from Country” a work that explores Western discourses of education; and looks at ways to engage with Aboriginal knowledge through the pedagogical and personal act of listening. These authors attempt to re-imagine “the institutionalised space of our classroom through a dialogic pedagogy.” These articles are, necessarily, brief. Yet, each work does provide insight into various aspects of the re-imagining process while offering new perspectives on how re-imagining takes place—in material culture, learning practices, or in all important media re-interpretations of the world around us. We extend our thanks to our contributors. We thank, too, all those who engaged in the blind peer review process. We sincerely appreciate the efforts of those who offered their expertise and their time as well as offering valuable comments on a wide range of contributions. Rachel Franks, Simon Dwyer, and Denise N. RallEditors

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This issue of M/C Journal is devoted to all things cute – Internet animals and stuffed toys, cartoon characters and branded bears. In what follows our nine contributors scrutinise a diverse range of media objects, discussing everything from the economics of Grumpy Cat and the aesthetics of Furbys to Reddit’s intellectual property dramas and the ethics of kitten memes. The articles range across diverse sites, from China to Canada, and equally diverse disciplines, including cultural studies, evolutionary economics, media anthropology, film studies and socio-legal studies. But they share a common aim of tracing out the connections between degraded media forms and wider questions of culture, identity, economy and power. Our contributors tell riveting stories about these connections, inviting us to see the most familiar visual culture in a new way. We are not the first to take cute media seriously as a site of cultural politics, and as an industry in its own right. Cultural theory has a long, antagonistic relationship with the kitsch and the disposable. From the Frankfurt School’s withering critique of cultural commodification to revisionist feminist accounts that emphasise the importance of the everyday, critics have been conducting sporadic incursions into this space for the better part of a century. The rise of cultural studies, a discipline committed to analysing “the scrap of ordinary or banal existence” (Morris and Frow xviii), has naturally provided a convincing intellectual rationale for such research, and has inspired an impressive array of studies on such things as Victorian-era postcards (Milne), Disney films (Forgacs), Hallmark cards (West, Jaffe) and stock photography (Frosh). A parallel strand of literary theory considers the diverse registers of aesthetic experience that characterize cute content (Brown, Harris). Sianne Ngai has written elegantly on this topic, noting that “while the avant-garde is conventionally imagined as sharp and pointy, as hard- or cutting-edge, cute objects have no edge to speak of, usually being soft, round, and deeply associated with the infantile and the feminine” (814). Other scholars trace the historical evolution of cute aesthetics and commodities. Cultural historians have documented the emergence of consumer markets for children and how these have shaped what we think of as cute (Cross). Others have considered the history of domestic animal imagery and its symptomatic relationship with social anxieties around Darwinism, animal rights, and pet keeping (Morse and Danahay, Ritvo). And of course, Japanese popular culture – with its distinctive mobilization of cute aesthetics – has attracted its own rich literature in anthropology and area studies (Allison, Kinsella). The current issue of M/C Journal extends these lines of research while also pushing the conversation in some new directions. Specifically, we are interested in the collision between cute aesthetics, understood as a persistent strand of mass culture, and contemporary digital media. What might the existing tradition of “cute theory” mean in an Internet economy where user-generated content sites and social media have massively expanded the semiotic space of “cute” – and the commercial possibilities this entails? As the heir to a specific mode of degraded populism, the Internet cat video may be to the present what the sitcom, the paperback novel, or the Madonna video was to an earlier moment of cultural analysis. Millions of people worldwide start their days with kittens on Roombas. Global animal brands, such as Maru and Grumpy Cat, are appearing, along with new talent agencies for celebrity pets. Online portal I Can Haz Cheezburger has received millions of dollars in venture capital funding, becoming a diversified media business (and then a dotcom bubble). YouTube channels, Twitter hashtags and blog rolls form an infrastructure across which a vast amount of cute-themed user-generated content, as well as an increasing amount of commercially produced and branded material, now circulates. All this reminds us of the oft-quoted truism that the Internet is “made of kittens”, and that it’s “kittens all the way down”. Digitization of cute culture leads to some unusual tweaks in the taste hierarchies explored in the aforementioned scholarship. Cute content now functions variously as an affective transaction, a form of fandom, and as a subcultural discourse. In some corners of the Internet it is also being re-imagined as something contemporary, self-reflexive and flecked with irony. The example of 4Chan and LOLcats, a jocular, masculinist remix of the feminized genre of pet photography, is particularly striking here. How might the topic of cute look if we moving away from the old dialectics of mass culture critique vs. defense and instead foreground some of these more counter-intuitive aspects, taking seriously the enormous scale and vibrancy of the various “cute” content production systems – from children’s television to greeting cards to CuteOverload.com – and their structural integration into current media, marketing and lifestyle industries? Several articles in this issue adopt this approach, investigating the undergirding economic and regulatory structures of cute culture. Jason Potts provides a novel economic explanation for why there are so many animals on the Internet, using a little-known economic theory (the Alchian-Allen theorem) to explain the abundance of cat videos on YouTube. James Meese explores the complex copyright politics of pet images on Reddit, showing how this online community – which is the original source of much of the Internet’s animal gifs, jpegs and videos – has developed its own procedures for regulating animal image “piracy”. These articles imaginatively connect the soft stuff of cute content with the hard stuff of intellectual property and supply-and-demand dynamics. Another line of questioning investigates the political and bio-political work involved in everyday investments in cute culture. Seen from this perspective, cute is an affect that connects ground-level consumer subjectivity with various economic and political projects. Carolyn Stevens’ essay offers an absorbing analysis of the Japanese cute character Rilakkuma (“Relaxed Bear”), a wildly popular cartoon bear that is typically depicted lying on the couch and eating sweets. She explores what this representation means in the context of a stagnant Japanese economy, when the idea of idleness is taking on a new shade of meaning due to rising under-employment and precarity. Sharalyn Sanders considers a fascinating recent case of cute-powered activism in Canada, when animal rights activists used a multimedia stunt – a cat, Tuxedo Stan, running for mayor of Halifax, Canada – to highlight the unfortunate situation of stray and feral felines in the municipality. Sanders offers a rich analysis of this unusual political campaign and the moral questions it provokes. Elaine Laforteza considers another fascinating collision of the cute and the political: the case of Lil’ Bub, an American cat with a rare genetic condition that results in a perpetually kitten-like facial expression. During 2011 Lil’ Bub became an online phenomenon of the first order. Laforteza uses this event, and the controversies that brewed around it, as an entry point for a fascinating discussion of the “cute-ification” of disability. These case studies remind us once more of the political stakes of representation and viral communication, topics taken up by other contributors in their articles. Radha O’Meara’s “Do Cats Know They Rule YouTube? How Cat Videos Disguise Surveillance as Unselfconscious Play” provides a wide-ranging textual analysis of pet videos, focusing on the subtle narrative structures and viewer positioning that are so central to the pleasures of this genre. O’Meara explains how the “cute” experience is linked to the frisson of surveillance, and escape from surveillance. She also explains the aesthetic differences that distinguish online dog videos from cat videos, showing how particular ideas about animals are hardwired into the apparently spontaneous form of amateur content production. Gabriele de Seta investigates the linguistics of cute in his nuanced examination of how a new word – meng – entered popular discourse amongst Mandarin Chinese Internet users. de Seta draws our attention to the specificities of cute as a concept, and how the very notion of cuteness undergoes a series of translations and reconfigurations as it travels across cultures and contexts. As the term meng supplants existing Mandarin terms for cute such as ke’ai, debates around how the new word should be used are common. De Seta shows us how deploying these specific linguistic terms for cuteness involve a range of linguistic and aesthetic judgments. In short, what exactly is cute and in what context? Other contributors offer much-needed cultural analyses of the relationship between cute aesthetics, celebrity and user-generated culture. Catherine Caudwell looks at the once-popular Furby toy brand its treatment in online fan fiction. She notes that these forms of online creative practice offer a range of “imaginative and speculative” critiques of cuteness. Caudwell – like de Seta – reminds us that “cuteness is an unstable aesthetic that is culturally contingent and very much tied to behaviour”, an affect that can encompass friendliness, helplessness, monstrosity and strangeness. Jonathon Hutchinson’s article explores “petworking”, the phenomenon of social media-enabled celebrity pets (and pet owners). Using the famous example of Boo, a “highly networked” celebrity Pomeranian, Hutchinson offers a careful account of how cute is constructed, with intermediaries (owners and, in some cases, agents) negotiating a series of careful interactions between pet fans and the pet itself. Hutchinson argues if we wish to understand the popularity of cute content, the “strategic efforts” of these intermediaries must be taken into account. Each of our contributors has a unique story to tell about the aesthetics of commodity culture. The objects they analyse may be cute and furry, but the critical arguments offered here have very sharp teeth. We hope you enjoy the issue.Acknowledgments Thanks to Axel Bruns at M/C Journal for his support, to our hard-working peer reviewers for their insightful and valuable comments, and to the Swinburne Institute for Social Research for the small grant that made this issue possible. ReferencesAllison, Anne. “Cuteness as Japan’s Millenial Product.” Pikachu’s Global Adventure: The Rise and Fall of Pokemon. Ed. Joseph Tobin. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004. 34-48. Brown, Laura. Homeless Dogs and Melancholy Apes: Humans and Other Animals in the Modern Literary Imagination. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010. Cross, Gary. The Cute and the Cool: Wondrous Innocence and Modern American Children's Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Forgacs, David. "Disney Animation and the Business of Childhood." Screen 33.4 (1992): 361-374. Frosh, Paul. "Inside the Image Factory: Stock Photography and Cultural Production." Media, Culture & Society 23.5 (2001): 625-646. Harris, Daniel. Cute, Quaint, Hungry and Romantic: The Aesthetics of Consumerism. New York: Basic Books, 2000. Jaffe, Alexandra. "Packaged Sentiments: The Social Meanings of Greeting Cards." Journal of Material Culture 4.2 (1999): 115-141. Kinsella, Sharon. “Cuties in Japan” Women, Media and Consumption in Japan. Ed. Lise Skov and Brian Moeran. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1995. 220 - 54. Frow, John, and Meaghan Morris, eds. Australian Cultural Studies: A Reader. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993. Milne, Esther. Letters, Postcards, Email: Technologies of Presence. New York: Routledge, 2012. Morse, Deborah and Martin Danahay, eds. Victorian Animal Dreams: Representations of Animals in Victorian Literature and Culture. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing. 2007. Ngai, Sianne. "The Cuteness of the Avant‐Garde." Critical Inquiry 31.4 (2005): 811-847. Ritvo, Harriet. The Animal Estate: The English and Other Creatures in the Victorian Age. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987. West, Emily. "When You Care Enough to Defend the Very Best: How the Greeting Card Industry Manages Cultural Criticism." Media, Culture & Society 29.2 (2007): 241-261.

Culture defines itself not only by what is contained within but by what is outside its boundaries as well. Sesame Street's refrain of 'one of these things is not like the other, one of these things does not belong' articulates this creation of boundaries. However, boundaries are not static. Boundaries, and thus cultures, are ever-changing. The decision of 'one of these things does not belong' is always being evaluated and redefined through cultural processes. One of the most obvious processes and signifiers of the visual boundaries of culture is clothing. Clothing maps bodies. Clothing maps culture. Clothing maps boundaries. The visual boundaries of culture have traditionally been placed onto the body with clothing. Fashion and national costume establish both similarities and dissimilarities. While costumes are seemingly frozen in contrast to the supposed vagaries of fashion, both produce bodies of knowledge. However, in Western cultures especially, national costumes project a supposed cultural sameness on the iconographic level that fashion does not. Instead of examining culture per se, this essay will briefly look at ways in which the boundaries of culture are placed and replaced on bodies by costume. Clothing maps bodies. Clothing maps culture. Clothing maps boundaries. The visual boundaries of culture have traditionally been placed onto the body with clothing. Fashion and national costume establish both similarities and dissimilarities. While costumes are seemingly frozen in contrast to the supposed vagaries of fashion, both produce bodies of knowledge. However, in Western cultures especially, national costumes project a supposed cultural sameness on the iconographic level that fashion does not. Instead of examining culture per se, this essay will briefly look at ways in which the boundaries of culture are placed and replaced on bodies by costume. Costumes depend upon certain cultural knowledges and body techniques to be worn properly. Therefore, it is not the clothing itself but how it is worn that makes it cultural. It is for this reason that costume, as symbolic shorthand, often seems exotic or even ridiculous. Wearing a costume depends upon body techniques that change much more quickly than the veneer of cultural iconography that the costumes produce. Thus, 'it's a small world after all' is placed in the 'fantasyland' section of Disneyland; neither in the past, present or future. Not surprisingly, the fantastic and ridiculous are also the exotic 'Other'. While costumes such as kimono, dirndl and military uniforms are understood as national costumes, my definition of costumes in the cultural mapping process is much broader. Costumes serve as iconography on a broad cultural level so that not only do they help define the borders of culture -- either physically or symbolically -- they often seem to stand in for it in its absence as well. The very thing that represents difference -- in this case costume -- is the very thing that is pointed to as the difference. Outside the boundaries of one culture, the 'one of these things does not belong' is reduced to representing all that is different (and so exotic and ridiculous) about the 'Other' culture. Thus, costumes help constitute culture just as they threaten to displace it. However, costume culture is continually suppressed by its own insistent excess that makes it so appealing for cultural iconography in the first place. Few costumes have been exoticised by Western culture as much as Asian clothing. Often one piece of clothing, such as the cheongsam or kimono, supposedly metonymically represents all Asian culture. However, even within Asian culture, these costumes are used to define boundaries. Specifically, kimonos compartmentalise cultural display both within and outside of Japanese culture. Within Japanese culture, a decision to wear kimono is not casual. Kimono-clad women on a Japanese street reflect neither the nonchalance of Hindu housewives in saris nor the set-piece sentimentality of Heidis-in-dirndls. To wear kimono is, inevitably, to make a statement; Kimono equally inescapably mark the boundary of the foreign. Despite the inspiration that the European couturiers periodically rediscover in the kimono tradition, despite the ready-to-wear boutique 'kimona' and low-end lingerie in American import stores, the fact is that no foreigner can wear a kimono without looking silly, at least to the Japanese. (Dalby 112-3) While most Western bodies do not conform to the body techniques of the kimono, neither do many contemporary Japanese bodies. Costumes are often ridiculous or exotic even in their own culture and this serves a specific function. As opposed to fashion, costumes are defined by their static and unchanging exoticism. Indeed, costumes are exotic even within the culture they represent. Costumes are cultural repositories; they are antiquated, outmoded images of a nostalgised past. Costumes communicate victories and triumphs made quaint. Costumes are the G-rated version of cultures past that should have been. When the past seems comfortably ridiculous, as proven in the excessively mannered appearances of national costumes, the boundaries of contemporary body mapping are naturalised. The exoticness of discarded body techniques and modes of display upon which costumes depend, suddenly make the present seem all the more sophisticated and relevant in comparison. Inevitably, this process works to create boundaries between cultures both past and present. While one's own cultural costumes may seem a little silly they also connote a cultural (and costumed) past. Thus, other cultures (vis-à-vis their costumes) are positioned as sillier -- the memory they embody is different -- and so other costumes become caricature not memory because of this difference. This process of caricaturing other cultures can be understood as a transition discourse1. Transition discourses are the processes of temporary cultures that are essential to explain change. Thus, transition discourses are also the temporary mannerisms and body techniques of 'habitus': "'Habitus' refers to specialised techniques and ingrained knowledges which enable people to negotiate the different departments of existence" (Craik 4). Like fashion, costumes can be understood as transition discourses. Fashion, as a transition discourse, is an important temporal indicator of negotiations in popular culture. Fashion, understood as ever-changing, is an obvious example of a transition discourse. However, costume -- despite its seeming inertia -- is also a transition discourse. Clearly, this was and is the case in Hollywood. The costumes used to portray racial and ethnic stereotyping (e.g. the collective condensing of all Asians into one costume or 'yellowface') change regularly to correspond with current cultural prejudices. This continuously creates and re-creates 'Other' bodies and other cultures. In this process of 'Othering', cultures create themselves as well. Thus, the reductive aspects of transition discourses are also productive. Daniel Roche points out in his book, The Culture of Clothing, that national costume -- specifically the military uniform -- is continually placed and replaced onto bodies in productive ways. Uniform, along with the cogneries of military discipline procedures, should not be seen only in terms of docility and repression, or ideological instrumentality. It creates through education, realises a personage and affirms a political project by demonstrating omnipotence. (Roche 229) Costumes do not only discipline and regulate the body, they also produce new bodies as old transition discourses are discarded. The physical costume may remain the same but, like the body, its techniques change. Thus, the cultural past is continuously refigured for the cultural present with transition discourses such as national costume. Costumes define changing borders and boundaries of culture. In particular, costumes often visually signify how the foreign is made familiar and vice versa. Costumes in the early musical Footlight Parade clearly show how costumes act as transition discourses to refigure 'Other' bodies. In the Shanghai Lil' finale of Footlight Parade, James Cagney plays a sailor looking for his Asian whore, Shanghai Lil'. Cagney searches for her throughout Shanghai's port bars and opium dens. Eventually he finds his Shanghai Lil', in racist 'yellowface' make-up: Ruby Keeler. They express their joy together through tap. First, they dance separately, then in sync. Again, like in Disneyland's 'it's a small worldafter all', while their costumes show their differences (he wears a tuxedo and top hat while she wears a satin cheongsam pyjama set and Princess Leia hair), their dancing proves their sameness. The Shanghai Lil' number is a famous Busby Berkeley dance sequence which culminates with Cagney being called back to his ship. Marching soldiers fill the screen as Chinese prostitutes and opium addicts suddenly join ranks and wave American flags as the soldiers march by. Much is made in this sequence of the disciplined male body. The men parade and the women watch. Keeler, however, breaks ranks to try and join Cagney on his ship. At this point, everything about Keeler's character is ridiculous because she is not American. First, her 'yellowface' make-up and broken speech caricature the Chinese culture she represents. Secondly, her assumption that they will live together on his naval vessel is made ridiculous as she pushes herself through the dark navy formations of the sailors in her pastel satin costume. Finally, Keeler's character is made ridiculous by her body techniques. A soldier slams his rifle down on Keeler's foot as she stands in the middle of the military formation. Keeler grabs her foot, winces and makes faces. In fact, it is at this point that Keeler drops the racist Asian persona and responds like an American. Earlier in the sequence, the number foreshadows this possibility with an Asian sailor and some prostitutes speaking in American accents. This productive rather than reductive result is what allows Keeler to be transformed from 'not like the others' to 'one of these things'. Keeler's actions are in contrast to her costume and necessitate a new transition discourse to allow for the romantic conclusion of her relationship with Cagney. It is at this point that a series of marching chorus girls in short, short cheongsams and white, plastic coolie hats overtake Keeler. Costume has transformed the prostitutes and addicts into patriots and thus into the paradoxical sameness evident in 'it's a small world after all'. The 'coolie' chorus joins the sailors in parade. Together the chorus girls and the sailors form an American flag and then a picture of President Roosevelt's face. Finally, they reform to create the triumphant American eagle shooting puffs of smoke and puffs of their symbolic victory. The undesirables have been assimilated, new bodies and new cultures have been produced even though they wear costumes that signify their difference. Clearly, at this point, the Chinese-ness of the prostitutes has been rehabilitated through the ridiculous excess of their new costumes. The 'Chinese girls' (the white female chorus in racial drag) change from a dangerous and uncontrolled foreignness to a more familiar stereotyped and ridiculous 'Other'. At the same time, the 'coolie' costumes rehabilitate the excess of the marching sailors by naturalising the American sailor costumes. While the sailor uniform has disciplined Cagney's previously drunken fop (the previously drunk Cagney is suddenly sober when in uniform), the uniform also produces a new persona for Keeler. In the last few seconds of the number, Cagney marches off with the other sailors to his ship. However, as they reach the ship Cagney and Keeler turn to wink at the camera and reveal that Keeler is masquerading in a sailor costume. Keeler's sameness, previously indicated by her body techniques (her tap dancing), can transcend her difference. However, cross-dressed in a sailor uniform, she is still signified as a transgressor. Cultural boundaries need to be changed before she can be accepted. It is a simple card trick that reveals this change of boundaries. A card trick, a children's amusement, makes this change of boundaries seem simple and inevitable which again naturalises Cagney and Keeler's union. Cagney gestures to Keeler to watch as he flips through a deck of cards. The movement of the cards animates a tiny ship that puffs big billows of smoke and zigzags into an empty white space. It is a place without borders where puffs of smoke again signify victory over difference. Again, costume is used to insist on the paradox of difference and sameness. Again, culture is displaced onto costume and transition discourses. Sadly, it seems that it is a small world after all and the creation of boundaries as a way of defining culture is ever-present. Footnotes Thanks to Jane Roscoe for coining the term 'transition discourse' recently. I hope I have successfully translated its meaning from conversation into theory. References Craik, Jennifer. The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion. London and New York: Routledge, 1994. Dalby, Lisa. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. New Haven & London: Yale UP, 1993. Footlight Parade. Dir. Lloyd Bacon. Warner Brothers, 1933. Roche, Daniel. The Culture of Clothing. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Nadine Wills. "Clothing Borders: Transition Discourses, National Costumes and the Boundaries of Culture." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/clothing.php>. Chicago style: Nadine Wills, "Clothing Borders: Transition Discourses, National Costumes and the Boundaries of Culture," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 2 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/clothing.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Nadine Wills. (2000) Clothing borders: transition discourses, national costumes and the boundaries of culture. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(2). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/clothing.php> ([your date of access]).