Academic literature on the topic 'Chile – Politics and government – 1970-1973'
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Journal articles on the topic "Chile – Politics and government – 1970-1973"
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Blumler, Jay, and Mario Álvarez Fuentes. "The 1970s Chile: lessons and warnings for contemporary democracy." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 2 (2019): 301–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719884181.
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The article analyses the communication factors that led up and contributed to General Pinochet’s coup against Salvador Allende’s Popular Unity government in Chile in September 1973. Empirically based on interviews held with Chilean politicians and journalists in autumn 1972 and a content analysis of changes in key newspapers’ political coverage between 1970 and 1973, lessons and warnings for communication roles in present-day liberal democracies are drawn from two features of this case: (1) intense political and media polarisation, and (2) challenges to and confusion over conventional journalistic norms. The possibilities and difficulties of overcoming the resulting problems are canvassed in the article’s conclusion.
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NAVIA, PATRICIO, and RODRIGO OSORIO. "‘Make the Economy Scream’? Economic, Ideological and Social Determinants of Support for Salvador Allende in Chile, 1970–3." Journal of Latin American Studies 49, no. 4 (2017): 771–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000037.
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AbstractWith polling and municipal level data, we analyse the determinants of Salvador Allende's presidential election victory in 1970 and the change in political and electoral support for his government (1970–3). Support for Allende is explained by ideology more than by social class, socio-demographic variables or the economic performance of the country. Allende won in 1970 as an opposition candidate when the outgoing Frei administration enjoyed high approval and the country was experiencing favourable economic conditions. In 1973, when Allende had 49.7% approval, ideology remained the strongest determinant of presidential approval. Economic variables and social class are less important in explaining electoral support for Allende and for his Popular Unity coalition.
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Loveman, Brian. "Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165745.
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In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of the Unidad Popular coalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that “the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government” (Cauce, 1984).
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Thomas, Eric H. "Crisis and catastrophe on Chiloé: Collective memory and the (re)framing of an environmental disaster." Cultural Dynamics 30, no. 3 (2018): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374018795236.
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In May 2016, residents of Chiloé in southern Chile blockaded their island to protest the contamination of their fishery by aquaculture operators as well as the state’s failure to adequately regulate this new industry. Media coverage of events on the island, particularly the scarcity of food resulting from the blockade, constituted a discourse of images that invoked the mobilization of “respectable” women during other moments of political crisis—specifically the bread shortages during the Popular Unity government (1970–1973) and the widespread human rights abuses of the Pinochet Dictatorship (1973–1990). These images helped protestors transform an environmental crisis into a humanitarian catastrophe, mobilizing collective memory of suffering and gaining widespread support for their cause. This article argues that media coverage of the protest and subsequent support for the protestors in other parts of Chile strengthened the hand of those whose livelihoods had been affected by the crisis and led to greater compensation for fishing families.
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Loveman, Brian. "¿Mision Cumplida? Civil Military Relations and the Chilean Political Transition." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165933.
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The armed forces have reconstructed authentic democracy. They have once again definitively carried out their mission…. I love this country more than Life itself.Captain General Augusto Pinochet11 September 1989The Constitution of 1980 does not meet, in its elaboration of the manner in which it was ratified, the essential conditions required by constitutional doctrine for the existence of a legitimate political order based on the rule of law.Francisco Cumplido C. (1983)Minister of Justice (1990)On 11 March 1990, Patricio Aylwin took office as Chile's first elected president since 1970. Chile thus joined the list of Latin American nations making a transition from military to civilian government. Like the civilian governments in Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Peru, Bolivia, El Salvador and Guatemala, Chile's new government faced the challenge of returning the armed forces to a less central role in politics and reducing their institutional prerogatives.
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Yordanov, Radoslav A. "Warsaw Pact Countries’ Involvement in Chile from Frei to Pinochet, 1964–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (2019): 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00893.
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This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential elections, the growing covert intervention of both Washington and Moscow in Chile's politics, mass strikes and popular unrest against Allende's government, a violent military coup, and intense political repression in the coup's aftermath. The article gives particular weight to the role of the East European countries in advancing the interests of the Soviet bloc in South America. By consulting a wide array of declassified documents in East European capitals and in Santiago, this article helps to explain why Soviet and East European leaders attached great importance to Chile and why they ultimately were unable to develop more comprehensive political, economic, and cultural relations with that South American country.
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Aguilera, Carolina. "Memories and silences of a segregated city: Monuments and political violence in Santiago, Chile, 1970–1991." Memory Studies 8, no. 1 (2014): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698014552413.
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How does Santiago, Chile, remember its dead, the victims of political violence of the 1970s and 1980s? The existence of dozens of memorials, monuments, and sites dedicated to the memory of victims of the dictatorship would seem to indicate a settled national cultural politics that recognizes the injustices and crimes committed by a terrorist State. The public, nongovernmental nature of the initiatives is, nonetheless, the first indication that we are dealing with an ambiguous political story. While the central government has supported these initiatives, they are mostly the result of efforts by social organizations and victims’ groups. The spatial-temporal reading of the scenario of commemorative markers proposed in this article offers evidence of a geography of memory that is configured, on one hand, by a memory project that has inherited political trajectories which have been passed down for a long time, articulated by small groups that at certain junctures manage to form into producers of local memory. On the other hand, the high socio-economic segregation in residential areas shapes politics of memory that are territorially discontinuous and that encourage forgetting in residential settings of the country’s elite.
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Airola, Jorge Magasich. "The Chilean international politics of the Popular Unity (Unidad Popular) government 1970–1973: An attempt at pluralism in international relationships." Regions and Cohesions 5, no. 1 (2015): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2015.050103.
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The government of Salvador Allende a empted to replace the traditional Chilean foreign policy of alignment with one of the blocks of the Cold War and its “ideological borders,” with a new international policy of “ideological pluralism,” aiming to establish new commercial and diplomatic relations between different countries, regardless of their national political regimes. This policy involved the defense of the principles and objectives of the so-called Third World, which included proposals to: reform the international financial order; promote Latin American integration, especially of the Andean countries; improve Chile's relationship with three neighboring countries and negotiate border disputes; and create a judicial entity to face hostility from the U.S. government. The development of this new foreign policy was interrupted by the coup d'état. Nevertheless, four decades later, it gained importance, and this policy became a reference for many Latin American governments. Spanish El gobierno de Salvador Allende intentó reemplazar la tradicional política exterior chilena de alineamiento con uno de los bloques de la Guerra Fría y sus “fronteras ideológicas”, por una nueva política internacional de “pluralismo ideológico”, lo que significa establecer relaciones diplomáticas y comerciales con todos los países del mundo, independientemente del régimen interno que los rija. Tal política implica la defensa de los principios y objetivos del entonces llamado “Tercer Mundo”, la cual incluye proposiciones para reformar el orden financiero internacional; la promoción de la integración latinoamericana, particularmente la de los países andinos; relaciones cuidadosas con tres vecinos negociando los litigios fronterizos; y la búsqueda de una instancia jurídica para afrontar la hostilidad del gobierno estadounidense. Pese a que la mayor parte de esta nueva política internacional quedó sólo en sus inicios pues fue interrumpida por el golpe de Estado, cuatro décadas más tarde ha cobrado actualidad, transformándose en una referencia para varios gobiernos de la región. French Le gouvernement de Salvador Allende a essayé de remplacer l'alignement traditionnel de la politique étrangère du Chili avec l'un des blocs de la guerre froide et de ses «frontières idéologiques», par une nouvelle politique internationale du «pluralisme idéologique». Autrement dit, établir des relations diplomatiques et commerciales avec tous les pays, indépendamment de leurs régimes politiques propres. Une telle politique impliquait la défense des principes et objectifs de ce qu'on appelait alors «Tiers Monde», qui comprend des propositions visant à réformer l'ordre financier international; la promotion de l'intégration latino-américaine, en particulier celle des pays andins ; l'entretien des relations chaleureuses avec ses trois voisins concernant la négociation des différends frontaliers; et l'instauration d'une instance juridique destinée à faire face à l'hostilité du gouvernement des Etats-Unis. Bien que l'essentiel de cette nouvelle politique étrangère fût esseulée à ses débuts puis interrompue par un coup d'Etat, quatre décennies plus tard elle est devenue d'actualité, tout en s'imposant comme une référence pour de nombreux gouvernements de la région.
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Candina-Polomer, Azun. "Studying Other Memories." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 6 (2016): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16658258.
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The Colegio Médico de Chile (College of Physicians of Chile) was a significant professional association with a long history and a leadership position in discussions about physicians as an occupational group and about public health in Chile. It opposed the socialist Popular Unity government (1970–1973), supported the military coup, collaborated actively with the dictatorship for several years afterward, and later joined the opposition demanding a return to democracy. Since the formal return to democracy in 1990, it has continued to participate in public discussions not only about health but also about human rights, reparations, and democratic convivencia in Chile. Examining its history helps us to historicize the construction of contemporary memory, facilitating an analysis of groups that do not correspond to the binary opposition of victims and victimizers that dominates the historical literature. The Colegio’s use of the same memories in different contexts leads us to reflect upon the fact that public memories are much more mobile and pragmatic and less principled than they first appear. This underlines the importance of including class and professional or corporate identity and other differences in analyses of the discourse of memory. El Colegio Médico de Chile es una importante asociación profesional con una larga historia y una posición de liderazgo en las discusiones sobre los médicos como grupo ocupacional y sobre la salud pública en Chile. Se opusieron al gobierno socialista de la Unidad Popular (1970–1973), apoyaron el golpe militar, colaboraron activamente con la dictadura durante varios años y más tarde se unieron a la oposición que exigía el regreso de la democracia. Desde el retorno formal de la democracia en 1990, el Colegio ha participado activamente en los debates públicos no sólo sobre la salud sino también sobre los derechos humanos, las reparaciones y la convivencia democrática en Chile. Si examinamos su historia podemos historizar la construcción de la memoria contemporánea, lo que nos ayuda a analizar aquellos grupos que no cuadran con la oposición binaria de víctimas y victimarios que domina la literatura histórica. El uso que hace el Colegio de las mismas memorias en diferentes contextos nos lleva a reflexionar sobre el hecho de que las memorias públicas son mucho más flexibles y pragmáticas y menos guiadas por principios de lo que parecen a primera vista. Todo esto subraya la importancia de incluir clase e identidad profesional o corporativa y otras diferencias en los análisis del discurso de la memoria.
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Castiglioni, Rossana. "The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1990." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00187.x.
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AbstractChile's military government replaced the country's universalistic social policy system with a set of market-oriented social policies. Taking evidence from three areas (pensions, education, and health care), this study seeks to explain why the military advanced a policy of deep retrenchment and why reform of health care was less thorough than it was in pensions and education. The radical transformation of policy relates to the breadth of power concentration enjoyed by General Pinochet and his economic team, the policymakers' ideological positions, and the role of veto players. The more limited reform of health care is linked to the actions of a powerful veto player, the professional association of physicians.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Chile – Politics and government – 1970-1973"
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McGarry, Joanna Susan. "Christian democracy and political participation in Chile, 1964-2000." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609114.
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Judikis-Preller, Juan C. "The impact of the military government on higher education in Chile : 1973-1990." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1137604.
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The general purpose of this study completed in 1999 was to create an accurate, documented description of the experiences of nine students, three faculty members and two administrators in higher education in Chile during the military government 1973 - 1990.A qualitative approach was selected as the most appropriate methodology to' complete the study. A variety of methods and data collection strategies were used. The major data collection strategies were interviews and reviewing of primary and secondary written sources. The interviews were used to collect evidence concerning interviewees' experiences, as well as their attitudes, and perceptions regarding the events that occurred in higher education during the rule of the military government 1973 - 1990.The researcher decided to use a judgment sample of interviewees from the population based on their knowledge about the topic and their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. Geographical representation, position within the institutions, kind of institution represented, and gender were major the considerations at the moment of selecting the sample too.Thanks to the U.S.A. Freedom of Information Act, which established an effective statutory right to access by any person or organization to federal government information, the researcher found official information that allowed for triangulation of evidence.The findings showed that the changes the military government implemented through their modernization of the educational system did not follow the historical trend of educational development in Chile. Furthermore, under the military government, policymaking in higher education was circumscribed to autocratic arenas, which usually coincided with government policy. Education was utilized to serve the purpose of the government. The educational system 1973 - 1990 failed to serve those with special needs. Free-market policies profoundly transformed education from a right available to all, to a commodity available in varying quantity and quality according to purchasing power of individuals.The impact of military government on higher education during the military rule was notorious and huge. Even though they were destructive in some aspects the military government did good things for the educational system. The issue in discussion is the price that was paid.<br>Department of Educational Leadership
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Antunes, Marília Mattos. "A revolução guiada: os Cuadernos de educación popular e o projeto de formação da consciência revolucionária do trabalhador. Chile, 1970-1973." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-18012018-113619/.
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Esta investigação tem como objetivo analisar os instrumentos textuais e imagéticos da coleção Cuadernos de Educación Popular, publicada entre os anos de 1971 e 1973 pela Editora Nacional Quimantú, de modo a discutir a relação dessa obra com o projeto de construção de um novo tipo de cultura política durante o governo da Unidade Popular (1970-1973). Escrita por Marta Harnecker e Gabriela Uribe, essa coleção, composta por 12 volumes, foi produto de um projeto político-cultural ambicioso e de um contexto marcado por grande efervescência e polarização político-ideológica, o que faz com que suas páginas carreguem as marcas das tensões existentes no período. Por meio da verificação atenta do conteúdo dessa publicação, objetivamos examinar o papel atribuído à coleção dentro do projeto político-cultural idealizado pelo governo de Salvador Allende e verificar seu potencial propagandístico por meio da análise das representações e estratégias didáticas nela presentes. Também intentamos discutir a posição veiculada pelas autoras a respeito dos debates e divergências que se colocavam à esquerda no tocante à via para se chegar ao socialismo e à política de alianças. Ao assumirmos as relações entre política e cultura no período da Unidade Popular como eixo fundamental de nossa investigação, apoiamo-nos nas reflexões e aportes teórico-metodológicos fornecidos pela História Política Renovada, vertente que advogou a ampliação conceitual do político e permitiu, assim, a incorporação de novas fontes e problemáticas (como as representações e propaganda políticas), além de um fértil diálogo do âmbito político com outras esferas da realidade social, como a cultura.<br>This research is dedicated to analyze the imagetical and textual tools developed by Marta Harnecker and Gabriela Uribe in the collection named Cuadernos de Educación Popular, published by Editora Nacional Quimantú between 1971 and 1973, under the government of Salvador Allende. The intention is to discuss the relation between this collection and the project that fought for the creation of a new kind of political culture in Chile during the Unidade Popular. This collection, constituted of 12 books, was produced by an ambitious political and cultural project and was created in a period marked by a huge political polarization and cultural effervescence, what makes its pages carry traces of the political conflicts that occurred on that period. By analyzing the content of this publication, we intend to understand the role of this collection in the political and cultural project idealized by Allendes government. Moreover, we fetch to show the propagandistic potential of the Cuadernos de Educación Popular through the verification of its representations and didactic strategies. We also debate the position defended by Harnecker and Uribe in this collection about the divergences that occurred between the left groups regarding the way of developing a socialist society in Chile and the ideal alliances to do it. To achieve these objectives, we used as reference the reflections and contributions produced by the New Political History, a methodological and theoretical perspective that allowed the incorporation of new sources and problematics and also defends the dialogues between political aspects and other social fields, like culture.
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Olavarría, María José. "Fractured past : torture, memory and reconciliation in Chile." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79990.
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This thesis examines the testimonies of victims related to the use of torture during the Pinochet dictatorship. It contends that the existence of a broad testimonial archive on torture, significantly produced by the victims themselves, points to a collective 'speech' by which victims have attempted to splinter the silence of the dictatorial state and, in the aftermath of the repression, to contest the 'official history' of the transitional state. The testimonies of torture victims, it will be argued, signify a specific mode of action, a 'doing' of memory, whereby the experience of torture is re-membered in an effort to bring accountability for the crimes committed and this, from the first days of the dictatorship up to today. This speech of victims moreover is seen to constitute the unifying link between the testimonies of torture victims that have emerged during the dictatorship itself and those that continue to emerge today.
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Magasich-Airola, Jorge. "Ceux qui ont dit "Non": histoire du mouvement des marins chiliens opposés au coup d'Etat de 1973." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210614.
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L’opposition au coup d’État de 1973 au sein des forces armées chiliennes a été significative. En effet, un nombre symptomatique d’officiers, tout comme un nombre considérable des membres de la troupe, ont répondu « Non » à l’ordre de renverser le gouvernement légitime. Ces militaires légitimistes ont été particulièrement actifs dans la Marine, institution qui vit un conflit entre sa structure archaïque et le statut social de technicien acquis par les marins. Ce derniers perçoivent, avant d’autres secteurs de la société, le danger d’un coup d’État et vont tenter de s’organiser, tout d’abord pour informer les autorités et ensuite pour tenter de le faire avorter. <p>Notre objectif est de retracer l’histoire du mouvement des marins légitimistes et notre hypothèse de travail est que le coup d’État de 1973 n’est pas l’œuvre de l’armée mais d’une fraction de celle-ci.<p><p>Nous avons consulté quatre catégories de sources :<p>1) La presse :6 quotidiens et 2 hebdomadaires opposés au gouvernement d’Allende; 4 quotidiens, 2 hebdomadaires et un bimensuel proches du gouvernement ou de gauche. <p>2) Les essais, documents politiques, témoignages et mémoires, particulièrement les mémoires des quatre amiraux organisateurs du coup d’État. <p>3) Les procès entamés contre les marins dès la fin du gouvernement d’Allende, dont les 6.000 pages du célèbre procès 3926 contre les marins de la flotte.<p>4) Nous avons interviewé 30 marins, ce qui correspond à environ un tiers des marins condamnés par les tribunaux navals sous la dictature. En outre, nous avons interviewé, des militants, des avocats, un procureur, un général de l’aviation opposé au coup d’État, un officier de la Marine opposé au coup d’État et un officier de la Marine favorable au coup d’État. Au total 52 interviews qui totalisent un bon millier de pages.<p><p>L’introduction présente le sujet et explique sa pertinence :les réunions entre les marins et les dirigeants politiques restent un événement souvent cité dans l’historiographie qui justifie le coup d’État.<p>Le ch. I est un travail de compilation sur l’histoire des révoltes de marins au XXe siècle, pour identifier les éléments communs entre elles.<p>Le ch. II tente de situer la Marine chilienne dans son contexte historique et social, rappelant les conflits qui ont secoué la force navale et sa réorganisation lors du début de la Guerre froide et décrivant le contenu de l’enseignement donné à l’École navale des officiers. <p>Le ch. III décrit la vie sociale dans la Marine de 1970 –l’année de l’élection présidentielle– surtout les relations difficiles entre la troupe et les officiers. Celles-ci se manifestent à travers des réactions contradictoires au résultat de l’élection. Pendant les premiers mois du gouvernement d’Allende, un nombre croissant d’officiers manifeste son opposition, alors que des « hommes de mer » (la troupe) s’organisent pour le défendre.<p>Les ch. IV et V couvrent la période qui va de 1971 jusqu’à la première tentative de coup d’État le 29 juin 1973 (el Tanquetazo). Elle est marquée d’une part par l’adhésion de la plupart des officiers aux thèses putschistes, et d’autre part, par un notable développement des groupes de marins antiputschistes. Nous décrivons les relations structurelles entre les officiers et civils conjurés et l’établissement des relations entre des groupes de marins et certains partis politiques de gauche. Ce travail décrit la réunion secrète où plusieurs groupes de marins, tentent d’établir une coordination et discutent s’il faut agir avant que le coup d’État ne soit déclenché ou seulement en réaction à celui-ci.<p>Le chapitre VI couvre les cinq « semaines décisives » qui s’écoulent entre la tentative de putsch du 29 juin et l’arrestation des marins de la flotte, le 5 août 1973. Dans la Marine, la préparation du coup d’État arrive à sa phase finale, avec un affairement perceptible. Beaucoup de marins craignent d’être forcés à y participer. Dans ce contexte, le groupe de marins de la flotte formule une ébauche de plan d’occupation des navires et organise des réunions avec des dirigeants de gauche pour tenter une action qui ferait avorter le coup d’État imminent. Nous avons pu retracer ce plan ainsi que les célèbres réunions avec les dirigeants du PS, du MAPU et du MIR, grâce à plusieurs témoignages de marins et de « civils » présents dans ces réunions.<p>Le chapitre VII décrit la période entre l’arrestation des marins et les semaines qui suivent le coup d’État, décrivant les premières tortures, la difficile situation du gouvernement d’Allende, qui attaque en justice les marins « infiltrés », et le débat politique et juridique suscité par les arrestations et tortures, un des derniers débats démocratiques. <p>Le chapitre VIII expose la poursuite des procès sous la dictature. Parmi les avocats pro deo qui se contentent d’une timide défense pour la forme, nous avons trouvé une défense exceptionnelle des marins sur le plan politique :« le devoir de tout militaire est de défendre le gouvernement légitime », affirme l’avocate Lidia Hogtert, une dame de 75 ans, qui, en 1975, ose défier la justice militaire. En 1988, à la fin de la dictature, lorsque l’ancien secrétaire du MAPU Oscar Garretón se présente devant la justice navale, le cas connaît un nouveau retentissement :après plusieurs condamnations par des tribunaux militaires, Garreton obtient une victoire complète à la Cour Suprême. Il est acquitté de toute accusation pour « sédition et mutinerie ».<br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Stoffel, Sophie. "Institutionnalisation du féminisme et représentation politique: le cas du Chili depuis la fin des années 1980." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210489.
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Cette recherche doctorale propose de discuter le concept de représentation politique afin de pouvoir le mobiliser dans l’examen empirique de la dynamique d’institutionnalisation du féminisme au Chili. La thèse défendue est que les organisations féministes institutionnalisées « font » de la représentation politique bien qu’elles n’appartiennent pas à l’espace politique formel défini par les élections et qu’elles ne sont pas impliquées dans une relation d’autorisation et de reddition des comptes avec les personnes qu’elles entendent représenter. Il s’agira donc de combler l’approche conventionnelle de la représentation politique, ancrée dans l’histoire du gouvernement démocratique libéral, et qui ne permet pas de rendre compte d’un pan de la représentation politique :celle qui ne s’articule pas autour des élections et qui est le fait d’acteurs évoluant en dehors de l’espace politique formel. L’étude du cas chilien, selon une démarche de sociologie historique du politique, permettra de tester cette hypothèse.<br>Doctorat en sciences politiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Marcus, Benny Charles. "Growth without equity: inequality, social citizenship, and the neoliberal model of development in Chile." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2238.
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Ekwealor, Chinedu Thomas. "United Nations Security Council Resolutions in Africa : the conundrum of state and human insecurity in Libya." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/9712.
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Both interventionist and anti-interventionist scholars have advanced the view that the 2011 Libyan conflict probes the need to establish an international organisation to settle disputes between nations with a view to maintaining international peace and security. Ironically, 67 years after the founding of the United Nations, post-colonial African states remain deeply troubled and affected by conflicts that are often exacerbated by United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions. The 2011 Libyan conflict was not a war for democracy; rather, it represented and demonstrated clearly the asymmetrical relations between Africa and Europe. This study therefore, is anchored on the thesis that the Western Countries—especially Britain and France—within the UNSC ignore the values that are embodied in the Treaty of Westphalia which established state sovereignty. Some Permanent five (P5) members of the UN were typically insensitive to Libya’s sovereignty and to the creed of democracy and this inevitably undermined the national security of the state in favour of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ clause.
The outsourcing of the UNSC’s mission, among other things, in Libya to ensure ‘international peace and security’ to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) was a critical reason for the loss of human lives and values in the 2011 Libyan pogrom. The introduction of a no-fly zone over Libya and the use of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) contained in UNSC Resolution 1973 clearly stoked the conflict in Libya in order to further the political and pecuniary interests of some of the P5 members. The involvement of NATO and the attendant bombing campaign in Libya served to undermine the militarily weak continent of Africa in its effort to broker peace under the umbrella of the African Union (AU). In order to secure these political and economic interests, the NATO jet bombers declared war against a sovereign UN member state and openly participated in the eventual overthrow and death of the Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi.
In essence, this study underscores that the use of Responsibility to Protect in Libya was orchestrated at the highest level of international politics to justify external interference and ultimately, to secure regime change in Libya.
The net effect of the outcome of the 2011 Libyan conflict is the post-war imperial control of Libya’s natural resources facilitated by the National Transition Committee established by these imperial forces. The extent of the damage caused by the UN-backed NATO intervention in Libya is also the result of the collective failure of the African Union to assert itself in the Libyan situation.<br>Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
Books on the topic "Chile – Politics and government – 1970-1973"
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Dooner, Patricio. Peridismo y política: La prensa política en Chile, 1970-1973. Editorial Andante, 1989.
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Dooner, Patricio. Periodismo y politica: La prensa política en Chile 1970-1973. Editorial Andante, 1989.
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Dooner, Patricio. Periodismo y política: La prensa de izquierda en Chile, 1970-1973. Instituto Chileno de Estudios Humanísticos, 1985.
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Bitar, Sergio. Chile, 1970-1973: Asumir la historia para construir el futuro. Pehuén, 1996.
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Platoshkin, Nikolaĭ. Chili, 1970-1973 gg: Prervannai︠a︡ modernizat︠s︡ii︠a︡. Russkiĭ fond sodeĭstvii︠a︡ obrazovanii︠u︡ i nauke, 2011.
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Puch, Eduardo Vargas. Utopía y realidad en Chile, 1970-1973: Notas sobre la cotidianeidad y la política. Universidad de Lima, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, 1993.
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Kirby, Enrique Cañas. Proceso político en Chile: 1973-1990. Editorial Andres Bello, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Chile – Politics and government – 1970-1973"
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘If We Were Untrammelled by Precedent…’: Pursuing Gradual Reform in Child Migration, 1954–1961." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_7.
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AbstractThis chapter examines how British child migration policy became caught up in the political sensitivities of post-war assisted migration. By 1950, officials in the Commonwealth Relations Office were becoming increasingly doubtful about the strategic and economic value of assisted migration, but also concerned about adverse political reaction in Australia to any scaling back of this work. An agreement was reached between the Commonwealth Relations and Home Office in 1954 to continue child migration on the basis of encouraging gradual reform of standards in Australia. In 1956, a UK Government Fact-Finding Mission in 1956 recommended more urgent controls over child migration, but this was rejected by an inter-departmental review in view of these wider political sensitivities. Despite introducing more limited monitoring, British policy-makers struggled to reconcile their knowledge of failings in some Australian institutions with the political challenge of trying to address these in the absence of co-operation from the Australian Government.
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Rabe, Stephen G. "Overthrowing Governments." In Kissinger and Latin America. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501706295.003.0003.
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This chapter details how the first crisis for the Nixon administration came with the news that leftist Salvador Allende had captured a plurality of the vote in the September 1970 presidential election. It reviews the U.S. role in destabilizing the Allende government. The historical literature tends to give scant attention to the United States and Chile after September 11, 1973. To recount the complete story about the U.S. role in Chile demands investigating not only the war against Allende but also the myriad of ways that the Nixon and Ford administrations and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger bolstered the Pinochet dictatorship. The chapter also analyzes Kissinger's lead role in encouraging the overthrow of President Juan José Torres (1970–1971), the socialist political and military leader of Bolivia.
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McPherson, Alan. "The Center of Each Other’s World." In Ghosts of Sheridan Circle. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653501.003.0002.
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This chapter focuses on the relationship between Isabel and Orlando Letelier before the military coup by Pinochet on September 11, 1973. They met as stdents, fell in love and into politics, and lived in Washington for a decade when Orlando was ambassador. They also raised four boys who were bi-national in their culture. Right before the coup, Orlando returned to Chile as a minister for the socialist government of Salvador Allende. The chapter establishes the depth of the couple’s love, which is tested in later chapters.
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Gaudichaud, Franck. "Chile: Worker Self-organization and Cordones Industriales under the Allende Government (1970–1973)." In An Alternative Labour History. Zed Books, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350218451.ch-005.
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Nili, Shmuel. "Conclusion." In Integrity, Personal, and Political. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859635.003.0007.
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December 2006 saw the passing of General Augusto Pinochet, who ruled Chile through a military dictatorship that lasted almost seventeen years. Pinochet’s regime, which had its roots in a 1973 military coup against Salvador Allende’s democratically elected government, murdered thousands and tortured tens of thousands. Upon Pinochet’s passing, the Chilean government allowed the military to hold official ceremonies mourning him, but refused to honor the military dictator with a head-of-state funeral....
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"FILM MAKERS AND THE POPULAR GOVERNMENT POLITICAL MANIFESTO (Chile, 1970)." In Film Manifestos and Global Cinema Cultures. University of California Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520957411-071.
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Czyżyk, Dorota. "Chile under the Government of Sebastián Piñera." In Advances in Finance, Accounting, and Economics. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6224-7.ch013.
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The purpose of this chapter is to present the presidency of Sebastián Piñera with an emphasis on his economic policy and development plan for Chile. The chapter begins with an analysis of the 2010 presidential elections and the profile of the latest Chilean president. The chapter also presents the economic and political history of the country since Salvador Allende's rise to power in 1970 through the Pinochet regime and the government of Concertación por la Democracia. Furthermore, the milestone events of the presidency of Piñera are identified and their influence on the approval of the presidents is evaluated. The study conducted in this chapter was based on the analysis of books and scientific journals that dealt with the political and economic history of Chile. The current situation of the country was analyzed on the basis of academic articles as well as press releases and reports.
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Loxton, James. "UDI." In Conservative Party-Building in Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537527.003.0003.
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This chapter discusses the UDI in Chile, arguing that its success was the product of authoritarian inheritance and counterrevolutionary struggle. The first section provides historical background, including on the decline of the country’s traditional conservative parties. The second section discusses the Movimiento Gremial, the precursor of the UDI, and the role that it played in the struggle against the leftist government of Salvador Allende (1970–1973). The third section examines the participation of these gremialistas in the Pinochet regime (1973–1990). The fourth section discusses the UDI’s status as an authoritarian successor party, and the ways that it resembled and differed from its coalition partner, RN. The fifth section discusses how the UDI benefited from its ties to the military regime, inheriting a party brand, clientelistic networks, and territorial organization. The final section discusses how the UDI’s origins in counterrevolutionary struggle served as a powerful source of cohesion.
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Butler, Lise. "‘Bigness is the Enemy of Humanity’." In Michael Young, Social Science, and the British Left, 1945-1970. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198862895.003.0003.
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This chapter examines Michael Young’s work as Head of the Labour Party Research Department between 1945 and 1951 in the Labour government led by Clement Attlee. It outlines Young’s early life, discussing his close relationship with the philanthropists Dorothy and Leonard Elmhirst, his education at the progressive Dartington Hall School, and his work for the think tank Political and Economic Planning (PEP) in the 1930s and 1940s. The chapter discusses Young’s central role in PEP’s ‘Active Democracy’ project, which sought to examine citizens’ experience of local government, the social services, and the workplace from a psychological and sociological perspective. It also describes how Young actively sought to promote the social sciences in government, submitting a series of memoranda that called on the Labour Party to incorporate child psychology, industrial psychology, and psychologically informed understandings of urban planning into policy making, and recommended the creation of a Social Science Research Council. The chapter concludes by arguing that while many of Young’s ideas were overlooked by the Attlee government, the networks which he cultivated through the Labour Party and Political and Economic Planning were important to the development of British social science.
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Butler, Lise. "‘We Were All Very Sick and Very Stupid’." In Michael Young, Social Science, and the British Left, 1945-1970. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198862895.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses the Conference on the Psychological and Sociological Problems of Modern Socialism held at University College Oxford in 1945. This event featured prominent left-wing policy makers, intellectuals, and social scientists, including the MP Evan Durbin, the political theorist G. D. H. Cole, the writer and politician Margaret Cole, the child psychologist John Bowlby, the historian R. H. Tawney, and Michael Young, who was then the Secretary of the Labour Party Research Department. The conference reflected multiple strands of inter-war and mid-twentieth century political thought and social science which emphasized the political and social importance of small groups, notably through guild socialist arguments for pluralistic forms of political organization, and theories about human attachment drawn from child psychology. The views expressed at the conference reflected a sense that active and participatory democracy was not just morally right but psychologically necessary to prevent popular political radicalization, limit the appeal of totalitarianism, and promote peaceful civil society. The chapter concludes by noting that the events of the conference, and the intellectual influences that it represented, would subsequently shape Michael Young’s project to promote social science within the Labour Party during the later years of the Attlee government.