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Journal articles on the topic 'Chile – Politics and government'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Morandé Lavín, José. "Government and Governance of Security. The Politics of Organized Crime in Chile." Estudios Internacionales 50, no. 191 (2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2018.52056.

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Government and Governance of Security. The Politics of Organized Crime in Chile
 Carlos Solar
 Routledge Studies in Latin American Politics
 New York and London, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2018
 157 páginas.
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2

Siavelis, Peter M. "How New Is Bachelet's Chile?" Current History 106, no. 697 (2007): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.697.70.

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If the Bachelet government is to usher in a new, more truly representative democracy, Chile will need to leave behind not just the trappings of Pinochet's institutional legacy, but also the model of elitist politics that it spawned.
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3

Murdock, Carl J. "Physicians, the State and Public Health in Chile, 1881–1891." Journal of Latin American Studies 27, no. 3 (1995): 551–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00011603.

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AbstractThis study of public health policy in Chile uncovers some of the social tensions in that country during the 1880s, and illustrates the fragmentation of the Chilean elite prior to the Revolution of 1891. The Chilean government's controversial and contested public health policies implied the increasing bureaucratic organisation and regulation of society. The justifications offered for these policies by central government officials reveal both the deep roots in Chilean politics of a powerful Executive, and the early linkage between the ‘scientific discourses’ of medical professionals and
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Bawden, John R. "The Enduring Significance of the 1930s for Chile's Long Cold War." Latin Americanist 67, no. 3 (2023): 242–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tla.2023.a908041.

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Abstract: Chile was no exception to the reorientation of Latin American politics during the 1930s. Radical politics, mass mobilizations, and defeated coups established major reference points for the memory and behaviour of political actors during the Cold War. Salvador Allende's template for how to deal with a military coup in 1973, for instance, came from his experience as health minister in 1939. That year he witnessed the Popular Front government defeat an insurrection. Events earlier in the decade profoundly shaped the Pinochet regime (1973–1990)'s view of democratic political transitions
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5

Dietz, Henry. "Electoral Politics in Peru, 1978-1986." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165749.

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Since the beginning of the 1980s, a number of South American nations have undergone the transition from military to civilian/electoral forms of government. From any viewpoint, the magnitude of this transition has been impressive. By early 1987, several countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay) had successfully weathered the change, leaving only Chile and Paraguay under dictatorships, while Colombia and Venezuela had been able to maintain civilian rule throughout the period. Nevertheless, such a changeover has not been easy in any of the nations where it has taken place
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Touchton, Michael M., Felicia Marie Knaul, Hector Arreola-Ornelas, et al. "Learning from Latin America: Coordinating Policy Responses across National and Subnational Levels to Combat COVID-19." COVID 3, no. 9 (2023): 1500–1515. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/covid3090102.

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We provide policy lessons for governments across Latin America by drawing on an original dataset of daily national and subnational non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) during the COVID-19 pandemic for eight Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru. Our analysis offers lessons for health system decision-making at various levels of government and highlights the impact of subnational policy implementation for responding to health crises. However, subnational responses cannot replace coordinated national policy; governments should emphasiz
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7

SPITZ, MARIA C. "Unto the Next Generations: The Blurring of Binaries and the Re-creation of the Social in Lola Arias's El año en que nací." Theatre Research International 47, no. 2 (2022): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883322000049.

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This study explores the relationships of El año en que nací (The Year I Was Born) (2012) by the Argentine Lola Arias, within the social context of post-dictatorship Chile. Chile was characterized by a repressed and traumatized population whose governments aimed to depoliticize society in an effort to avoid the presumed cause of Augusto Pinochet's seventeen-year authoritarian government – the extreme polarization of politics and the population reflected in media, documents and political rhetoric. By showing the play's strategy of collapsing the binaries that define Chile's polarization, the aut
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8

Buchanan, Paul G. "Preauthoritarian Institutions and Postauthoritarian Outcomes: Labor Politics in Chile and Uruguay." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 1 (2008): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00004.x.

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AbstractThe article argues that preauthoritarian institutions have strongly influenced postauthoritarian labor politics in Chile and Uruguay. The nature of preauthoritarian labor administration—state corporatist in Chile, pluralist in Uruguay—had a strong impact on postauthoritarian collective outcomes, whether or not they were modified by the dictators or the ideological disposition of the postauthoritarian governments. Variation in preauthoritarian labor politics between Chile and Uruguay gave historical foundation to different union fortunes in the postauthoritarian era. That result points
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9

Bucheli, Marcelo. "Multinational Corporations, Business Groups, and Economic Nationalism: Standard Oil (New Jersey), Royal Dutch-Shell, and Energy Politics in Chile 1913–2005." Enterprise & Society 11, no. 2 (2010): 350–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700009083.

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This article analyzes the long-term strategies employed by multinational oil corporations in a late industrializing country with powerful business groups when faced with economic nationalism. I study the case of Royal Dutch-Shell in Chile from 1913 to 2005, where two oil multinationals controlled 100 percent of the Chilean market until forced by the government to accept a domestic private company, COPEC, into a new three-member cartel. The multinationals accepted this arrangement reluctantly, but in the long term it proved beneficial. COPEC's involvement in Chilean business groups protected th
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10

Loveman, Brian. "¿Mision Cumplida? Civil Military Relations and the Chilean Political Transition." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165933.

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The armed forces have reconstructed authentic democracy. They have once again definitively carried out their mission…. I love this country more than Life itself.Captain General Augusto Pinochet11 September 1989The Constitution of 1980 does not meet, in its elaboration of the manner in which it was ratified, the essential conditions required by constitutional doctrine for the existence of a legitimate political order based on the rule of law.Francisco Cumplido C. (1983)Minister of Justice (1990)On 11 March 1990, Patricio Aylwin took office as Chile's first elected president since 1970. Chile th
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11

Zúñiga, Pablo Chávez, and Víctor Brangier Peñailillo. "La Mortalidad Infantil durante el Gobierno de la Unidad Popular (Santiago de Chile, 1970-1973)." Revista Brasileira de História 43, no. 92 (2023): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472023v43n92-14.

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RESUMEN Este artículo analiza la problemática de la mortalidad infantil en Santiago de Chile durante el gobierno de la Unidad Popular, entre 1970 y 1973, con foco en: entorno de vida de los infantes, problemas alimentarios y principales enfermedades, caracterizándose los puntos críticos de la época, expresados esencialmente en: desnutrición, falta de infraestructura urbana y crisis hospitalaria. El estudio se sustenta en los siguientes registros históricos: prensa, publicaciones médicas y Anuario Estadístico de la República de Chile. Esa base documental permite comprender los proyectos desarro
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Salum Tome, Jose Manuel. "Public Policy or Government Programs? Are a Contribution to the Inclusion in Chile?" World Journal of Education 10, no. 5 (2020): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wje.v10n5p80.

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Given the importance of Public Policies for social transformation, the document explains why and under what circumstances they constitute a decisive factor to promote or inhibit social transformation. A policy is a purposeful, intentional, planned behavior, not just reactive, casual. It is set in motion with the decision to achieve certain objectives through certain means: it is an action with meaning. It is a process, a course of action that involves a whole complex set of decisions and operators. Politics is also a public communication activity. Hence, the purpose of this article is s be a g
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Tomé, José Manuel Salum. "Public Policy or Government Programs: Are a Contribution to the Inclusion in Chile?" Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 7 (2020): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.77.8604.

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Given the importance of Public Policies for social transformation, the document explains why and under what circumstances they constitute a decisive factor to promote or inhibit social transformation. A policy is a purposeful, intentional, planned behavior, not just reactive, casual. It is set in motion with the decision to achieve certain objectives through certain means: it is an action with meaning. It is a process, a course of action that involves a whole complex set of decisions and operators . Politics is also a public communication activity . Hence, the purpose of this article is s be a
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14

Kuehn, David. "Government and governance of security: the politics of organized crime in Chile, by Carlos Solar." Democratization 26, no. 4 (2019): 751–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1549034.

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Clapp, Roger Alex. "Waiting for the Forest Law: Resource-Led Development and Environmental Politics in Chile." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 2 (1998): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910003822x.

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Chile has gained a reputation as the Latin American economic success story of the 1990s. Domestic savings rates are high, foreign investment continues to expand, inflation remains single-digit, and economic growth has averaged 6 percent annually from 1984 to 1995. In the seven years of democratic government since 1989, the poor have begun to share some of the benefits of this growth. From 1989 to 1993, unemployment fell from 12.2 percent to 4.9 percent, and social expenditures increased by a third in real terms (Hojman 1995). But Chile's impressive recent record of sustained economic developme
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16

Bonoli, Giuliano, and Martin Powell. "Third Ways in Europe?" Social Policy and Society 1, no. 1 (2002): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402001082.

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It has been claimed that there is a global Third Way (TW) debate. Giddens (2001: 1) writes that, ‘Across the world left of centre governments are attempting to institute third way programmes – whether or not they favour the term itself. ‘ He claims that there are self-declared third way parties in power in the UK, New Zealand, Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, Argentina and Chile, among many other countries. Similarly, according to Blair (2001), the ideas associated with the TW are still the wave of the future for progressive politics. From Latin America to Europe to parts of Asia, TW politics or ‘progre
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17

Plagemann, Johannes, Carlos Heras Rodríguez, and Sandra Destradi. "Populist Foreign Policy and Mobilization in Bolivia." Política. Revista de Ciencia Política 60, no. 2 (2022): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-5338.2022.68519.

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The goal of this article is to explore the role of mobilization in the foreign policies of populists in power. To do so, we focus on the main features and changes of Bolivia’s foreign Policy under its populist president Evo Morales (2006-2019) with regard to its two most prominent conflictive bilateral relations, with the US and Chile. In both domains, Morales departed from the foreign policy of previous governments. By ending cooperation with the US, the Morales government sought to establish a sovereign counternarcotics policy in line with its core constituency’s demands of legalizing coca c
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18

Dodds, Klaus. "Queen Elizabeth Land." Polar Record 50, no. 3 (2013): 330–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247413000016.

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ABSTRACTThis note considers the decision by the UK government to rename the southern portion of the Antarctic Peninsula - Queen Elizabeth Land. Named in honour of the UK Head of State, it was intended to be a ‘gift’ recognising her Diamond Jubilee. However, the 169,000 square mile territory in question is counter-claimed by Argentina and Chile. The circumstances surrounding this declaration, in December 2012, reveals both the contested politics of Antarctic place naming, and a growing willingness of the UK government to strengthen its ‘strategic presence’ in the Antarctic and wider South Atlan
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19

JOIGNANT, ALFREDO. "The Politics of Technopols: Resources, Political Competence and Collective Leadership in Chile, 1990–2010." Journal of Latin American Studies 43, no. 3 (2011): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x11000423.

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AbstractThis article systematically analyses the inner circle of the coalition that governed Chile between 1990 and 2010. To this end, it takes the notion of ‘technopol’ and transforms it into a sociological category by clearly identifying the nature of the ‘technical’ and ‘political’ resources of 20 agents who served as ministers and undersecretaries in key government posts. Over two decades these agents provided the governing coalition, the Concertación, with a form of collective leadership. The article thus shows that only this small group of powerful agents can be termed technopols since o
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20

Pribble, Jennifer. "The Politics of Building Municipal Institutional Effectiveness in Chile." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 3 (2015): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00276.x.

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AbstractInstitutional effectiveness varies widely across Chile's 346 municipalities. Whereas some local governments seem to work with impeccable precision, others struggle to deliver basic services and welfare benefits to the population. This article seeks to explain why such variation exists; it combines quantitative and qualitative evidence to show how mayors can play a crucial role in building institutional effectiveness. The study focuses on the administration of Chile's municipal job placement offices. It finds that municipalities where mayors have held office for three or more consecutiv
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21

Diakova, Ludmila. "The "New Left" in Chile in the face of existential challenges." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 4 (2023): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0024991-9.

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The article examines the ideological principles of the Chilean "New Left" and the political practice of the government of G. Borich during his first year in power, the process of developing key reforms, fulfilling pre-election promises to form a socially-oriented development model, completing work on the draft of a new constitution. Interaction with the centrist and left-wing radical line in the national political space played an important role. The difficult path of finding answers to the existential challenges of real politics has led to a significant transformation of the
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22

D’yakova, L. "New Government of Chile: Challenges of Equality and Efficiency." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-71-80.

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The paper specifies current politico-social situation in Chile, in particular the challenges associated with wide-scale public expectations of recent years, with development and expansion of radical and protest moods. While pointing at the advantages of Chilean development model shown over the period of 1990–2014 (namely, successful transition to democracy, efficient economy and large-scale social policy) the author turns to the analysis of the causes of political turbulence that acutely emerged at a time of President S. Piňera (2010–2014) in the form of mass youth’s protests against
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23

Sisto, Vicente. "La escuela abandonada a evaluaciones y estándares, confinada en el managerialismo." Praxis Educativa 15 (2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/praxeduc.v.15.15777.107.

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The New Public Management (NMP) educational policies promote decentralization and privatization, installing performance assessment instruments based on standards and results as a form of government. With this, educational action is defined and guided by indicators. Chile has been considered an emblematic case of these politics. This article analyzes the installation and strengthening of the logic of accountability based on standards as the axis of the State's educational action and how this type of policy responds to critical contexts. We carried out a pragmatic analysis of the five most relev
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Bustamante Olguín, Fabián, and Alejandro Cerda Sanhueza. "Declarações da Conferência Episcopal do Chile durante o governo de Salvador Allende: tensões com Cristãos pelo Socialismo." Siwo Revista de Teología 17, no. 1 (2024): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/siwo.17-1.5.

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This article aims to examine the views of the Chilean Catholic Church during the administration of President Salvador Allende. The main themes that arise from the declarations of the bishops will be addressed and the ethical-theological implications of the relationship between religion and politics in the current context will be analyzed. The central axis of the article is to analyze the vision of the bishops towards the Marxist/socialist ideology from the historical and theological analysis of the government of Salvador Allende and the configuration of Christians for Socialism. The bishops’ s
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Castiglioni, Rossana. "The Politics of Retrenchment: The Quandaries of Social Protection under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1990." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00187.x.

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AbstractChile's military government replaced the country's universalistic social policy system with a set of market-oriented social policies. Taking evidence from three areas (pensions, education, and health care), this study seeks to explain why the military advanced a policy of deep retrenchment and why reform of health care was less thorough than it was in pensions and education. The radical transformation of policy relates to the breadth of power concentration enjoyed by General Pinochet and his economic team, the policymakers' ideological positions, and the role of veto players. The more
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Aguilera, Carolina. "Memories and silences of a segregated city: Monuments and political violence in Santiago, Chile, 1970–1991." Memory Studies 8, no. 1 (2014): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698014552413.

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How does Santiago, Chile, remember its dead, the victims of political violence of the 1970s and 1980s? The existence of dozens of memorials, monuments, and sites dedicated to the memory of victims of the dictatorship would seem to indicate a settled national cultural politics that recognizes the injustices and crimes committed by a terrorist State. The public, nongovernmental nature of the initiatives is, nonetheless, the first indication that we are dealing with an ambiguous political story. While the central government has supported these initiatives, they are mostly the result of efforts by
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Etchemendy, Sebastián. "The Politics of Popular Coalitions: Unions and Territorial Social Movements in Post-Neoliberal Latin America (2000–15)." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 1 (2019): 157–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19001007.

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AbstractAt a general level of neoliberal repudiation or expansion of social policies, most post-neoliberal Latin American governments in the 2000s have exhibited similarities. However, coalitions with popular actors have displayed a lot of variation. In order to compare popular-sector coalitions the article constructs a framework with two central dimensions: electoral and organisational/interest; in post-import substitution industrialisation (ISI) Latin America the latter is composed of both unions and territorial social movements (TSMs). It contends that the region witnessed four types of pop
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Ewig, Christina, and Stephen J. Kay. "Postretrenchment Politics: Policy Feedback in Chile's Health and Pension Reforms." Latin American Politics and Society 53, no. 04 (2011): 67–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00134.x.

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Abstract Through a comparison of three periods of health and pension reform in Chile, this article develops an explanation for the incremental form of social policy change that some Latin American nations have witnessed in recent years, despite the dramatic rise of left governments. It describes “postretrenchment politics,” which constitutes a realignment in the way politics plays out in countries that have undergone social policy retrenchment. In postretrenchment politics, the strengthened position of private business interests, combined with political learning legacies and lock-in effects ge
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Frank, Volker. "The Elusive Goal in Democratic Chile: Reforming the Pinochet Labor Legislation." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 1 (2002): 35–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00196.x.

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AbstractDespite major attempts by the three governments of the post-Pinochet era, the promised reform of the labor legislation inherited from the military regime remains essentially incomplete. This study attempts to explain why, and addresses some of the consequences of this delay for Chilean organized labor, examining particularly the variables of consensus politics and employer concessions.
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Mustapa, Hasan. "Politics and civil society in regional waste management." E3S Web of Conferences 506 (2024): 01004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202450601004.

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Indonesia, like the majority of countries throughout the world, is grappling growing waste management issues. On a national or regional level. As a result, an effective program to limit garbage disposed of in landfills is required. Collaboration between municipal government and civic society is one option. This study examines the pattern of synergy between local government and community organizations in enhancing trash management through the case of coordinating waste management in Garut Regency, West Java Province, Indonesia. We modified the Collaborative Governance Framework and performed in
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31

Boylan, Delia M. "Taxation and Transition: The Politics of the 1990 Chilean Tax Reform." Latin American Research Review 31, no. 1 (1996): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017726.

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In the “fourth wave” of transitions to democracy sweeping the globe over the past twenty years, the Chilean case stands out as an exception. Although most instances of democratization following military rule have tended to yield rightist governments, Chile is one country in which the ruling coalition that emerged was Center-Left in ideological orientation.
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Landman, Todd. "A Most Unlikely Case: Chile, Pinochet and the Advance of Human Rights." Política. Revista de Ciencia Política 51, no. 2 (2013): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-5338.2013.30155.

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This article argues that Chile has had a disproportionate effect on the international politics and law of human rights. Understood in traditional realist terms, Chile is a relatively small country that only recently joined the OECD and that should not have a great deal of impact on international affairs. Yet, for the 40 years since the 1973 military coup that overthrew the government of Salvador Allende it has received a tremendous amount of attention from other states (particularly the United States), inter-governmental organisations and international non-governmental organisations, while at
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Chiragli, Nazrin. "Women role in soft power of international relations: Turkey case." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 337–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2021.67.

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Worldwide, women are still under-represented in leadership positions. Female heads of state or government are still a minority,although the number has increased over the past 20 years. Currently, only approximately one in four members of lower or single housesof parliament worldwide is a woman. In 2018, the number of women presiding over houses of national parliaments was 55. Women arestill largely excluded from the executive branches of government. They are also under-represented among senior-level civil servantsand seldom represent their governments at international level. A number of factor
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Fairfield, Tasha, and Candelaria Garay. "Redistribution Under the Right in Latin America: Electoral Competition and Organized Actors in Policymaking." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (2017): 1871–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017695331.

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Unexpected social policy expansion and progressive tax reforms initiated by right-wing governments in Latin America highlight the need for further theory development on the politics of redistribution. We focus on electoral competition for low-income voters in conjunction with the power of organized actors—both business and social movements. We argue that electoral competition motivates redistribution under left-wing and right-wing incumbents alike although such initiatives are more modest when conservatives dominate and business is well organized. Social mobilization drives more substantial re
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Valdivieso, Patricio, and Krister P. Andersson. "Local Politics of Environmental Disaster Risk Management." Journal of Environment & Development 26, no. 1 (2017): 51–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496516685369.

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Why do some local governments successfully address issues related to environmental disaster risk management (EDRM), while others do not? This research contributes to a growing literature about the relationships between institutions, multilevel governance, and EDRM at the local level in developing countries. Supported by the frameworks of institutional analysis and polycentric governance, as well as an in-depth case study of three municipalities in Chile (Cauquenes, Lebu, and Panguipulli) with data from primary sources (e.g., interviews, surveys applied to representative samples of householders
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Stillerman, Joel. "Explaining Strike Outcomes in Chile: Associational Power, Structural Power, and Spatial Strategies." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 1 (2017): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12012.

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AbstractResearch on strikes has traditionally focused on how economic, institutional, and political variables shape strike patterns. Recent work examines how workers' structural, associational, and symbolic power facilitate strikes. Building on this research, this article asks, what factors determine strike outcomes? It analyzes four strikes at MADECO, Chile's largest copper manufacturer, across democratic, authoritarian, and postauthoritarian regimes. Using qualitative and documentary evidence, it argues that strike outcomes reflect workers' capacity to halt or disrupt production and to acces
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Khutkyy, Dmytro, and Eduardo Astudillo Laureda. "Internet Voting for Policy Proposals: Amplifying Open Government in Chile and Colombia." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 15, no. 1 (2023): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v15i1.791.

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This paper investigates the impact of internet voting for draft policy proposals in the framework of Open Government Partnership, on the whole ecosystem of open government in Chile and Colombia. The research objective is, to identify the impact of i-voting for policy proposals on voters, civil society organizations, government authorities and open government overall, taking into account public transparency, civic participation and public accountability. Methodologically, this international comparison of case studies has employed a mixed methods approach including the analysis of applied report
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Yordanov, Radoslav A. "Warsaw Pact Countries’ Involvement in Chile from Frei to Pinochet, 1964–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 3 (2019): 56–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00893.

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This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential el
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Acuña, Pedro. "Playing across the Andes: Sports Media and Populism in Argentina and Chile." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 4 (2019): 855–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19000907.

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AbstractThis article examines the central role of sports media in the discussions about national sports programmes at the peak of Latin American populism, particularly during the governments of Juan Perón in Argentina (1946–55) and Carlos Ibáñez in Chile (1952–8). By exploring sports publications such as the Argentine magazines Mundo Deportivo and El Gráfico and the Chilean weekly Estadio, I argue that sports media staged stories and images that were both inspired by, and critical of, the larger populist projects in Argentina and Chile. Photographers and cartoonists, often in collaboration wit
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Arellano, José-Pablo. "Social Policies in Chile: an Historical Review." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 2 (1985): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0000794x.

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In many countries the government plays an important role in the provision of several basic human needs. In recent years, there has been a renewed interest in these social policies. In less developed countries, the question of income redistribution and poverty alleviation strategies has led to a ‘basic needs’ approach. This strategy attempts to satisfy a minimum consumption basket of the poor through government intervention. intervention. On the other hand, in some developed countries a revision of the ‘welfare state’ conception – at least in terms of its future growth – is under way. Alleged i
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Tiano, Susan. "Authoritarianism and Political Culture in Argentina and Chile in the Mid-1960S." Latin American Research Review 21, no. 1 (1986): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100021877.

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The rise of authoritarian regimes in Latin America has fueled a long-standing interest in the social bases of democratic and authoritarian political systems. One commonly asserted explanation posits a close relationship between political structure and political culture, holding that authoritarian regimes are likely both to stem from and to perpetuate authoritarian political cultures (Kornhauser 1959; Inkeles 1961; Lip-set 1960, 1981). Some theorists have applied this thesis to Latin American politics, linking, for example, Argentina's frequent experiences with authoritarian governments with th
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Pasquarelli, Bruno Vicente Lippe. "End of the progressive cycle, resurgence of the "new right" and foreign policy action for regionalism in governments of Brazil, Argentina and Chile (2019)." Revista de Gestão e Secretariado (Management and Administrative Professional Review) 14, no. 5 (2023): 8083–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.7769/gesec.v14i5.2182.

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In Brazil, Argentina and Chile, the resurgence of the "new right" took place with a discourse based on distrust of the parties and of politics itself and with the emphasis on the need for less state action and the privilege of market mechanisms. Based on these considerations, through a discourse analysis methodology to understand the interests that the actors defend and the implications of political discourse marked by specific constructions and subjectivities, the study examines whether the new right has had new directions in foreign policy aimed at regional integration in South America, high
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Bourque, Susan C., and Kay B. Warren. "Democracy Without Peace: The Cultural Politics of Terror in Peru." Latin American Research Review 24, no. 1 (1989): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022652.

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The twelve years of military rule in Peru between 1968 and 1980 witnessed few abuses of human rights, in marked contrast to the activities of military governments in Southern Cone countries like Brazil, Argentina, and Chile. Yet paradoxically, the return to democracy in Peru, with the election of Fernando Belaúnde in 1980 and Alan García in 1985, has brought sharp escalations in political violence and terror. Guerrilla activity by the Sendero Luminoso (“Shining Path”) in the highlands, urban terrorism, and a severe economic crisis have combined to pose a serious challenge to the authority of t
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Trujillo Bilbao, Felipe. "El rol de las estatalidades en la construcción de sujetos asociados a la gestión hídrica del Chile reciente." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 40 (June 24, 2019): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.40.1900.

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La historia ambiental es entendida aquí como una invitación a observar en la naturaleza indicios de las transformaciones sociotécnicas del Chile contemporáneo. Se revisan los principales hallazgos de la producción historiográfica y científico-social actual sobre la gestión de los diversos tipos de agua en Chile. Entendida ésta en su condición de material, política y biopolítica, se da cuenta de cómo ha transitado por tres estatalidades orquestadas paralelamente por distintos órganos del Estado chileno: un movimiento constante de zigzag entre la conservación, la desregulación y la tecnificación
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Thomas, Gwynn. "The Legacies of Patrimonial Patriarchalism." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, no. 1 (2011): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211398435.

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In Chile, how citizens and political leaders have understood, incorporated, and contested the relationship between the familial and the political has been central to the development of their society. The author examines the ideological influence that familial beliefs had on the process of delegitimizing the presidency of Salvador Allende and legitimizing the military coup through an analysis of political rhetoric surrounding the mobilization of women in the March of the Empty Pots and Pans. The author argues that the march was a pivotal moment in which generalized beliefs about the state’s res
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Cradock, Gerald. "The politics of kith and kin: Observations on the British Columbia government’s reaction to the death of Sherry Charlie." First Peoples Child & Family Review 3, no. 1 (2020): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1069524ar.

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This paper examines the events that occurred in British Columbia following the death of a First Nations child placed in a Kith and Kin arrangement. The paper, drawing extensively from internal government reports that were only just recently released to public, provides an “insider’s” view of government sponsored child welfare polices and practices in relation to First Nations child welfare agencies and the communities they serve.
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Fishwick, Adam Daniel. "THE “EVERYDAY SOCIALISM” OF CHILEAN TEXTILE WORKERS: TRACING RADICAL POLITICS THROUGH THE WORKERS PRESS, 1936-1973." Astrolabio, no. 21 (December 28, 2018): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.55441/1668.7515.n21.21093.

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Unlike many countries across the world, in Chile after 1968 a radical socialist government came to power with the electoral victory of Salvador Allende and Popular Unity underpinned by a whole range of movements toward a socialism “from below”. Using fragments gathered from workers’ newspapers produced during the 1930s, 1950s and 1970s, the aim of this article is to identify the changing content of radical socialist politics that coalesced by the time of this electoral victory in and through the “everyday” experience of workers in the textile industry. Workers in this sector were at the forefr
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Nelson, Roy C. "Transnational Strategic Networks and Policymaking in Chile: CORFO's High Technology Investment Promotion Program." Latin American Politics and Society 49, no. 2 (2007): 149–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2007.tb00410.x.

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AbstractOnce prey to government patrimonial practices, the Corporación de Fomento de la Producción (CORFO), Chile's economic development agency, overcame this problem in the early 1990s. In 2000 CORFO established a High Technology Investment Promotion Program to promote foreign direct investment in high technology and other nontraditional sectors. This article applies concepts of political survival and cooperation to explain how CORFO moved from patrimonialism to technocratic independence. Then it demonstrates that governments possessing technocratic independence but lacking other characterist
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Pearson, Veronica. "Women and Health in China: Anatomy, Destiny and Politics." Journal of Social Policy 25, no. 4 (1996): 529–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940002393x.

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ABSTRACTA number of circumstances have combined in the reform era in China to put women at a more disadvantageous position now than at any other time since 1949. Some of them reflect age-old prejudices, others are the result of the economic reforms, but the two join in a synthesis to threaten women's improved status. Health factors that have particularly impinged on women include: the one-child policy and the skewed birth ratio in favour of boys that this has led to; very clear problems in the area of mental health, including a suicide rate which is much higher for women than for men; kidnappi
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Frühling, Hugo. "Solar, Carlos (2018) Government and Governance of Security: The Politics of Organized Crime In Chile, Routledge (New York), xi + 170 pp. £99.18 hbk." Bulletin of Latin American Research 39, no. 5 (2020): 660–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.13203.

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