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Journal articles on the topic 'China’s maritime strategy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

이원봉. "China’s economyㆍsecurity issues and Maritime Strategy". Journal of Sinology and China Studies 49, № ll (2010): 543–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18077/chss.2010.49..026.

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2

Zhao, Kejin, and Hao Zhang. "Projecting Political Power: China’s Changing Maritime Strategy." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 2 (2019): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz004.

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3

Qodarsasi, Umi, and Tety Rachmawati. "Upaya Cina menjadi Kekuatan Maritim dalam Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)." Nation State Journal of International Studies 1, no. 2 (2018): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2018v1i2.132.

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After the economic reform in 1978, China experienced a rapid economic growth. The open door policy adopted on economic reforms succeeded in attracting many foreign investors in the sector of manufacture. Along with its status as a new power of the world economy, China is also ambitious to become the largest maritime power. The Indian Ocean is a strategic area to strengthen China's steps to support economic needs and become a maritime power. To achieve strategic interests in the Indian Ocean Region, China joins as an IORA partner. China’s effort to dominate at the IORA is not only to recruiting

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4

LI, Nan. "China’s Naval Leadership Reshuffle, Evolving Maritime Strategy and Professionalisation." East Asian Policy 09, no. 03 (2017): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000265.

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Appointing a naval officer to command the Southern Theatre indicates the relative importance of the South China Sea to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), mainly in terms of its strategic location and its deep depth, immense space and unfettered transit to the Western Pacific for operating PLA Navy’s strategic nuclear submarines and major surface ships. For the reshuffling of naval leadership, functional and technical expertise-based, or professional criteria may play a primary role.

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5

Lin, Chong-Pin. "Behind Rising East Asian Maritime Tensions with China." Asian Survey 55, no. 3 (2015): 478–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.3.478.

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Rising East Asian maritime tensions between China and its neighbors since 2009 without military conflict are explained by compelling factors including China’s assertiveness, the expanding US regional presence, territorial defiance by China’s neighbors, and restraining factors including Beijing’s “struggle without breaking” policy guideline, the US accommodation school, and neighbors’ hedging strategy.

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6

Li, Jiacheng. "Developing China’s Indian Ocean Strategy: Rationale and Prospects." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (2017): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500270.

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From the strategic perspective, the Indian Ocean has been increasingly important to China’s foreign trade and energy security. China has been faced with a deepening dilemma in the Malacca Strait for years, in large part due to the strategic pressure from the United States and India. Under its new initiative to construct the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road,” China needs to develop a long-term, security-oriented Indian Ocean strategy based on a comprehensive analysis of all the favorable and adverse conditions. Its strategic goals should include building an Indian Ocean fleet, expanding its bas

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7

Hermez, Marta. "Global Commons and the Law of the Sea: China’s Lawfare Strategy in the South China Sea." International Community Law Review 22, no. 5 (2020): 559–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341447.

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Abstract The portions of the South China Sea which fall outside the jurisdiction of any coastal state, are some of the world’s most important global maritime commons. Disputes over the maritime features and their surrounding waters of the South China Sea therefore threaten the governance of this global commons, both from a preservation and security perspective. This contribution analyses China’s lawfare strategy in the South China Sea by deconstructing its legal discourse on the matter. It will to that end scrutinize elements of China’s official and academic rhetoric, domestic legislation and

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Hong, Eun Jung. "China’s Maritime Strategy under Xi Jinping government: Developments, Features, and Prospects." Journal of Humanities and Social sciences 21 8, no. 3 (2017): 825–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22143/hss21.8.3.44.

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Shen, Xiao. "Research on Optimization Model of Marine Industry Strategic Adjustment Under Complex Maritime Conditions Based on Ant Colony Algorithm." Polish Maritime Research 25, s2 (2018): 164–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pomr-2018-0088.

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Abstract This article seeks to analyze the factors constraining the development of strategic marine emerging industries and the deficiencies in China’s strategic marine emerging industry development policies. Learn from the successful experiences of overseas strategic marine emerging industry development policies. We will study and construct a policy framework for the development of strategic marine emerging industries in the new era, guided by the scientific concept of development and enhanced by the capacity of independent innovation. Provide policy recommendations for actively promoting the

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10

곽수경. "The China’s Maritime Power Strategy and Sinocentrism - Focusing on the Islands Disputes and Maritime Silk Road." Institute for Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 1 (2018): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15818/ihss.2018.19.1.33.

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11

Kireeva, A. A. "JAPANS’S CHINA STRATEGY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(32) (October 28, 2013): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-5-32-39-46.

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The article deals with the transformation of Japan’s strategy vis-a-vis China. China and Japan are the most powerful states in East Asia in economic, political and military dimensions. They constitute two poles which shape the regional subsystem of international relations. China’s rise presents a considerable challenge for Japan’s foreign policy alongside with immense opportunity for the state’s development, with Japan’s and China’s positions, as well stability in East Asia resting upon Japan’s strategy towards China. Japan’s China strategy in the aftermath of World War II prior to 2010-2011 c

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12

Farid, Faiza. "Necessity of Maritime Security in Gwadar Port Complex." Polaris – Journal of Maritime Research 2, no. 1 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2020.005.2.

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In the changing global scenario of international politics, the growing attention following the end of the Cold War, has been directed towards oceans. Indian Ocean and its region has gained immense attention in the past few years. Due to the presence of strategic Sea Lines of Communications (SLOCs) and choke points-Indian Ocean has crucial importance to drive international politics. The level of competition in the region has increased. With China’s rise as a global economic power, the hegemonic status of USis beingchallenged. In this regard, China’s String of Pearls strategy comes to light with

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13

Ghani, Usman. "China’s Maritime Strategy in the South China Sea: Implications for Regional Security." PAKISTAN LANGUAGES AND HUMANITIES REVIEW 1, no. I (2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/plhr.2017(1-i)2.1.

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14

Park, Young-Min. "Analysis on the China’s Maritime Policy and Strategy related to the Arctic." Korean Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (2018): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.34221/kjps.2018.26.3.4.

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15

Jung, Gwang-ho, and Joo-hyun Baek. "The China’s Maritime Power Initiative and East Denial, West Advance Strategy: A View of a Maritime Geopolitics." Journal of Strategic Studies 28, no. 1 (2021): 37–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46226/jss.2021.03.28.1.37.

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16

Bai, Jiayu, and Xiaoyu Li. "IMO’s Marine Environmental Regulatory Governance and China’s Role: An Empirical Study of China’s Submissions." Sustainability 13, no. 18 (2021): 10243. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131810243.

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The International Maritime Organization (IMO) plays a significant role in global marine environmental governance, providing a forum of regulatory oversight for member states. Member states are the main actors of the IMO and exert considerable influence on the process of lawmaking. Among these member states, China is unique due to its multiple identities. There are various factors influencing interests behind China’s multiple identities, which fully engage the country in various shipping and maritime trade activities. This article examines China’s role in the IMO marine environmental regulatory

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17

Perez-Alvaro, Elena, and Craig Forrest. "Maritime Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Disputed South China Sea." International Journal of Cultural Property 25, no. 3 (2018): 375–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739118000176.

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Abstract:China’s broad geopolitical strategy and positioning for global influence includes its averred legal position in relation to its sovereignty and jurisdiction in the South China Sea. A response to this legal position was the Philippines’ initiation of arbitral proceedings constituted under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Despite the non-participation of China in these proceedings, the arbitral decision of 2016 clarified a number of legal provisions pertinent to the ongoing territorial and maritime disputes in the South China Sea. This decision impacted directly on C

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18

LAM, Peng Er. "Sri Lanka and China’s Maritime Silk Road: A Convergence of Interests." East Asian Policy 07, no. 03 (2015): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000331.

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China had invested heavily in many mega infrastructural projects in Sri Lanka even before President Xi Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road” strategy. In January 2015, the pro-China President Mahinda Rajapaksa unexpectedly lost his reelection bid. Western and Indian press generally believe that the new Sri Lankan president will reconsider projects with China agreed to by Rajapaksa. Nevertheless, Sri Lanka needs China for its economic development and China needs Sri Lanka for its Maritime Silk Road.

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19

Grove, Eric. "Red Star Over the Pacific: China’s rise and the challenge to US maritime strategy." Mariner's Mirror 106, no. 2 (2020): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2020.1740456.

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20

Krupakar, Jayanna. "China’s Naval Base(s) in the Indian Ocean—Signs of a Maritime Grand Strategy?" Strategic Analysis 41, no. 3 (2017): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2017.1296622.

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21

Long, Ding. "مبادرة الحزام والطريق: نشأة وأهداف / The Belt and Road Initiative: Origin and Objectives". Chinese and Arab Studies 1, № 1 (2021): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caas-2021-2008.

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Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a strategy initiated by Chinese government that seeks to connect Asia with Africa and Europe via land and maritime networks with the aim of increasing commercial exchange, stimulating economic growth and improving regional integration. The BRI comprises a Silk Road Economic Belt and a 21st century Maritime Silk Road. The initiative defines five major priorities, namely policy coordination, infrastructure connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration, and people-to-people bonds. The BRI has been associated with large investment programs in i

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22

Shah, Dhara P. "China’s Maritime Security Strategy: An Assessment Of The White Paper On Asia-Pacific Security Cooperation." Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India 13, no. 1 (2017): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2017.1317122.

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23

Wuthnow, Joel. "Asian Security without the United States? Examining China’s Security Strategy in Maritime and Continental Asia." Asian Security 14, no. 3 (2017): 230–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2017.1378181.

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24

Greiman, A. "Building Bridges on the Silk Road: A Strategy for Vietnam." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS RESEARCH AND MARKETING 5, no. 5 (2020): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/jibrm.1849-8558.2015.55.3005.

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In March 2015, the Chinese government published an official document entitled “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road,” commonly known by the Chinese as “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR, 2015). The purpose of this massive initiative is to instill vigor and vitality into the ancient Silk Road, connecting Asian, European and African countries and their adjacent seas, more closely and to promote mutually beneficial cooperation to a new high and in new forms. Despite the establishment of the initiative, there has been very little schola

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25

Revelo, David. "How can the United States counter China’s claims in the South China Sea?" El Outsider 6 (May 13, 2021): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18272/eo.v6i0.2063.

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Over the past decade, tensions between the United States and the People's Republic of China have increased due to the situation in the South China Sea. The tensions between the two countries are the result of the Chinese military campaign in the South China Sea, which aims to execute its territorial claims over a large percentage of the region, including sovereign territories. The tensions have inevitably generated uncertainty and fear in the international community due to the possibility of a direct conflict between the two countries in the future. Considering the economic, commercial, and st

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26

Huang, Mike Chia-Yu. "A New Game Started? China’s ‘Overseas Strategic Pivots’ in the Indian Ocean Region." China Report 54, no. 3 (2018): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518779164.

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China’s port facility construction projects in the Indian Ocean (IO) region, particularly those in Gwadar and Djibouti, have led to a heated debate among strategists over whether the country has been carrying out a ‘string of pearls’ strategy, an alleged Chinese scheme to challenge America’s military predominance in South Asia. Although Beijing has denied the existence of such a strategy, it has enhanced its strategic ties with littoral countries in the IO region over the past few years. This article discusses the evolution of Beijing’s IO strategy and examines the nature of these Chinese port

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27

Larin, V. L., and S. K. Pestsov. "The Emergence of China as a “Great Maritime Power”." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (2020): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-2.

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The article discusses strategic intentions and practical actions of modern Chinese leadership aimed to make China a “great maritime power”. The authors analyze theoretical investigations of Chinese scientists in the fields of maritime strategy and politics; examine basic principle of contemporary Chinese maritime policy, Beijing strategic documents and specific plans aimed at developing marine activities, as well as the problems that arise on this way and some practical results achieved. The authors conclude that despite an active “sea rhetoric” of Chinese top leaderships, the global ocean is

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28

Forbes, Vivian Louis. "Book Review: Red Star over the Pacific: China’s Rise and the Challenge to U.S. Maritime Strategy." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 4 (2019): 952–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419874006t.

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29

Kwon, Jaebeom. "China’s Strategy for Maritime Energy Security and an Intensifying Security Dilemma: the Case of the Indian Ocean." Journal of Global Politics 13, no. 2 (2020): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35773/jgp.2020.13.2.71.

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30

MUBAH, A. SAFRIL. "Indonesia’s Double Hedging Strategy toward the United States–China Competition: Shaping Regional Order in the Indo-Pacific?" Issues & Studies 55, no. 04 (2019): 1940007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119400071.

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This study highlights Indonesia’s strategy in response to the growing competition between the United States and China. In recent years, Indonesia under the administration of President Joko Widodo has played a strategic role in maintaining regional stability in the Indo-Pacific amid inflaming tensions between the two countries. On the basis of an “independent and active” foreign policy with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at the center of a concentric circle, Indonesia has employed a hedging strategy to bolster regional stability and foster cooperation among countries in the regi

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31

Yuxin, Yang, and Jin Zhemin. "Research On Wave Energy Generation Technology." E3S Web of Conferences 165 (2020): 01021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202016501021.

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With the increasingly serious environmental pollution and the intensified energy war, the all-round development and utilization of marine energy will become an indispensable key link in China’s implementation of the maritime power strategy. In recent years, with the support of the state, China’s wave energy generation technology has made a key breakthrough.In order to protect the environment, save energy and reduce emissions, and promote the utilization of wave energy, this paper reviews the development history of application generation technology, summarizes its development from two aspects o

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32

Chang, Young-Tae, Ahhyun Jo, and Kyoung-Suk Choi. "Dynamic Changes in Maritime Research Capability in Chinese Universities." Journal of Advanced Transportation 2019 (August 25, 2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/4183065.

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This study determines the top fifty authors in China and their university affiliations in the maritime transportation field, compared to their world ranking. We refer to China in the broad sense of the Chinese economies, including not only mainland China and Hong Kong, but also Chinese Taipei (Taiwan) and Singapore. This study analyzes sixty-five SSCI and SCI journals in the field of maritime and transportation between the years 2000 and 2015. In terms of ranking, three indicators are employed: total number of articles, weighted score (indication of author contribution), and the impact score.

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33

Southgate, Laura. "China’s sovereignty violations in the East and South China Seas: How should Europe respond?" European View 18, no. 2 (2019): 242–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819882863.

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The EU has been content to remain a marginal actor in the maritime sovereignty disputes in the East and South China Seas. It has adopted a diplomatic strategy that stresses the importance of upholding freedom of navigation and confidence building between the states party to the conflict. As argued here, this approach does not take account of the crucial interests Europe has at stake in the conflict. It is made even less tenable by China’s increasingly assertive behaviour towards securing its sovereignty in the region. Europe is at a crossroads: the EU may seek to overcome internal and external

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34

HARUTYUNYAN, Aghavni. "MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA AS A PART OF CHINESE STRING OF PEARLS STRATEGY." Ezikov Svyat volume 18 issue 3, ezs.swu.v18i3 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v18i3.6.

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Launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, the One Belt, One Road initiative (OBOR), which consists of land (EBSR) and sea routes (MSR), aims to connect Asia and Europe through the Middle East, Africa and Central Asia. The MSR strategy focuses on creating Chinese strongholds or “naval posts” with military or geopolitical influence along the Indian Ocean littoral, the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean Sea, called a “String of Pearls” - similar to the “Dual Use Logistics Facility”. It is related to Beijing’s need for geostrategic security of the “choke points” and maritime [oil and trade

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35

Santoso, Ria Putri, and Anak Agung Banyu Perwita. "The Shift and Continuity of Japanese Defense Policy: Revolutionary Enough?" JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 4, no. 2 (2017): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v4i2.1906.

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The security environment in East Asia has continuously evolved, particularly, China’s maritime expansion and DPRK’s provocative behavior. Japan, with its military being limited by its Peace Constitution, has been steadily shifting its defense policy to respond to its strategic environment for the past three of its Prime Ministers: Naoto Kan, Yoshihiko Noda, and Shinzo Abe. Historical enmities, military capability, as well as territorial disputes have increased the threats of Japan’s neighbors to Tokyo’s national security. Since 2010, Japan has established a National Defense Program Guideline (

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36

Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.

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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believe

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37

TOROPCHIN, GLEB. "U.S. INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY: THE NUCLEAR DIMENSION." History and modern perspectives 3, no. 1 (2020): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-1-54-58.

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The given article is dedicated to scrutinising the role of nuclear factor in the U.S. policy in the Asia Pacific region lately. The work is written based on the analysis of the official doctrinal documents defining U.S. foreign policy. The aim of the paper is defining the significance of the nuclear dimension in Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy and trends in its evolution in late 2010s and early 2020s. The author dwells upon the features of conceptualising the term “Indo-Pacific” in the U.S. foreign policy strategy taking into account its transition from the expert discourse to the official

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38

De Castro, Renato Cruz. "The Limits of Intergovernmentalism: The Philippines’ Changing Strategy in the South China Sea Dispute and Its Impact on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 3 (2020): 335–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420935562.

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Focusing on the Philippines’ changing foreign policy agendas on the South China Sea dispute, this article examines the limitations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) intergovernmental approach in addressing security challenges in the Indo-Pacific region. It contends that former President Benigno Aquino III tried to harness this regional organisation in his balancing policy vis-à-vis China’s maritime expansion in the South China Sea. On the contrary, President Rodrigo Duterte promoted his appeasement policy on China when he became the ASEAN’s chairperson in 2017, and pushed

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39

Jin, Hai, and Orestis Schinas. "Ownership of Assets in Chinese Shipping Funds." International Journal of Financial Studies 7, no. 4 (2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijfs7040069.

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As the importance of Chinese financial schemes in maritime business increases, and many issues on the ownership of the assets under the current Law remain obscured for international investors, this work argues that a streamlining to international practice is required; therefore, the ownership of the trust property under the shipping fund in China should be transferred to the trustee from the client. The trustee shall possess, employ, benefit, and dispose the trust property in his/her own name, which links up with China’s current property legislation, ship registration, and ship arrest regulati

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Perwita, Anak Agung. "The Implementation of People's Republic of China's Maritime Security Strategy to Protect Its Energy Security in the Indian Ocean Region (2015-2019)." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 4, no. 2 (2020): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v4i2.2802.

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Korea is a country that once full of doubts. As time goes by, every sector from Korea are turns out to be huge achievements of the Korean people. Korean pop culture for instance, becomes a crucial driver for Korean economy. Not only Korean pop culture, recently property investor from Korea also becomes a big player in the US, and moreover in the global stage. New study also tells that Korea as global property industry player could exceed China as China’s economy slowing down. Therefore, question how can South Korea's property industry sectors thrive overseas, such as in the U.S.? Arises. This

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41

Li, Na. "“One belt, one road” initiative as a new cooperation model of the PRC with Russia and Central Asia countries." RUDN Journal of World History 10, no. 4 (2018): 382–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2018-10-4-382-392.

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The Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Route established China’s new external strategy basis for the near-term historical perspective. The implementation of these projects, which were united under the common name “One belt, one road”, will become one of the most important tasks of Beijing to optimize the spatial structure of the entire Eurasian region economic development. Russia and Central Asian countries take a prominent place in the process of implementing this initiative. China actively cooperates with these countries. All parties receive great benefi ts of this compre

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42

Musabelliu, Marsela. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative Extension to Central and Eastern European Countries - Sixteen Nations, Five Summits, Many Challenges." Croatian International Relations Review 23, no. 78 (2017): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0007.

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Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi, ) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, ) – the current Belt and Road Ini

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43

Chen, Shaoming, Yuheng Lin, Xinyi Zhu, and Ahsan Akbar. "Can International Students in China Affect Chinese OFDI—Empirical Analysis Based on Provincial Panel Data." Economies 7, no. 3 (2019): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7030087.

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The present study employs panel data of 29 provinces and municipalities in mainland China from 2003 to 2016 to empirically investigate the influence of international students on China’s outward FDI. The results show that international students in China can significantly promote outward FDI in various Chinese provinces. Moreover, we observe a substitution effect with export scale and wage level, that is, attracting international students can offset the negative impact of insufficient export scale and low wages on regional OFDI (outward foreign direct investment). From a regional perspective, th

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44

Waldron, Arthur. "Book Review: Red Star over the Pacific: China’s Rise and the Challenge to U.S. Maritime Strategy By Toshi Yoshihara and James R. Holmes." War in History 19, no. 2 (2012): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344511432241j.

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45

Zhang, Zhaofang, Weijun He, Min An, et al. "Water Security Assessment of China’s One Belt and One Road Region." Water 11, no. 3 (2019): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11030607.

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The sustainable development of socioeconomic and environmental systems are highly dependent on water capital and water utilization efficiency. Nowadays, a significant portion of the world is facing water security issues due to a combination of various factors. As a result, socioeconomic and environmental systems are threatened. China is also currently experiencing problems. Water security assessment helps to identify key determining factors for optimal water utilization, so the authors present the Driving Forces-Pressures-Carrying Capacity-State-Impacts-Responses (DPSCIR) water security assess

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46

Sevast'yanov, S. "China’s Integration Projects in Asia-Pacific and Eurasia." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 4 (2016): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-5-12.

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Until recently, only economically developed West-oriented states launched integration initiatives encompassing the entire Asia-Pacific region. However, over the last few years Beijing proposed several such initiatives embracing territories from America to Africa. The paper discusses the changes in Chinese views towards the leadership in modern world. Recent events in Syria, Ukraine, South China Sea and East China Sea made it clear that the world becomes more polycentric, with Russia and China resistant to external interference in the territories of their vital interests. The latest trends in E

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Zuppa, L. H. Xavier Demián Soto. "China’s Energy Strategy: The Impact on Beijing’s Maritime Policies ed. by Gabriel B. Collins, Andrew S. Erickson, Lyle J. Goldstein, and William S. Murray." China Review International 19, no. 2 (2012): 241–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2012.0058.

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Dziewiałtowski-Gintowt, Bartosz. "One Belt, One Road between Three Seas: China’s soft-power policy towards ‘new’ EU members." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 3 (2019): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.3.6.

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China’s soft-power practice in its international activity boils down to four areas: culture, education, diplomacy, and economy. The most important element of China’s soft-power policy seems to be the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Announced in 2013, the BRI is a complex, long-term and large-scale strategic political and economic project by the Chinese government with an infrastructure character. In this way, China is seeking to invest its capital surpluses in resurrecting the ancient Silk Road to create railroad and maritime networks with its most important trading partner – the European Unio

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李, 沅埈. "Analysis of the 1940’s Debate on China’s Capital from the Perspective of Defense Strategy - Focusing on the controversy over ‘inland defense’ and ‘maritime defense’ -." Korean Studies of Modern Chinese History 79 (September 30, 2018): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.29323/mchina.2018.9.79.133.

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Lei, David. "China's New Multi-Faceted Maritime Strategy." Orbis 52, no. 1 (2008): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2007.10.009.

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