Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'China’s peaceful rise'

The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.

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Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira de Carvalho
Resumo: A rápida ascensão da China e seu crescente poderio vêm ampliando os questionamentos sobre o que fará para atingir a proeminência que julga merecer: se continuará aceitando a ordem internacional a que se ligou e na qual desenvolveu seu caminho de crescimento acelerado, ou se vai preferir contestar essa ordem, ou alguns de seus componentes básicos. A dissertação analisa as relações da China com o Vietnã, em especial o conflito em torno das ilhas do Mar do Sul, para os chineses, ou do Mar do Leste, para os vietnamitas. O objetivo é verificar como se aplica nesse caso a diplomacia de "ascensão pacífica", expressão adotada em 2003, e que quer sinalizar o interesse da China em ascender sem causar danos a outros país e sem abalar a ordem internacional, ou seja, o compormisso da China de promover o desenvolvimento do seu país e dos demais por meio de cooperação e paz. Os dois países têm disputas territoriais antigas em torno de ilhas localizadas em região de grande interesse para a segurança e para a projeção externa da China. A dissertação analisa a política externa o peso do nacionalismo na questão e examina os desdobramentos diplomáticos da dispouta sobre as ilhas.
Abstract: The rapid rise of China and its growing power have broadened the questions about what he will do to achieve the prominence that judges deserve: whether to continue accepting international order that is called and in which developed its accelerated growth path, or if you prefer vai contest this order, or some of its basic components. The dissertation examines China's relations with Vietnam, especially the dispute over the islands of the South Sea, to the Chinese, or East Sea, to the Vietnamese. The goal is to see how it applies in this case diplomacy of "peaceful rise", expression adopted in 2003, and wants to signal that China's interest in ascend without causing damage to other country without undermining international order, ie the compormisso China to promote the development of their country and the other through cooperation and peace. Both countries have ancient territorial disputes around islands located in a region of great interest to the security and the external projection of China. The dissertation examines the foreign policy of nationalism in the weight issue and examines the ramifications of diplomatic dispouta on the islands.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
104
The international situation is treacherous and volatile. Since the dismemberment of the former Soviet Union and the end of The Cold War in the late twentieth century, the world has changed from the “bi-polar system” to “one superpower and multi powers”, in which the U.S. has become the world’s sole superpower. However, under the implementation of the “reform and opening-up” policy, China’s economy has been growing rapidly, political ecology changing tremendously, and overall strength increasing dramatically. All of above has made China the region’s strongest country in terms of its political, economic, and military powers. China has since also been regarded as the U.S.’s main competitor. While facing the U.S.’s constant hegemonic conducts and the reality of international constraints, China is aware that with its current ability it still can not compete against the U.S., even given it a few more years, and is less likely to be able to dominate the world. However, because of the strategic need to “reach out”, China’s fourth generation of leadership, the “Hu-Wen regime” proposed a strategic international new way of thinking called the "peaceful rise" in the end of 2003, which advocated ideas such as common development and common prosperity. This strategy stated that China would continue to participate in economic globalization, adhere to a peaceful and non-hegemonic foreign policy and initiate the "harmonious world" concept so that China can promote a multi-polar world pattern, counterbalance American hegemony, and eventually seek the chance to establish its status as a global superpower. As part of social science, the study of political economy not only focuses on the theoretical research, it also takes into account the objective structure pulses and cause and effect changes in politics and economics. It emphasizes analyzing and solving practical problems in politics and economics. Under the perspective of political and economic analysis, when it comes to the study of China''s "peaceful rise" issue, in order to explain or solve related problems, we must start from the open context in the core body of politics and economics to position the structural characteristics in related subjects, and look into the long term development and change of the overall political and economic structures. In other words, when it comes to “peaceful rise” such a diversified subject that involves national strategies, the political system, economic development, ideology and value, China is the major actor and therefore affects the behaviors of other actors including its co-competition relationships with the U.S. and other major countries such as Japan, Russia, Britain, France and Germany. All of these interactions lead to interactive effects upon multi-level political and economic systems and structures, both at home and abroad. In summary, the "peaceful rise" has been China’s grand strategy entering the 21st century which not only inherited national development history, but also extended future revival strategic thinking. This strategy was embedded in China''s internal political and economic situations but also extended outside to international political and economic systems. Whether analyzing it on a political or economic level, it is subject to the effects of time and changes of context. Therefore, this study will start with "China''s peaceful rise" and cover the various current "Chinese internal" and "international environment" phenomenon and its causal context to analyze, interpret and decide its future potential development, and then build accordingly to a complete set of political and economic analysis.

博士
中國文化大學
政治學系
101
In order to understand “the myth of China’s peaceful rise,” it is suggested to use the strategy in the methodology of Bourdieu that has systematic reflection on group unconscious. Thus, the subject of “China’s peaceful rise” is being handled by “mythology”. First of all, myth can be aimed on reality facts. This involves the group unconscious of the context of the times: when the west sees the rise of China with the context of “ultra-modernism,” it often forgets the imperial colonial interest in the modern period and the long process of democracy. On the contrary, when China sees its own rise with the context of entering “modernism,” on one hand, to the change of the times, it stills tangled with Marxism of the previous history or it ignores the western experiences of the post modern and ultra modern. On the other hand, in the opinion of China Communist Party, it is still wondered in the origin interpretation control of power legitimacy and it does not understand that the deformed aristocratic republic actually includes the factors of traditional scholar politics. Secondly, myth can aim on methodology issues. This involves the systematic reflection of the research method of semiotics and republic methodology. As for the “social relationship structure” of the main method of the paper, it was originally the systematic reflection outcome of Hsiao-ping Yen on international relationship theory through semiotic. Here, this diagram is going to be reflected, applied, and re-reflected through the disciplines intertextuality methodology. As for the systematic reflection on republic methodology, first is the distorted theory of Montesquieu on China Empire and unconsciously reflect his Epistemology. Then the long originated western republic theory is being discussed in reflection. Then naturally, the unconscious issue of each thinker after bias ignorance is presented. Later, the historical changes of the context of the republic theory can be sorted out as the references of the China Communist Party, which will be discussed later. Finally, myth can aim on the content of China’s peaceful rise. Here it involves the description of western people to China and the description of our national people. Huntington and Nye of the national security field, Becker and Naigbitt of the economic field, Fox and Almond of the political field, and Halper and Jacques of the cultural field are the representatives of the western theorists; for China theorists, the collection edited by the military representative Lee Er-Bin, New Right Wing Ho Di, and New Left Wing Wang Shao-Guan and the interview summary of Leonard on China theorists are chosen to represent the four fields respectively. They make comments on the subjects of China’s peaceful rise or the deformation of “China mode” or the context of “globalism.” The key is the reasons of their judgment often follow the origin of the conscious such as civilizationism, Machiavellism, and neoliberalism. However, these reasons are presented in the fields of the “structure diagram” with the content of the judgment and make appropriate reflective adjustment of the factors of the original items of the diagram.

碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
99
In 2008, Mr.Hu Jin-tao said, "The Navy has played an important position and role in the maintenance of country''s maritime rights and developing benefits." To safeguard national maritime security, China has built up a maritime power to support the country. China''s naval strategy has transferred from coastal coast defense, coastal defense into "offshore operation". Of the combat capability, the Chinese navy has gradually developed from the yellow water, blue water into a dark blue navy. In the white paper, "National Defense of China in 2010", it was mentioned that the PLA Navy has been in accordance with the requirements of coastal defense, and has committed to the development of modern warfare combat capability, enhanced the strategic deterrent and counterattack capability, cooperation and development of open sea and responses to non-traditional security threats. By multilateral anti-terrorism military drill, and the active participations in international peacekeeping operations, it is a solution for the imbalance caused by the development of aircraft carrier, and also for the accomplishment of promoting the harmonious world. The "peaceful rise" strategy in China has adopted a full range of foreign policy, and was used in bilateral or multilateral cooperation politically, economically, and securely to create a winning mode and to fight for international recognition. It is also to maintain the lifeline of the offshore power, and to effectively stop the traditional and non-traditional threats, and to create a peaceful rise in the external environments. As for the internal environments, aircraft carriers development not only intensifies the power of the country, but also revitalizes the Chinese nation, and to establish a mutual wealthy and harmonious society. This is to consolidate the core benefits of China and to strengthen the Chinese Community Party regime. From the research of the paradoxical theory of the aircraft carriers development and the peaceful rise, it was discovered that the strategy in aircraft carriers development in the peacetime of China has great impact on "business with swords". As a result, the development of aircraft carriers to protect the lifeline of offshore power was established to solve the problem of the power requirements; the development of aircraft carriers to guard the country and oceanic benefits was established to avoid the fall happened in Qing Dynasty; the development of aircraft carriers to curb the separatism was established to safeguard the sovereignty in China, the development of aircraft carriers to regain the national complex was established to revive the nationalism. According to the strategy of peaceful development, China has claimed that peaceful development emphasized the winning policy in peacekeeping. However, from the war of punishing Vietnam, and the event of Zhenbao Island, it was discovered of how important China treats core benefits, China might not give way while facing the dispute of sovereignty. It is beyond the necessary defense in the military of China, especially when there is no threat from any country to China, and yet China has put efforts on the development of the aircraft carriers. This leads to the paradox and the conflict phenomenon. The aircraft carriers strategies mentioned above are all developed from the same core benefits, even if it is for consolidating the stability and legitimacy of the Chinese communists. In conclusion, from the points of view of the policy and the comments of every leadership with the five rules of peaceful coexistence, the coordination, and the peaceful development in China, it is helpful to create double winning and mutual benefits if China takes the Chinese contract to deal with territorial disputes and maritime benefits. Therefore, the rise in China will lead a peaceful development.

碩士
國立政治大學
外交研究所
95
This dissertation focuses on the “peaceful rise” argument brought by China in the end of 2003. By contending that China will rise by peace, for peace, and peacefully, the so-called “peaceful rise” argument tried to counter “China threat” argument, which distributed for a long time. The making of China’s “peaceful rise” national strategy is motivated and forced by the international environment. On top of that, the confidence of Chinese decision-makers for a rising China provides power to the formation of the new national strategy as well as the expectation for a new national development discourse. Following the national development strategy which aims at a peacefully rising China, the “peaceful rise” diplomatic strategy was built by a series of concrete foreign policies, including “Big-power diplomacy,” “Good-neighboring diplomacy,” “Relations with developing countries,” and “Multi-lateral diplomacy”. This dissertation starts from the background of a rising China, comprehends the reason, goal and character of China’s “peaceful rise” by international environment, national power, and decision-maker’s cognitive approaches. Moreover, concrete foreign policies accompanying its national strategy are analyzed. Finally, this research finds that the peaceful rise diplomatic strategy needs to deal with certain challenges such as Sino-U.S. power struggle with conflicting issues, Sino-Japan security dilemma with conflicting issues, peripheral territorial sea and land disputes, and last but not least, the Taiwan problem.

碩士
南華大學
亞太研究所
94
This article discusses about the content and feasibility of China’s “peaceful rise.” In this article, it uses three types of international relationship theories: defensive realism, institutional liberalism, and social constructivism, to analysis the content of “peaceful rise.” Defensive realists believe that China should strengthen and modernize their military, defensive national defense, and toward multi-polar world; institutional liberalists in another way feel that China should further enhance on their internal balance development, nontraditional security, and integrate into the economic of East Asia; social constructivists put “peaceful rise” as China should change into a modernize country with “Peace and Development” as the dominant themes in mind, setting a responsible role as one of the biggest country in the world and establish a peaceful image. 　　In this article, it mainly describes on how America, European Union, Russia, Japan and AESAN s’ reactions toward China’s “peaceful rise.” With the acceptance of China’s “peaceful rise” by America, America will still require China to rise under the present international system. European Union is pleased to see China’s “peaceful rise” but hope that China can integrate into the western system. In the point of view of Japan in China’s “peaceful rise”, it will be the biggest challenge between both countries than an opportunity in proving their relationship. The prominent conflict between Japan and China is the competition in the East Asia leadership and the historical problems. As for Russia, it sees China’s “peaceful rise” as a fear more than a hope. Russia worries China will establish its power in Russia. In due of the good relationship between ASEAN and China, ASEAN still need to have long-term worries in China development. 　　This article evaluates that China will forged ahead continuously. Although there are still some problems had not been solved, but it does not alter China in the process of peaceful rise. Regardless of how China establish the “peaceful rise”, the policy makers should take into due consideration on how it will affect Asia countries’ reactions and worries. Keywords: peaceful rise, defensive realism, institutional liberalism, social constructivism, nontraditional security, China

碩士
國立東華大學
公共行政研究所
93
The purpose of this article is try to analyze and explain China's "peaceful rise". Including of the definition of the meaning and function of China's "peaceful rise". All interesting and creative theory, China's global role and responsibilities appears to have been set aside this year, in part as a result of leadership disagreements. The idea of China's "peaceful rise" （heping jueqi）to international prominence as a responsible, peaceable, and nonthreatening global power was introduced by Zheng Bijian in November 2003. It caught the interest of many Chinese and Western scholars and observers, becoming the subject of intense and surprisingly open debate. General Secretary Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao both used the term in speeches in December, suggesting that the idea might become a more formal component of Chinese foreign policy. The concept itself has not been anathematized, however, and it remains the subject of academic inquiry. However, in the international arena the PRC leadership is rather restrained in promulgating the notion of the "rise" or "'revival" of China. The Chinese are aware that, despite the progress China has made so far, the existing gap between China and the developed nations, and the United States in particular, is enormous in term of national wealth, standard of living, education, and science and technology. It will take at least decades for China to catch up with the "Western world. In the interim, formidable impediments lie on the road ahead that might derail modernization programs. The least example of such impediments is the unexpected consequences of the epidemic or SAR.S (severe acute respiratory syndrome), which has caused a sharp reduction of tourism and international commercial activities in China in the spring of 2003 and damaged China's image abroad. China has been keeping a low profile faced with increased international attention to a "rising" China. The Chinese leadership is conscious of the ambivalent feelings in neighboring countries as well as in the United States and Europe about the growth of Chinese power. The Chinese carefully read comments on 'the China threat." "the coming collapse of China," and other opinions expressed in international media, but have not overreacted to them. As Vice Premier Qian Qichen, China's foreign policy architect, commented on Gordon Change’ s book The Coming Collapse of China, only wants to promote sales by giving the book such a sensational tide." Qian added, "The 'China threat' theory and the 'China collapse' theory appear to contradict each other, but they are in fact two sides of the same coin. They both reflect the views of anti-China elements in the world. They are not worth refuting anyway." According to Mr. Oian, if China's comprehensive power today were at the same level as it was decades ago, there would be no such loud voices about the "China threat," and there will be no market for [his theory in a few decades from now when China becomes much more developed-' The Chinese leadership has reached the realization that exaggerations of Chinese economic achievements, either by foreigners or by Chinese themselves. might result practically in a reduction of foreign aid and pressures for China to reevaluate its currency and to use more of its foreign trade surplus. In the coming years China is likely to make strenuous public relations efforts to reshape its international image, especially in Asia. What is lacking in the Chinese deliberation of the 'rise of China' is any clear realization of the need to promote an institutionalized regional or global order in which China would play a major role in cooperation with other great powers, and in which China would be committed to more international obligations. As is pointed out by a-report to the Trilateral Commission in 2001, "China's rapid rise is occurring in a region that lacks firmly established, integrating institutions like die European Union that help build trust. Asia has no security community in the transatlantic sense of peace in which resort to violence has become virtually unimaginable."

碩士
國立中山大學
大陸研究所
94
After the ending of the Cold War and the break down of the Soviet Union, the old polarized system collapsed and the new international structure of world powers hasn''t formed yet in a short time. Researchers of international relations have diversely defined the new framework of world power as “uni-polar”、 “ multi-polar” or “multi-powers under uni- polar”. From the perspectives of China, the definition of “ multi-powers under uni- polar” can most properly describe the new international system and is completely in accordance with the international strategy of China. In the assumption, uni-polar means US and multi-powers means other important powers, including major regional actors or groups like China､Russia､Japan､EU and some newly developing powers like India､Brazil and South Africa. In response to the huge change of international system and in order to develop much more power of influence on international affairs,China introduced the concept of “New Security perspective” to try to develop common interests with major powers and neighboring states through cooperation and dialogues. Then in 2003, China publicly proposed the concept of “Peaceful Rise” and soon has been regarded as competitive opponent by U.S.A and countries around China. The way China rose aroused the attention of the international society and “China Threat Theory” has become more and more well-known. The purpose of this research is to explore the theoretical basis､strategic value and purposes of the theory about China''s peaceful rise, and extensively to analyze how China develops new international strategies and comprehensive national power. Additionally, I try to develop findings about the theme and hope that will helpful for our government to scheme corresponding policies to ensure our national security.

碩士
國立中正大學
政治系研究所
104
The theory of China’s peaceful rise came from Deng, Bi-Jian who is the ex-vice-president of Party School of the Central Committee of C.P.C. He launched a statement with a topic “the New Path of China’s Peaceful Rise and the Future of Asia” in Boao Forum for Asia in 2003. In his statement, he thought that China has already created a strategic path that suits china’s actual conditions and the features of this era during these 25 years since the policy of reform and opening-up. After 2003, the relations between China and Latin American countries are developing rapidly in economy, politics and cultural interchange. Sino-Latin America relations became more and more profound in different aspects today. However, Latin America has been labeled as “America’s backyard” for a long time. Since Monroe’s Doctrine, United States regarded Latin America as a part of America, and considered any threat to Latin America as the threat to America’s national interest. As the rising China and the change of international system, China’s diplomatic policy to Latin America is more active and aggressive. As a result, it tempts the U.S into being suspicious about the significance of China’s diplomatic policy to Latin America. The study tries to investigate China’s diplomatic strategy toward Latin America through the frame of level of analysis. This study uses four levels of analysis (level of world system, level of international relations, social level, and governmental level). The concept of four levels of analysis comes from six levels of analysis which were created by Bruce Russett, Harvey Starr and David Kinsella. As distinct from Kenneth Waltz’s three levels of analysis (individual level, state level, and international level), six levels of analysis, including the characters of policy maker, policy maker’s position in government, structure of government, structure of society, international relations and world system, are better than three levels of analysis. Those levels are more sophisticated to examine the significance of China’s diplomatic strategy toward Latin America from the view of neorealism and neoliberalism perspectives.

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
94
Since the economic reform in 1978, China’s overall performance has been the center of the world, especially the dramatic economic growth. In order to continuing the growth, the PRC government has kept opening its door to the world and westernizing the regulations. Besides, due to the cheap labors and the huge domestic market, countless foreign investments never stop flowing into China. All these result in the sharp economic growth of China. Meanwhile, as the economy keeps rising, China’s government also exceeds the military budget for more weapon purchasing, military modernization and research & development. Such trend, combining with outstanding economic performance, tense the nerves of the international society, especially the neighbor countries. Therefore, under this international circumstance, “China Threat Theory” was born in the mid 90’s. To respond “China Threat Theory” and promote the goal, which is to control East Asia peacefully, the PRC government introduced the brand-new strategy, “the Theory of Peaceful Rise” in 2003. Under the strategy, China’s government stimulates economic development mainly through stabilizing its nearby region. After the introduction of “the Theory of Peaceful Rise”, despite that most critics think China maintains highly possibility to success, some experts hold pessimistic attitude. Their negative points of views mainly base on two issues, which are the U.S.-China relation and the Taiwan issue. In this thesis, excepting tracing back “the Theory of Peaceful Rise”, my focus also locates on the opportunities and challenges which China may face in the future. Furthermore, from our position, in face of China’s political and economic impacts, how should Taiwan respond wisely and avoid being marginalized from the international society? I make the discussion in the later part of the thesis.

碩士
國立政治大學
國家發展研究所
100
To become a great power, first, China needs to enrich the economic strength to increase the international influence. Establishing a safe and stable domestic and international environment could help China to concentrate on developing the domestic economy in a harmonious world. In order to reach this goal, China proposed the concept of “harmonious world” and “peaceful rise” and promoted that all countries should respect and cooperate with each other. As economic globalization deepens the relationship of countries, China shapes a positive image of the active cooperation through the deepening of economic and trade contacts by making trade agreements with other countries. Trade agreements not only improve access for exporters and investors to both countries’ markets, reduce the barriers to trade, but also make participating countries’ closer and create a secure trading relationship. China use the economic and diplomatic strategy to ensure the energy source for economic development. Meanwhile, China increases barging chip by rising economic power. Even though China pursuit win-win and mutually beneficial’ economic diplomacy, China also uses the negative diplomacy ─ economic sanctions at the same time. Furthermore, the military budget of China increased year by year. To this end, the Western countries suspect the true meaning of China’s “peaceful rise” and intensify the discussion of the "China threat theory". According to the examples of China and the United States of America, and China and ASEAN countries, this study is to investigate how the political and economic factors affect the interaction of China and other countries. By evaluating the correlation of the economic diplomatic and “peaceful rise”, the study tries to make recommendations for the future development of China’s diplomatic strategy.

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
93
The Cross-Strait relations are tense politically but close in the economic aspect. With its increasing international influence, China denies Taiwan any room in international community. The competition between the two sides is easy to detect in political, economic, social and cultural affairs. Taiwan, however, is often in a less favorable situation, which is closely related to the rise of China. How Taiwan should deal with the rise of China in the era of globalization is a significant issue for Taiwan. This paper discusses how Taiwan, being politically marginalized in international community by the rising China, can attain a better understanding of China’s expanding power and take advantage of the situation. I conduct my research on the basis of the Theory of International System from a political realistic perspective. This paper starts with the exploration of the concept of “the Rise of China” and its development. Then I analyze the outer world’s response to the rise of China, including its reaction to “the theory of the threat from China.” What follows is my analysis of China’s “Theory of Peaceful Rise.” Later I explore China’s economic and political growth. Finally I draw the conclusion from a comparison of the acclaimed “the theory of peaceful rise” and the reality. There are specific time frames for the discussion on different issues. The historical review spans from 1979 to 2001. The analysis of China’s political and diplomatic prosperity ranges from November, 2000, right after the 16th congress of Chinese Communist Party, to the present (2005). The critique of China’s booming economy begins with China’s entering WTO as a developing country in November, 2001, and ends in 2005. The “theory of peaceful rise” is China’s new international strategy, which aims at controlling East Asia by peace. Using its economic power, China plans to enhance its influence over the neighboring Asian countries, so as to isolate Taiwan and eventually make it surrender. Besides, China intends to counteract the influence of the United States in West Pacific with its economic as well as cultural power and thus take a leading role in East Asia in the future. Beijing has insisted on “Socialism with Chinese characteristics.” However, despite the fact that the Communist Party of China has led the nation to recent economic success, the party leaders must realize that there is a crisis of legitimacy in every organized society. This realization is the first step toward political diversity. After China transforms into market economy, the Communist Party of China will no longer be “the only (political) choice.” The continuity of the communist dictatorship will depend on the maintenance of economic growth. Mistakes in economic policies may result in political turbulence, and therefore the economic problems will accelerate the process for the party to give up its political power and responsibility. Privatization and rationalization in economy will diminish the communist party’s dictatorship in decision-making. The party will not be able to fulfill the purpose of the strategic “peaceful rise” in the twentieth century if it resists the global trend toward democracy. The communist leaders intend to replace “the theory of the threat from China” with “the theory of peaceful rise.” China has been handling regional disputes in East Asia with an attempt to establish its leadership, which will benefit its domestic economic development and solve internal conflicts. It will contribute to the national power of China. China has made Chinese Unification one of the three goals in the twenty-first century (the other two are economic modernization/construction and peaceful global development). China will possibly prioritize opposing Taiwan Independence in its Taiwan policies with two strategies: first, China will continue to build an unfriendly environment for Taiwan Independence by resorting to Washington’s influence over Taipei; second, China will employ the Three Links strategy and reinforce the unofficial relationship across the straits in order to prevent Taiwan from gaining independence. Consequently, Taiwan will feel the increasing stress from domestic sphere as well as international community, as a result of China’s pressure. Therefore, it is desired that the Taiwan government and people will figure out a solution despite their partisanship.

碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
101
After China’s rise since the Reform and Open-up policy in 1978, the world situation has encountered a significant change, which not only influences the distribution of power in the international system, but also makes China become a powerful state in Asian region with its increasing development. To correspond to the discussion of 「China Threat Theory」in the international society, China has put forward「Peaceful Rise」in 2003, then changed it into「Peaceful Development」 thereafter in 2005. Ever since china adheres to peaceful development, the relationship between the U.S. and China is moving toward a trend of competition and cooperation. However, the U.S. puts its global strategy back to the east the last few years, still can see the U.S. regards China as a frienemy, which shows that the Asian-pacific strategy of the U.S. will be a great change in its national defense. With regard to China’s quick rise, the U.S. starts to reappraise the impact of china’s rise; therefore, the status of Asia-pacific region in the global strategies of the U.S. is getting more and more important. The U.S. is also forced to engage in Asian affairs more actively then before. The U.S.’s alliances in Asia-pacific region, which are the foundation in setting up its status in the Asia-pacific region, help the U.S. project its global strategies. The one hand, using the global strategies to maintain a United States dominance in Asia, on the other hand, through the strategies to prevent the threat of China's rise. In the future, China will be the major challenge to the U.S. The purpose of this dissertation is to discuss whether China is rising peacefully or not, and to observe that the strategies which are developed by the U.S. in response to China’s rise are carrying out likely or not.

碩士
國防大學
戰略研究所
98
It is observed the summary of relevant community research focuses on the threat possibly added by "rising" and few discuss its "peaceful rise" intention from Public Relations of a sociological study since China formally proposed a "peaceful rise" in 2003. In fact, China's "peaceful rise" demands a stable environment for development and escape from the "China threat" theory to bound the external environment in order to facilitate the external conditions of the development for its country. With increasing economic globalization and international competition, the country's assets in the international image are getting more important and the public's recognition of a government gives concrete manifestation of its status in the international society. Since China reform and opening up into the early 1990s, it actively has integrated into the international community. The strategic objectives of China’s diplomacy are to transmit and hint China’s development not to be able to pose the threat to any country through various media to the international community. This study follows the Public Relation’s view of the management, the response, and the mutual benefit to discuss the China's "peaceful rise" and the construction of national image, and to understand China’s new national development strategy.

碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班
97
Since 1955, after signing the Treaty of “Five Principles concerning Peaceful Co-existence”with India and Burma, and after proposing that “Peace and Development”were two major issues of contemporary times during the period of reformation and opening, China has promoted the idea of “Harmonious World”to open the international view. At the beginning of 1990s, Chinese scholars launched the discussion about how “The Rising of China”will influence the structure of balance between international powers, on the basis of the idea of “International View”, there arose the study of theses of “China is a threat” and “China is going to collapse”among international scholars. According to this fact, in the conference held in April, 22nd, 2004, in Peking People’s Hall, Chen Pi-Gen presented a speech entitled “The Developing Way of Peaceful Rising of China ”in the final session of the third topic, and mentioned that “How does peace become a threat? How does rising become collapse? Peaceful rising is the most useful response for the theses of “Chinese threat” and “Chinese collapse”. He proposed the idea of “Peaceful Rising”, therefore, in order to overthrow the theses of “Chinese Threat” and “Chinese Collapse”. He argued that China can shift international focus and introduce important international economy into mainland China only by inventing “Harmonious Environment” and “Friendly Responses”. For China, to talk about “Peaceful Rising”, is to “build a regional international environment good for herself”on the political ground, to “strengthen mainly economic cooperation with South-east Asian countries, to construct the circumstance necessary for the economic rising of China” on the economic ground, and to “increase the dependence of East Asian countries on China, in order to become a regional great country”. The United States is not willing to see “The Rising of China”which affects the leading role of U. S. A. in the region of East Asia. However, after the event of “911 Terrorist Attack ”, the United States relys on the dominant role of China in Asian strategic situation in order to protect the peace of Asia. The United States wishes to use Chinese influence on Asian countries to prevent the military expansion of conntries which support terriorism as well as the increase of the power of terriorist organizations. This measure has brougnt the opportunity and international environment of “Peaceful Rising”for China. Nevertheless, for the purpose of leading international affairs in East Asia, China has to overcome the limiting factors of “divergence of political ideas among East Asian countries”and “the contradictin of historical hatred and politics”. China has long been proud of being a “Strong Country”. From the evidence of Chinese development of defense weapons, we can find China has influenced regional military balance in East Asia. Japan has awared the threat from China, and trys eagerly to look for national support for expanding military power. From now on, China and Japan will play key roles in peace-keeping in East Asia. If there is no cooperation mechanism constructed between two countries for their mutual benefits, there will arise for sure military competition between two countries, and East Asia will become the bomb storage of Asia. This situation deserves our close and constant attention.

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
94
On November 3, 2003, the President of the Forum on the Reform and Open Policy of China, Mr. Zheng Bijian, presented the Theory of Peaceful Rise in the general convention of the Boao Forum for Asia, and the “peaceful rise” concept that China is aggressively implementing. China had been persistently implementing “peaceful rise” for a period of time now, and on March 31, 2004, the Chinese central government decided to change its course from promoting the Theory of Peaceful Rise to propounding the Peaceful Development Theory. Despite that, “peaceful rise” had created inconsiderable impacts on Taiwan and other parts of the world. This paper shall conduct an in-depth study on these impacts. This paper basically employs the Historical Approach and the Cultural Identity Approach on the subject matter and regards China’s “peaceful rise” as a comprehensive system. The study revolves around the hypothesis that China’s “peaceful rise” has a cultural identity that supports its existence and relates it to the other policies of China. Under the umbrella of “cultural identity”, “peaceful rise” was able to flourish and develop, as well as create serious far-reaching impacts on Taiwan. On the other hand, cultural identity is a frame of mind developed gradually from historical legacy handed down for generations. The study mainly focuses on the “peaceful rise” efforts of China in the Hu Jintao Era; hence, research period starts from the Boao Forum for Asia (November 2003) to the spring of 2006. As for research framework, Chapter 1 contains the introduction of the paper. Chapter 2 explores the conceptual background, historical background, as well as the establishment and implications of the “peaceful rise” concept. The chapter presents a complete in-depth analysis of the “peaceful rise” concept. Chapter 3 focuses on the implementation of the “peaceful rise” concept; the chapter mainly starts from the “peaceful rise” of political aspect to the “peaceful rise” of economical, military, diplomatic and cultural aspects. A penetrating analysis is conducted through the implementation of “peaceful rise” program. Chapter 4 delves into the difficulties China faced during the implementation of the “peaceful rise” program, examining each difficulty and aspect pursuant to the research findings of Chapter 3; for instance, the other countries’ dilemmas of the “peaceful rise” concept, the problems of political corruption, social economic problems, troublesome social problems, and the impacts of the peaceful evolution of the West. Chapter 5 looks into the impacts of China’s “peaceful rise” on Taiwan, dissecting its impacts on Taiwan’s politics, economy, military, foreign affairs, and culture. Furthermore, the chapter also traces the root causes of the “peaceful rise” impacts, and thereafter evaluates the measures Taiwan institute against such impacts. Chapter 6 presents a general concluding study on the differences in the theory and practice of China’s “peaceful rise” based on the impacts it had on Taiwan.

碩士
佛光大學
政治學系
99
From isolationism to internationalization, China has risen to be a star, Shining along the way, it has elevated since the 1979 economic reform. Its comprehensive national strength has been compared to that of the. United States Both are referred to as G2 (the two superpower). However, this also brings up international attention and anxiety. It especially threatens western countries, in particular, the superpower- United State. Thus, this thesis clarifies the essence of "the rise of China", and analyzes the authenticity of " a threat of China " and "peaceful emergence". The author Hopes to discover a rational meaning of this concept.

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
100
China Government had put forward the "peaceful rise" theory at the first time in 2003, and took it for the highest guiding principle of the national strategy. To sustained economic development to quickly enhance their own national strength, China must create a stable domestic and international space, so as to provide a good environment for economic development. However, the Korean Peninsula, located around mainland china, owing to the long-term division and confrontation, has became the flashpoint of North-East Asia. To safeguard their own national security, China, under the principle of "peaceful rise," changed the negative attitude to push the multilateral dialogue and consultation mechanism - the six-party talks to resolve the nuclear issue, so not only can show a responsible image, grasp the initiative of regional affairs, but also to keep the Korean Peninsula as a resist U.S. forces approximation of the buffer to maintain its own peace and stability in the development of space.

碩士
國立中山大學
中國與亞太區域研究所
97
The rise or the decline of a country, the development of the international community will be deeply involved in, especially to the greet powers, his deportments which everybody points an accusing finger at are enough to all the changes in international relations. Chinese rapidly economic growth and rising military power, causing global concerns about the rise of China having led to ”China’s rise”, the issues have become multi-focus on academic field and international relations / politics discussed by the multiplicity. Applied the historical method to the thesis and in addition to the comparative method on the collection of documents so as to analyze it .The following conclusion based on the experience of the Chinese history whether the Han people or the peoples of non-Han established the dynasty, it is impossible to rise the country strength peacefully. Neither did the consolidating the great country position at peace. Not to mention, it is kind of the defeated country peacefully. Under the dual influences of the Economic Globalization and the reform opening-up economic policy, it let China hide his light under a bushel to rapidly economic growth, though the country was called Celestial Kingdom, and return the Great Power status again. The rapid economic rise of China threats to all the other countries in the world because it had carried out non-democratic institutions, encroached the human rights, and threatened to security in the Taiwan Strait to unable to trust the democratic countries which were worried. For it adhered to the leadership of the Communist party of China and sustained development of China’s military, after all, the war might be due to its non-compliance with the international order. In fact, the “Peaceful rise ”put forward the following functions: First, the “ rise ”of it is accountable the its people to raise so called, ”our-group consciousness ”as a slogan, a kind of propaganda. Secondly, it is subject to the international environmental situations and the product of its domestic political struggle power, attempts to recapture the hegemony in order to establish “China-centrism ”by mutual confrontation with “Western centrism ”to fight it out. Third, its peace responses to the “China Threat ”by eliminating the phobia and worrier and reflect the fear of China to the West almost being simultaneous with it in fact. In a word, China’s“ Peaceful rise ”is attempt to hold their own “point of view of sovereignty ”to improve its state image.

碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
98
Petroleum has been one of the main maritime cargos among countries for recent years. This study investigates the petroleum transport security problems by analyzing the geopolitical factors of oil security in China. Seen in this light, this study gains further understanding of the strategies and steps adopted to ensure the safety of oil waterways under the peaceful rise of China so as to realize the impact of oil security strategies on the national security of China and external relationship. This study hereby on the basis of the current energy supply and demand in China, the origin of the peaceful rise of China as well as relative theories regarding sea power and geopolitical security proposes four questions: what the geopolitical factors after the peaceful rise of China are; what the aspects influenced by the China petroleum security are; with what fields of threat the petroleum transport security can be confronted; how to maintain the transport security of oil supply through economics, foreign affairs, and military actions with the complex international situation. This study proposes some discussion on the basis of the strategy adopted by China to maintain the waterway transport security. The first strategy is the establishment of long distance marine modernization such as the advance of far ocean battle ability, the establishment of pearl chained harbors and the increase of proportion of national oil through national transport. The second strategy is the participation of security collaboration among regional organizations from the marine security collaboration between China and America to the establishment of maritime security troops. The third strategy is the establishment of internet substitute route to dilute the risk such as the construction of land pipeline from Russia to the Middle East and the railways, the highways as well as the pipeline in the Southeast area. This study concludes by proposing the conditions, the new image, the view of security and development as well as the international perspective of the peaceful rise of China. Findings illustrate issues regarding the peaceful rise of China and the geopolitical conflict of petroleum transit, economical developmental key points, vanishment of threats and concerns, development of autonomy at sea, American mindset of containment and Taiwan problem. At last, with the expectation to draw public attention onto oil issues and reflections, this study reaches from the understanding of the connection between petroleum and national security to the manifestation of China’s peaceful rise to gain stable geopolitical strategies, influence of soft power onto the Southeast area, utilization of geopolitical factors to control oil transport policy and establishment of long distance navy strategy.

This diploma thesis deals with the rise of China in the context of its behavior in the South China Sea over the past decade. The significant economic growth of the People's Republic of China over the last few decades is expected to affect not only the regional balance of powers, but also its position within the international system. There is a wide-ranging debate in academia about how China will grow and how it will affect the international community. As a reaction, in order to explain its growth, China has introduced the concept of "peaceful development", according to which its growth should be seen as an opportunity rather than a threat to the international community. An offensive realism approach was chosen for this work and the ideas of its main advocate John Mearsheimer will be applied to the specific behavior of China in the region. The role of the United States, which influences China's behavior, will also be discussed. The diploma thesis will further deal with the increased Chinese assertiveness in the area of South China Sea and the means it uses in it to enforce its claims. The basic aim of this work is to underscore the contrast between the declared official policy of China and its actual behavior.

L’émergence de la Chine dans le système international post-guerre froide pose un défi pour la position hégémonique des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral. Lorsqu’ils tentent d’expliquer ce défi, les spécialistes tendent à se concentrer uniquement soit sur le hard power chinois (en particulier, sa puissance militaire) soit sur son soft power (l’attrait de sa culture et idéologie). Cette thèse développe un cadre d’analyse alternatif inspiré de la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu, articulé autour de la notion de pouvoir symbolique. Elle conçoit la politique internationale en termes d’une lutte symbolique (entre, par exemple, une orthodoxie et une hétérodoxie) dont l’issue est déterminée par au moins trois facteurs cruciaux : contexte, capital et lieux communs. Ce cadre est appliqué à l’analyse du nouveau rôle de la Chine dans le monde depuis la fin de la guerre froide, lequel est indiscutablement l’un des développements les plus remarquables des relations internationales des temps modernes. La thèse démontre que la Chine ne défie pas l’hégémonie des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral au sens conventionnel de la puissance matérielle ou de l’idéologie, mais plutôt au niveau symbolique. La thèse soutient que la conjonction des trois facteurs susmentionnés a été nécessaire à l’influence mondiale de la Chine : (1) la crise de légitimation des États-Unis (sur les plan économique, politique et idéologique), couplée à l’extraordinaire ascension de nouvelles puissances dans le système international comme la Chine, ont créé un contexte historique favorable ou « condition de possibilité »; (2) l’énorme capital symbolique accumulé par la Chine, en raison non seulement de son nouveau statut de grande puissance, mais aussi de son approche pragmatique des questions nationales et internationales, en a fait une source d’inspiration convoitée mondialement ; (3) la mobilisation stratégique par la Chine de son capital symbolique, sous la forme d’un ensemble de lieux communs ‘rhétoriques’, a grandement contribué à légitimer sa puissance, en particulier aux yeux des élites dirigeantes dans le monde en développement, dissimulant ainsi le caractère asymétrique et arbitraire de ses relations. Ensemble, ces trois éléments –contexte, capital, lieux communs– expliquent le pouvoir symbolique de la Chine, c’est-à-dire la perception selon laquelle, contrairement aux États-Unis, elle propose des réponses pertinentes et cohérentes aux problèmes d’organisation sociale, économique et politique de ce monde. L’ascension de la Chine remet ainsi en question le « méta-capital » des États-Unis, c’est-à-dire son monopole sur la production du capital économique, social, culturel et symbolique. L’accent mis sur cette dimension symbolique de la lutte pour définir et imposer la « vision légitime du monde social et ses divisions » révèle une rupture avec la pratique conventionnelle de la politique des grandes puissances, au profit d’une transformation pacifique du système international et d’une diplomatie symbolique. Cet accent sur le pouvoir symbolique ouvre des avenues prometteuses pour l’étude du changement et des sources d’autorité sur la scène politique mondiale, traditionnellement définie comme « anarchique ».
China’s rise within the international system in the post-Cold War era challenges the hegemonic position of the United States and the Western liberal order. In trying to explain this challenge, scholars tend to either focus on Chinese hard power (in particular, its military power) or on its soft power (the attractiveness of its culture and ideology). This thesis develops an alternative Bourdieu-inspired framework addressing symbolic power. It conceptualizes international politics in terms of a symbolic struggle (such as that between orthodoxy and heterodoxy) whose outcome is determined by at least three crucial factors: context, capital and commonplaces. The framework is applied to the analysis of China’s new world role, which is arguably one of the most remarkable developments in modern international relations. The thesis shows that China does not challenge U.S. hegemonic position and the Western liberal order in the conventional sense of material power or ideology, but rather at the symbolic level. The thesis argues that the combination of the three above-mentioned factors has been necessary to China’s worldwide influence : (1) the legitimation crisis of the United States (economically, politically and ideologically), paired with the extraordinary rise of new illiberal powers on the world scene such as China, created a favourable historical context or “condition of possibility”; (2) the huge amount of symbolic capital accumulated by China, not only because of its new status as a great power, but also because of the success of its pragmatic approach to national and international issues, made it become a source of inspiration for countries across the world; (3) the strategic mobilization by China of its symbolic capital, in the form of ‘rhetorical’ commonplaces, greatly contributed to legitimize its power, especially in the eyes of ruling elites in the developing world, thereby dissimulating the asymmetric and arbitrary nature of the Chinese power and relations. Together, these three components -context, capital, and commonplaces- explain the emergence of China as a symbolic power, i.e. the perception that, unlike the United States, China now has the authority to speak the truth and to define causes of and remedies for certain problems and crises. China’s rise challenges the Unites States’ ‘meta-capital’, that is, its monopoly on the production of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital. The focus on this symbolic dimension as a ‘weapon’ in the struggle to define and impose the “legitimate vision of the social world and its divisions” reveals a rupture in the conventional practice of great powers politics, pointing to a peaceful transformation of the international system and symbolic diplomacy. It shows that a focus on symbolic power opens promising avenues for the study of change and sources of authority in world politics, traditionally defined as “anarchic”.