Journal articles: 'China’s peaceful rise'

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Choo, Jaewoo. "Ideas matter: China’s peaceful rise." Asia Europe Journal 7, no. 3-4 (November 10, 2009): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-009-0241-3.

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Hajrullahu, MSc Besjan. "Is China’s Rise going to be Peaceful?" ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i2.92.

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This research paper maintains the notion the “Rise of China” at its core, while attempting to theoretically conceptualize its implications toward the current world order. It has also put a strong emphasis on the various relevant elements, which have mainly shaped the behavior of China in the global arena in various time periods. The theoretical framework used in this paper has been largely based on the school of thought of “Political Realism, where questions such as “Is China a status quo or revisionist power?” and “Is China’s Economic interdependence with other countries and the attitude of China neighbors reason enough to permit its peaceful rise?” have been analyzed accordingly following the guidelines and principles of that specific school of thought. Lastly, this paper proposes that China’s rise cannot be peaceful unless the world leadership will facilitate its further incorporation in the international system and perceives China as part of the solution instead of the problem.

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Han, Enze. "China’s peaceful rise: perceptions, policy and misperceptions." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 30, no. 5-6 (September 3, 2017): 583–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1439313.

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Bhattacharya, Abanti. "Revisiting China’s “peaceful rise”: Implications for India." East Asia 22, no. 4 (December 2005): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-005-0004-8.

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Liu, Weihua, and Yufan Hao. "Australia in China's Grand Strategy." Asian Survey 54, no. 2 (March 2014): 367–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.2.367.

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This paper examines China’s strategic interests in Australia. From the security perspective, Beijing hopes that Australia will be a constructive factor for its peaceful rise. On the economic side, Beijing hopes that the bilateral relationship will ensure sufficient and sustainable resources and energy supplies from Australia for China's domestic needs.

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Li, Xin, and Verner Worm. "Building China’s Soft Power for a Peaceful Rise." Journal of Chinese Political Science 16, no. 1 (November 24, 2010): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-010-9130-2.

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zha, daojiong. "comment: can china rise?" Review of International Studies 31, no. 4 (October 2005): 775–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006753.

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first, ‘peaceful rise’ was the theme of a keynote speech to a regional policy forum created by the chinese government, aptly named the bo’ao forum for asia, then it was an emphatic point made by china’s premier wen jiabao in a speech at harvard university, and still later it was a key feature in china’s president hu jintao’s talk at a gathering to mark the 110th anniversary of mao zedong’s birth. the phrase ‘peaceful rise’ (heping jueqi) has caught the imagination both inside china and abroad partly because all three events took place within a short two-month period beginning at the end of 2003. the chinese leadership seems to have a well-coordinated campaign to officially present the notion to the country and the world.

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Yu, Lei. "China’s Free Trade Area Strategy: An alternative avenue to China’s “peaceful” rise?" Social Science Journal 57, no. 2 (January 28, 2020): 206–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2018.10.009.

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Siek, Yany. "China’s Peaceful Rise and the Security Dilemma: A Theoretical Assessment of the Possibility and Inevitability of War." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 1 (October 15, 2015): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur11.

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The People’s Republic of China’s rapid accession to great power status has shifted the centre of gravity in international relations. China’s rise has produced a heated debate between scholars and policy makers concerning whether or not China can rise peacefully. History is riddled with numerous examples that illustrate the potential conflict that a rising power can produce. The security dilemma concept provides a useful theoretical framework for assessing the probability of war and is essential for understanding the role of misperception in exacerbating and mitigating international conflict. Rapidly growing military expenditures, the U.S. pivot to Asia and the triangular relationship between Beijing, Washington and Tokyo seem to suggest a chaotic future. However, cooperation between these states and the pursuit of foreign policies that address deep insecurities are a source of optimism and hope. China’s peaceful rise is entirely possible and dependent on a genuine desire to mitigate the destructive consequences produced by the security dilemma.

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Okuda, Hiroko. "China’s “peaceful rise/peaceful development”: A case study of media frames of the rise of China." Global Media and China 1, no. 1-2 (March 2016): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436416646275.

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Chen, Lixiang. "The Determinants of Defense Expenditure in China’s Peaceful Rise." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 5, no. 6 (2020): 2238–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.56.61.

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Chan, Edward. "Will China’s rise be peaceful? Security, stability and legitimacy." Global Change, Peace & Security 32, no. 1 (June 13, 2019): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2019.1629581.

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Lee, James Jungbok. "Will China’s Rise Be Peaceful? A Social Psychological Perspective." Asian Security 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2016.1140644.

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He, Kai, and Huiyun Feng. "China’s Bargaining Strategies for a Peaceful Rise: Successes and Challenges." Asian Security 10, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2014.914496.

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Fathiraini, Nurdiani. "POLITIK LUAR NEGERI CHINA TERHADAP ZIMBABWE." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v8i1.20920.

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This article aimed to elaborate China’s foreign policy towards Zimbabwe under Hu Jintao’s leadership. Based on the “social construction” logic, it was a logical consequence influenced by intersubjective factors and also formed and defined based on the actor’s social identity. In this case, historical power influenced a positive intersubjective and form an established structure of China “amity” towards Zimbabwe. It can be understood how China perceived Zimbabwe as a “friend”. Besides, China’s identity transformation as a “peaceful rise” country, defined the interest formation towards economic and development cooperation manifested through strengthening cooperation in the China-Zimbabwe Strategic Partnership’s scheme. Thus, Hu Jintaos foreign policy towardsZimbabwe was not only determined by the material dimension, but strongly determinedby the ideational dimension where China under Hu Jintao’s leadership was strivedto represent of a “peaceful rise” identity that cannot be separated from the values of“friendship, peace, cooperation, and development.

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Cheung, Gordon. "International Relations Theory in Flux in View of China’s ‘Peaceful Rise’." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 26, no. 1 (July 17, 2008): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v26i1.931.

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This paper will first explore some essential theoretical backgrounds, which contribute to the understanding of the theory of hegemonic stability (a core strand of IPE theory) with a view to examine some empirical challenges of US hegemonic power after the Second World War. Secondly, it will go on to look at the notion of neo-liberalist regional development in East Asia to understand in what ways China’s entitlement creed has been increasingly instrumental in modifying the region institutional context. Third, it attempts to apply the constructivist approach in trying to locate the culturally embedded soft power entitlement of which China has been trying to capitalize on.

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Yaseen, Zahid, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Muhammad Muzaffar. "Pakistan and China’s Strategic Ties: Challenges and Opportunities in Trade Perspective." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).02.

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The 21st century is marked by power shifting from the west to the east. This century started a new debate in the world about the peaceful rise of China as an economic power. Many scholarly articles discuss China as a new superpower. Due to the peaceful rise of China, the major powers like USA and Russia are looking for new areas of cooperation with China. This cooperation proved the statement that “there are not permanent friends or foes in international relations, only interests are permanent” and these national interests help the states to make their foreign policy. This is true in the relationship among states as well in the case of China & Pakistan. Despite, strong defense and diplomatic relations, there are some areas of divergence in Pak-China relations which are seen with the help of primary and secondary sources. This aspect needs to addressed by the leadership of both states.

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Surendra Kumar, S. Y. "China’s Footprints in Maldives: Concern for India?" Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.2.

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China has, in the recent decades, has consolidated its interests in the South Asian region. This change in China’s foreign policy, from a focus on the North-East and South-East Asia, hints at an attempt to sustain China’s own peaceful rise. India, on the other hand, has emphasised on a ‘Look East’ foreign policy in the recent times. Both India and China share an important diplomatic relationship with Maldives. However, China’s growing influence in Maldives might be a serious strategic concern to India. This article is an exploratory study of the relationship that China shares with Maldives and its implications to India.

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waldron, arthur. "the rise of china: military and political implications." Review of International Studies 31, no. 4 (October 2005): 715–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006728.

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the rapid economic and military development of china over the decades since the death of mao zedong in 1976 are already changing asia and the world. but what are the longer-term implications of this rise? even in china itself there seems to be disagreement. thus current president hu jintao and his brains trust have advanced the term ‘peaceful rise’ [heping jueqi] in an apparent effort to reassure neighbours who are increasingly troubled not only by china’s increasing economic clout, but by her military strength as well. hence, china’s rising is taken for granted – and has been for a long time. the classic introduction to the modern period, by immanuel hsu and now in its sixth edition, has been titled, for thirty five years, the rise of modern china.

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Moore, Gregory J. "Bismarck or Wilhelm? China’s Peaceful Rise vs. Its South China Sea Policy." Asian Perspective 42, no. 2 (2018): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2018.0011.

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Mingran, Tan. "On China’s Challenge to American Hegemony." Journal of Chinese Humanities 1, no. 2 (May 27, 2015): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-01010017.

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China’s rise has brought about various propositions about its role in the future global order. Based on a dozen influential scholars’ works, this essay first summarizes the supposed economic, political, and cultural challenges China will pose for America and then analyzes their sustainability. Like Martin Jacques, it insists that China will not be able to catch up with America using a resource-intensive model. And China cannot expand using this model through technological upgrades either, for, as a power-oriented culture, China cannot train disinterested scientists to be truly engaged in technological upgrades. Nevertheless, China has alarmed the West as it seeks a way to deal with its rise. My position is that, as China and America become more economically interdependent, the best way is to achieve mutual benefit through peaceful dialogue and establish a world culture that integrates Chinese tradition and American democracy, for maintaining American universalism and containing China by preserving u.s. military superiority are unsustainable.

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Thornton, William H., and Songok Han Thornton. "Sino-globalisation." China Report 54, no. 2 (March 25, 2018): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518761087.

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China’s return to hard-power strategies in Asia represents more than a geopolitical sea change. It is not just Xi Jinping rejecting Deng Xiaoping’s soft-power foreign policy, but the whole ethos of Dengism as the West has sorely misunderstood it. A generation of Western observers has taken this putative Dengism as the abiding essence of the China model. Its ‘win/win’ blueprint for China’s rise became a central pillar of ‘Washington Consensus’ globalism, which is now giving way to the Sino-globalism of Xi’s ‘China Dream’. There is still talk of the ‘peaceful rise’, but Xi conditions his vision of Asian ‘harmony’ on the acceptance of China’s regional supremacy. To comprehend the full implications of this hard-power shift is to recognise that the era of irenic globalism has ended and a new age of power politics has dawned.

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Pratisti, Siti Aliyuna, Deasy Silvya Sari, and Taufik Hidayat. "Zheng He’s Soft Power Discourse in Indonesia: Identity in Power Relation." Economics, Politics and Regional Development 1, no. 1 (June 12, 2020): p64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/eprd.v1n1p64.

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This article proposes an identity turn in the ongoing discourse of China’s peaceful rise. While economic diplomacy remains as China’s leading trade, a robust social relation has been deliberately promoted in maintaining the relationship between states. To symbolize the peaceful relation, China does not need to look further as Zheng He, an ancient sea admiral of the Ming dynasty, posed as a powerful figure for peaceful diplomacy. The social constructivist approach to soft power will be used in analyzing the concept of collective identity and power relations. To illustrate this approach, a specific case study on China-Indonesia Muslim’s connection that exists since Zheng He’s era, will be highlighted as a landscape where the shared identity meet. The qualitative method will be applied to interpret shared values between the two societies. Despite the fact that the state level of analysis is generally used in depicting soft power discourse, this article tries to step beyond the boundaries of states by emphasizing the relationship of soft power in society level.

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Han, Zhen, and T. V. Paul. "China’s Rise and Balance of Power Politics." Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, no. 1 (2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz018.

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Abstract The post-Cold War international system, dominated by the United States, has been shaken by the relative downturn of the US economy and the simultaneous rise of China. China is rapidly emerging as a serious contender for America’s dominance of the Indo-Pacific. What is noticeable is the absence of intense balance of power politics in the form of formal military alliances among the states in the region, unlike state behaviour during the Cold War era. Countries are still hedging as their strategic responses towards each other evolve. We argue that the key factor explaining the absence of intense hard balancing is the dearth of existential threat that either China or its potential adversaries feel up till now. The presence of two related critical factors largely precludes existential threats, and thus hard balancing military coalitions formed by or against China. The first is the deepened economic interdependence China has built with the potential balancers, in particular, the United States, Japan, and India, in the globalisation era. The second is the grand strategy of China, in particular, the peaceful rise/development, and infrastructure-oriented Belt and Road Initiative. Any radical changes in these two conditions leading to existential threats by the key states could propel the emergence of hard-balancing coalitions.

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Kang, Su-Jeong. "Jinghao Zhou, China’s Peaceful Rise in a Global Context: A Domestic Aspect of China’s Road Map to Democratization." Journal of Chinese Political Science 18, no. 1 (November 30, 2012): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-012-9231-1.

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Mannan, Md Abdul. "China’s Balancing Behaviour Against the United States and the Special Importance of Myanmar." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 2 (August 2020): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020938985.

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As China rises, Sino–US competition for influence in East and Southeast Asia has become inescapable. China’s growing influence on its south-western neighbour, Myanmar, is a case in point. The impact of China’s rise is more strongly felt, politically and economically, in Myanmar than elsewhere in the world. This article asks the follow question: What explains China’s more aggressive political and economic clout in Myanmar than elsewhere in the world? To answer this question, this article argues that Myanmar holds a unique importance to China’s balancing act against the preponderance of American power in a unipolar world. Most of the available literature on China’s inroads into Myanmar focus on China’s geopolitical and strategic interests. With such focus, existing literatures take on Myanmar’s importance to China in terms of China’s politics of resource extraction that meets the requirement of its overall economic development. There is no denying it—resource extraction is important for China in order to feed its expanding economy. But hardly any study frames Myanmar’s special weight in China’s politics of resource extraction from the perspective of Beijing’s balancing act against the United States (US). China’s balancing act is characterized by an ‘economic prebalancing’ strategy. The strategy is rooted in China’s grand strategy of acquiring ‘comprehensive national strength’, and more precisely, it is embedded in Beijing’s ‘peaceful development’ strategy. The article asserts that Myanmar is critically important in China’s economic prebalancing strategy against the United States.

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Khatoon, Aasia, Nazim Rahim, and Barkat Ali. "A Historical Perspective of China’s Peaceful Policies and its Rise as World Economic Power." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/2.1.8.

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China’s rise as an economic power on the canvas of world politics is immensely being discussed by the scholars and experts around the globe whether it will create a chaotic situation or it will be peaceful for global peace and security. World seems astonished by experiencing the speed of Chinese economic development and getting its maximum share in international trade. The descriptive-analytical approach is used to investigate that how at present the history of China plays a significant role in development and promotion of its passive and non-violent image. Liberal Institutionalism has been applied for the data analysis and further explaining the situation. This study focuses on historical peaceful and accommodating political character of China while interacting with its neighbouring states. The same is going to happen in the scenario of current rise of China and especially its mega project of “Belt and Road initiative.” While studying the political and military nature of historical China, we can easily assess that China is ready for collaborating and cooperating not only with its neighbouring countries but also seems serious to bring the other countries in the nexus. China is very well aware of the suspicion, misconception, fear and threat that prevails in the regional states viz-a-viz the status quo world powers that powerful China could create threats for their security and survival.

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Cabral, Francisco. "The Rise of China in Global Politics: Is a Peaceful Power Transition Possible?" DAXIYANGGUO - REVISTA PORTUGUESA DE ESTUDOS ASIÁTICOS / PORTUGUESE JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES, no. 25 (2020): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/1645-4677.daxiyangguo2020.25/pp.22-38.

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This article seeks to cover the Dynamics between China and the United States of America through the perspective of Power Transition Theory. This analysis aims to dispute the notion that the nature of Power Transitions has a tendency towards bellicism between the Actors in question. Through the study of the theoretical matrix behind China’s internal and external politics, this article establishes how Beijing has accumulated a power that’s as deep and prolific as it is dependent on the very international order that its precepts appear to denounce. Keywords: Power Transition; Balance of Power; World Order; Pluralism; Solidarism

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Liao, Janet Xuanli. "China’s Energy Diplomacy and Its “Peaceful Rise” Ambition: The Cases of Sudan and Iran." Asian Journal of Peacebuilding 1, no. 2 (November 30, 2013): 197–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.18588/201311.000013.

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Zhang, Chun. "China’s Whole-of-Region Diplomacy Revisited: Past Experience and Future Prospects." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 01 (January 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500039.

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Targeting a group of developing nations in a specific region, whole-of-region diplomacy as a relatively new practice of China’s diplomacy has caught much attention across the world. Since the 1990s, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy has achieved remarkable breakthroughs in terms of its geographical coverage, extending from Southeast and Central Asia to the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, and even Central and Eastern Europe. Through whole-of-region diplomacy, China has not only fulfilled its political commitment and strategic reassurance toward developing nations, but also enhanced the collective identity of various developing regions. Despite the great achievements, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy is far from fully developed and needs further upgrading so as to lay a solid foundation for the country’s sustainable rise. In the future, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy can be advanced by clarifying its strategic position, renovating its institutional framework and scaling up its capacity-building efforts. In the long run, whole-of-region diplomacy, as a key component of the “Xi Jinping thought on diplomacy” and “major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics,” is expected to help China tackle challenges of interest, identity and influence in the developing world and to ultimately achieve its peaceful rise.

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Oliveira, Alana Camoça Gonçalves de. "From Panda to Dragon: An Analysis of China’s Maritime Actions and Reactions in the East China Sea and Their Implications since 2012." Contexto Internacional 43, no. 1 (April 2021): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019430100007.

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Abstract In the 21st century, China’s rise has been shifting global and regional geopolitical scenarios. Faced with its growth and fears of being perceived as a threat, China sought to associate its economic and political emergence with the preservation of the current international system, emphasizing speeches about a peaceful development and harmonious world in which it would be an actor who wants to grow and accommodate the world order. However, changes in the balance of power and its continued rise have caused China’s behaviour to change in its own region, especially regarding maritime disputes and affecting other countries’ perceptions. By applying Neoclassical Realism, this paper analyses the Chinese foreign policy in the 21st century, elucidating its behaviour in terms of the country’s action and reactions regarding the dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands and shows the perceptions of other countries to that behaviour. The article concludes that perceptions concerning the balance of power, Chinese capabilities, nationalism, regime legitimacy, and on leadership images affect the intensity of Beijing’s responses and foreign policy about maritime territorial disputes. Also, the article shows that China’s growing assertiveness in both the East China Sea and the South China Sea is pushing countries that have territorial disputes with China to grow closer.

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Jin, Huang. "Establishment and Development of the Post-war New International Civil and Commercial Order." Chinese Journal of Global Governance 1, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23525207-00000006.

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Supported by new rules of private international law, a new international civil and commercial order has taken shape, comprising international civil and commercial jurisdiction rules, conflict-of-law rules, international civil and commercial judicial assistance rules and disputes resolution mechanism. Different from the international economic order, the new international civil and commercial order stands side by side and complements the new international economic order, as well as the new international political order. As the international civil and commercial order continues developing in an open, inclusive, multilateral, and flexible way, it will play a more important role in safeguarding international security and prosperity, and promoting common interests of humankind. In this context, safeguarding, improving, and actively promoting the international civil and commercial order is of vital significance for China’s peaceful rise and the realization of China’s dream of great rejuvenation.

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Chang Liao, Nien-chung. "Winds of Change: Assessing China’s Assertive Turn in Foreign Policy." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 6 (March 23, 2018): 880–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618762477.

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The current debate on the question of whether China has become more assertive involves two opposing opinions on Beijing’s foreign policy orientation. This article argues that the key question is whether China is about to change its approach to foreign policy, one which has enabled its “peaceful rise” in recent decades. It examines variations in Chinese foreign policy by developing a set of interrelated indicators of changes in a state’s external behavior. The results reveal a marked increase in China’s military spending and power projection capability, foreign aid, and diplomatic initiatives after the 2008 global financial crisis, as well as an expansion of Beijing’s alliance commitments through the establishment of partnership relationships around the world. These findings not only support the increased assertiveness argument but also indicate a larger transformation in Chinese foreign policy—China is becoming more active diplomatically as part of its quest for great power status.

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Lai, Christina J. "Rhetorical traps and China’s peaceful rise: Malaysia and the Philippines in the South China Sea territorial disputes." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 19, no. 1 (July 19, 2017): 117–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcx008.

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Lee, John. "Australia’s 2015 Defence White Paper: Seeking Strategic Opportunities in Southeast Asia to Help Manage China’s Peaceful Rise." Contemporary Southeast Asia 35, no. 3 (2013): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs35-3d.

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유희복. "China’s Intellectual Challenge to the Mainstream IR Theory in its Rise to Great Power Status : With Focus on “Peaceful Rise” and “China Dream”." China Knowledge Network 10, no. 10 (November 2017): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35389/ckn.10.10.201711.5.

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Oznobishchev, Sergey. "Russia and China." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 1 (September 16, 2016): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116662710.

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Russia and China have closely interconnected histories and partially coinciding interests in the globalizing world. Disillusioned with the counteraction with the West, especially as a result of the ‘Ukrainian crisis’, Moscow started to construct its ‘own world’, consisting of its own partners. Under this scenario China, with its economic abilities and deep historic ties with the USSR/Russia, looked to be a very privileged partner. But the attempts to change the declared ‘strategic partnership’ between Beijing and Moscow into a closer alliance did not coincide with China’s policy of a ‘peaceful rise’ which was intended to get the maximum possible advantage for Chinese national development from all participants of the world process, without complicating, except with very good reason, its relations with any state. This article analyses the developments in the principal fields of the Russian–Chinese cooperation in the context of the attitudes of the Russian political elite.

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Feng, Tianrun. "The Analysis on Sino-Us Development under Trump Administration." Research in Economics and Management 3, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v3n1p1.

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<em>The Sino-US relationship was normalized in 1979, and 1st January 2017 marks the 38th anniversary of formal diplomatic relations. Since the US-China diplomatic relationship established, they have been on through zigzags. Two governments seek cooperation in various areas, enhancing close relationships and maintaining a smooth and positive momentum of development, and have achieved a historic progress. With China’s peaceful rise and the US’s eastward shift, the relations are in face of dramatic structural contradictions and the dander of “Thucydides Trap”. Meanwhile, as the core national interests conflict intensified, a new round of strategic suspicion has been stimulated. The “Trump Administration” gives new challenges and opportunities to both countries in economy and security areas, and both government are in face of the co-exist situation of “certainty” and “uncertainty”. In the short term, two governments share both conflicts and cooperation, and in the long term, relations are forging ahead in the difficulties.</em>

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Hu, Wei, Yuejing Ge, Qin Dang, Yu Huang, Yuan Hu, Shuai Ye, and Shufang Wang. "Analysis of the Development Level of Geo-Economic Relations between China and Countries along the Belt and Road." Sustainability 12, no. 3 (January 22, 2020): 816. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12030816.

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With the continuous advancement of the Belt and Road Initiative, countries along the Belt and Road are becoming the most important geo-economic space for China’s peaceful rise. This paper constructs a geo-economic model to measure the geo-economic relations between China and countries along the Belt and Road, analyzes the spatial-temporal patterns of geo-economic flow between China and these countries, and discusses the spatial agglomeration of geo-economic flow between China and these countries. The results show that the geo-economic flow between China and the countries along the Belt and Road is increasing and the geo-economic relations between China and these countries are continuing to improve. Trade flow is far greater than investment flow, and China’s geo-economic relations with these countries have mainly relied on trade flow. The spatial differentiation of geo-economic flow between China and countries along the Belt and Road is significant. The development of geo-economic relations is unbalanced, and regional powers play an important role. The geo-economic center of gravity of China and countries along the Belt and Road was moving in the northeastern part of India and it first moved to the northwest and then to the southeast. China’s geo-economic space has obvious core-peripheral structure characteristics, and Southeast Asia is the core area of China’s geo-economic space. China’s geo-economic space presents a northwest-southeast pattern in the direction. There has been a significant, positive spatial autocorrelation in geo-economic flow between China and the countries along the Belt and Road, but the overall spatial agglomeration has been weak. The geo-economic flow agglomerations of China and these countries have mainly occurred in Southeast Asia, and the main agglomeration type has been high–high. The geo-economic activities of China and Southeast Asia had certain spatial spillover effects. To promote the sustainable development of China’s geo-economic relations with the countries along the Belt and Road, China should upgrade investment networks with these countries, optimize geo-economic relations with regional powers, and promote the full development of trade flow, investment flow and other geo-economic element flow.

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Bao, Barack Lujia. "Confucianism and Philosophy of a Shared-Future Global Community in an Inter-civilisational World Order: Comparative Analysis of Their Relationships and Prospects." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 8 (August 30, 2021): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.8.1.

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The Western-initiating international relations theoretical framework plays a fairly dominant role in analysing and initiating the prospects and scenarios of international order. However, with the peaceful rise of China, whose civlisation sustains almost 5000 years, China is playing a more proactive role in inter-civilisational international order; thus, in-depth explorations into Confucianism as the core element of Han Chinese Civilisation have been resurgent on the world stage, and it is indispensable for relevant scholars, intellectuals and strategists to closely evaluate unexploited implications and demystify the sustainability and intrinsic dynamism of Confucianism-themed Han Chinese Civilisation, and its implicit ties with a comparable philosophical concept of a global community of shared future. Through historical-studies approaches and comparative methodologies, the primary purpose of this paper seeks to crucially investigate a potential relationship between Confucianism and the philosophical concept of a global community of shared future ranging from the perspectives of historical origin, context, substance and so forth. It can be argued that the philosophical standpoint of a community of shared future for humankind bears historical significance and merits that Confucian thoughts somehow generate. This paper of research findings meanwhile predicts that China’s inter-civlisational international engagement as part of China’s soft-power strategy will proceed beyond classical state-based theoretic framework and the Confucian thoughts of the prevalence of public spirit and harmony without homogeneity will grow as an alternative guiding international norm in better services of rebuilding normative, inter-civilisational international order that a global community demands.

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Karunarathne, M. S. H. U. "Theoretical analysis on the convergence of India and China’s interests and their impact on post-conflict Sri Lanka." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 4 (April 4, 2018): 4565–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i4.04.

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Convergence of India-China interests on Sri Lankan context became critical during post conflict period as it provided the platform for these two powerful nations to check and balance their interests. This paper aims at discussing the impact of their interests on post conflict Sri Lanka. The main objective of the study is to theoretically analyze the convergence of Indo-China interests on above context and their impact on Sri Lanka. To achieve aforesaid objectives qualitative approach has been adopted and secondary data is the main type of data obtained from various sources such as books, journal articles, newspapers, government records and other relevant documents available in both printed and electronic versions. Document analysis, theoretical analysis and descriptive analysis are used to analyze data. In document analysis documents are interpreted to give meaning and it collects available data related to the study and interprets them to find out specific issues. Concepts derive from literature review and theoretical analysis helps to develop broader understanding on those issues and collect new knowledge. Descriptive analysis also used in certain areas to provide comprehensive understanding of collected data. The research findings conclude Chinese influence over the other regions seems inevitable with its rise as a global economic and military power which is perceived as a threat by India. India is also trying to match Chinese rise resulting suspicion and fear psychosis among one another’s achievements. Both are engaged in a competition to achieve goodwill of their neighbors. Sri Lanka has become convergence point for both India and China due to its strategic importance in the Indian Ocean and it was intensified during post conflict period. Both attempted to attract the post conflict reconstruction projects but China impressed more positively on Sri Lankan policy makers since its aid came with no influences for domestic politics. India raised the issue on reconciliation and power devolution and even supported UN resolution against Sri Lanka. Chinese approach was more peaceful and beneficial for Sri Lanka whereas India

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Jyalita, Vincentia Vahistha Hirrya. "Defensive Realism’s Perspective on Rising China’s Behavior as A Status Quo State." Jurnal Sentris 2, no. 1 (May 7, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4621.73-86.

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China’s rise through rapid development especially in the economic sector have prompted debates on whether it seeks to overtake the United States (U.S.) and strive for domination. However, China insists that it has no such intentions since it benefits from the current system and wishes to pursue peaceful development. This paper will analyze why China is not seeking to displace the U.S. and alter the international order despite claims from offensive realism that states are revisionist as they pursue domination to guarantee its survival under anarchy. This paper argues that defensive realism can better explain the case and that China is a status quo state unlike claims from offensive realism. The writer conducted the study with defensive realism’s perspective and utilized indicators from Steve Chan, Weixing Hu, and Kai He to determine whether China is a status quo state. The results show that defensive realism can fill the gap left by offensive realism and that China is indeed a status quo state. Kebangkitan China yang ditandai dengan perkembangan pesat, terutama dalam bidang ekonomi, telah memicu perdebatan tentang apakah China berusaha untuk mengambil alih kekuasaan Amerika Serikat (A.S.) dan mendominasi tatanan global. Namun, China bersikeras dalam mengklaim bahwa tidak ada niat seperti itu karena mendapatkan keuntungan dari sistem saat ini dan lebih ingin mengejar pembangunan secara damai. Artikel ini akan menganalisis mengapa China tidak berusaha untuk menggantikan A.S. maupun mengubah tatanan global, meskipun ada klaim dari offensive realism bahwa setiap negara adalah revisionist karena mereka memperluas kekuasaannya untuk menjamin kelangsungan hidupnya di bawah sistem dunia yang anarki. Dalam artikel ini, penulis berpendapat bahwa defensive realism dapat menjelaskan kasus ini dengan lebih baik dan China adalah negara status quo tidak seperti klaim dari offensive realism. Penulis melakukan studi dengan perspektif defensive realism dan menggunakan indikator dari Steve Chan, Weixing Hu, dan Kai He untuk menentukan apakah China merupakan negara status quo. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa defensive realism dapat mengisi kekosongan yang ditinggalkan oleh offensive realism dan bahwa China memang negara status quo.

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Alysa, Michelle. "THE IMPLICATIONS OF US-TAIWAN RELATIONS ON US-CHINA RELATIONS UNDER THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 11, no. 21 (June 11, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v11i21.2452.

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<p>President Obama served two terms as the US president between 2009-2016. He managed to steer the US into Asia using the Pivot to Asia strategy. The strategy is not only used as a method to spread the US influence, but also to balance the peaceful rise of China. The strategy also includes Taiwan, whom until now is a key leverage against China due to China’s unresolved claim over Taiwan. With the US spread of influence on Asia and Taiwan, US-Taiwan relations impacted US-China relations under the Obama administration. The US-Taiwan bilateral relations become a trigger point to the US-China relations ignited several frictions. This research aims to identify implications and the result of the US-Taiwan relations towards the US-China relations under the Obama administration. Using the explanatory and historical comparative method with qualitative approach, this research indicates that the US and Taiwan relations impacted the US-China bilateral relations in several ways. It resulted in continuous and rising security dilemma, tension, and arms race in Asia. These implications are intensifying the existing differences between the US and China explained through the Offensive and Defensive Realism theories. Despite the unofficial status of Taiwan as a state, its relations to one of the major player in the world can affect the others as long as the three states remain connected.</p>

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Waldron, Arthur. "China's ‘Peaceful Rise’ Enters Turbulence." Orbis 58, no. 2 (2014): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2014.02.010.

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Liru, Cui. "Peaceful Rise: China's Modernisation Trajectory." International Spectator 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2012.683272.

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BIJIAN, ZHENG. "China's Rise Will Be Peaceful." New Perspectives Quarterly 23, no. 1 (December 2006): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2006.00790.x.

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Zhang, X., and B. Buzan. "Correspondence * Debating China's Peaceful Rise." Chinese Journal of International Politics 3, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 447–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poq017.

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Buzan, Barry. "Will China’s Rise Be Peaceful? Security, Stability, and Legitimacy, edited by Asle Toje. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. vi+374 pp. £71.00 (cloth), £25.49 (paper); also available as an eBook." China Journal 82 (July 2019): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/703301.

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Shouren, W. "China's Peaceful Rise: A Cultural Alternative." boundary 2 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-2006-005.

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Bijian, Zheng. "China's "Peaceful Rise" to Great-Power Status." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 5 (2005): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031702.

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Journal articles on the topic 'China’s peaceful rise'

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