Journal articles on the topic 'China. 1980 Sept. 17'

AbstractThe hail day climatology from 1961 to 2005 was previously studied based on hundreds of surface stations in China. Recently, both hail occurrence and maximum hail diameter (MHD) data from more than 2000 surface stations were released by the National Meteorological Information Center of China. These data enable hail climatology to be explored using both hail frequency (HF), which is defined as annual mean hail occurrence, and MHD records from more stations over the entire country. Following quality control, hail data from 2254 stations were selected for the period of 1980–2015. In general, HF increased with station topography height, with a maximum of more than 30 events per year in the Tibetan Plateau and a minimum of less than 1 event per year in southern China, whereas the station mean MHD decreased with topography height. The highest peak of the 80th-percentile cumulative distribution function of the annual MHD cycle in southern China occurred in May but was delayed to July in the north. Severe hail (MHD ≥ 20 mm; 5.32% of all cases) mainly occurred along the edge of the plain, near the mountainsides, and was most likely to develop in the afternoon.

AbstractThe contribution of urban surface expansion to regional warming as detected from meteorological observational station data may vary with considerable uncertainty because of the spatial heterogeneity of such data—a situation that promotes a requirement for numerical model-based investigations. Satellite-based images from 1980 to 2016 that have fine resolution over three city clusters and that display the urban surface expansion in China from rapid economic development and anthropogenic activity were used to perform 37-yr nested dynamical downscaling using the Weather Research and Forecasting (WRF) Model. The urban surface areas in Beijing, China, expressed marked expansion in the last 37 years. The contribution of urban surface expansion to regional warming was approximately 22% of the overall warming in Beijing and was stronger in the plains areas of Beijing (42%). The contributions to land-use grids that changed from nonurban (in 1980) to urban (in 2016; N2U) were much stronger than those to grids that were classified as urban in both time periods (U2U), which were closer to the values of urban areas (including N2U and U2U) because of the intense increase in urban surface areas. Urban-related warming expressed marked annual variation and was greater in the warm seasons and smaller in the cold seasons. The greater increase in surface air temperature (SAT) minimum and the weaker SAT maximum accounted for the decreased diurnal temperature range.

Abstract. China is experiencing intense air pollution caused in large part by anthropogenic emissions of reactive nitrogen (Nr). Atmospheric ammonia (NH3) and nitrogen dioxide (NO2) are the most important precursors for Nr compounds (including N2O5, HNO3, HONO and particulate NO3− and NH4+) in the atmosphere. Understanding the changes in NH3 and NO2 has important implications for the regulation of anthropogenic Nr emissions and is a requirement for assessing the consequence of environmental impacts. We conducted the temporal trend analysis of atmospheric NH3 and NO2 on a national scale since 1980 based on emission data (during 1980–2010), satellite observation (for NH3 since 2008 and for NO2 since 2005) and atmospheric chemistry transport modeling (during 2008–2015).Based on the emission data, during 1980–2010, significant continuous increasing trends in both NH3 and NOx were observed in REAS (Regional Emission inventory in Asia, for NH3 0.17 and for NOx 0.16 kg N ha−1 yr−2) and EDGAR (Emissions Database for Global Atmospheric Research, for NH3 0.24 and for NOx 0.17 kg N ha−1 yr−2) over China. Based on the satellite data and atmospheric chemistry transport model (CTM) MOZART-4 (Model for Ozone and Related chemical Tracers, version 4), the NO2 columns over China increased significantly from 2005 to 2011 and then decreased significantly from 2011 to 2015; the satellite-retrieved NH3 columns from 2008 to 2014 increased at a rate of 2.37 % yr−1. The decrease in NO2 columns since 2011 may result from more stringent strategies taken to control NOx emissions during the 12th Five Year Plan, while no control policy has focused on NH3 emissions. Our findings provided an overall insight into the temporal trends of both NO2 and NH3 since 1980 based on emission data, satellite observations and atmospheric transport modeling. These findings can provide a scientific background for policy makers that are attempting to control atmospheric pollution in China. Moreover, the multiple datasets used in this study have implications for estimating long-term Nr deposition datasets to assess its impact on soil, forest, water and greenhouse balance.

Abstract Diurnal cycle of surface air temperature T is an important metric indicating the feedback of land–atmospheric interaction to global warming, whereas the ability of current reanalyses to reproduce its variation had not been assessed adequately. Here, we evaluate the daily maximum temperature Tmax, daily minimum temperature Tmin, and diurnal temperature range (DTR) in five reanalyses based on observations collected at 2253 weather stations over China. Our results show that the reanalyses reproduce Tmin very well; however, except for Modern-Era Retrospective Analysis for Research and Applications version 2 (MERRA-2), they substantially underestimate Tmax and DTR by 1.21°–6.84°C over China during the period of 1980–2014. MERRA-2 overestimates Tmax and DTR by 0.35° and 0.81°C, which are closest with observation. The reanalyses are skillful in reproducing the interannual variability of Tmax and Tmin but relatively poor for DTR. All reanalyses underestimate the warming trend of Tmin by 0.13°–0.17°C (10 yr)−1 throughout China during 1980–2014, and underestimate the warming trend of Tmax by 0.24°–0.40°C (10 yr)−1 in northwestern China while overestimating this quantity by 0.18°–0.33°C (10 yr)−1 in southeastern China. These trend biases in Tmax and Tmin introduce a positive trend bias in DTR of 0.01°–0.26°C (10 yr)−1 within China, especially in the north China plain and southeastern China. In the five reanalyses, owing to the sensitivity discrepancies and trend biases, the surface solar radiation Rs and precipitation frequency (PF) are notable deviation sources of the diurnal cycle of air temperature, which explain 31.0%–38.7% (31.9%–37.8%) and 9.8%–22.2% (7.4%–15.3%) of the trend bias in Tmax (DTR) over China, respectively.

A new species, Euscorpiops liisp. nov., from Xizang (Tibet) in southwest China is described herein. Adult scorpions in this species are principally characterized by yellow-brown colour, a length of less than 40 mm, 17 trichobothria on the external surface of the pedipalp patella and usually six trichobothria on the ventral surface of the pedipalp patella in both sexes. With the description of this new species, the number of known species of the genus Euscorpiops from China is raised to 13 (five species found in Xizang, including the new species, and eight other species in Yunnan). A key to the species of the genus Euscorpiops from China is presented.

The runoff from the Laohahe basin in northern China has been greatly influenced by climate variability and human activities, and it is very important to quantitatively analyze these effects. Three methods, the Mann–Kendall test, ordered clustering and double cumulative curve were used to detect the trend and change points in annual precipitation and runoff for the period from 1964 to 2008, and the runoff series were divided into a ‘natural period’ (1964–1979) and a ‘human-induced period’ (1980–2008). Then the three-layer Variable Infiltration Capacity (VIC-3L) model was used to quantitatively evaluate the effects of climate variability and human activities on runoff. The results show that compared with the ‘natural period’, the annual precipitation varied by −10, 10 and −10% during the periods of 1980–1989, 1990–1999 and 2000–2008, respectively, while the corresponding yearly runoff changed by −57, 17 and −72%, respectively. It was found that the range of yearly runoff percentage change is much larger than the range of annual precipitation variation. Additionally, the computing effects of human activities on runoff decreasing are more evident during the two drier periods of 1980–1989 and 2000–2008 with the contribution of 70 and 78%, respectively, while that of the wetter period of 1990–1999 is only 21%. It is suggested that within the Laohahe basin human activities are the main reason that runoff decreased during the two drier periods of 1980–1989 and 2000–2008, while the increasing of the runoff during the wetter period of 1990–1999 is mainly attributed to the climate variability.

Abstract This paper studies the atmospheric moisture residence times over China for the period 1980–2009 using the dynamic recycling model (DRM). We define both the residence times for atmospheric moisture of precipitation (backward tracking) and evaporation (forward tracking) and show that each has significant spatial and seasonal variations. The area-averaged precipitation-moisture residence time is approximately 8.3 days, while the evaporation residence time is approximately 6.3 days. In addition, we investigate the concept of “tracking time” or time selected for moisture tracking in numerical source–sink studies. The area-averaged backward and forward tracking times at the 90% threshold (i.e., when 90% of initial moisture is attributed for tracking) are approximately 22 and 15 days, respectively. Finally, we theoretically deduced the explicit expressions for residence and tracking times for idealized cases and found the analytical proportional relationship between these times. In this way, the analytical link between residence time and e-folding time was reestablished. This proportional relationship was further verified against the DRM-derived values. In the DRM results, the proportional relation generally fluctuates along the trajectory, which leads to the differences between the theoretical and the DRM-derived values. These results can enhance our understanding of water cycling, and they are likely to help choose tracking times in relevant studies.

Abstract. Multiyear emission inventories of anthropogenic NMVOCs in China for 1980–2005 were compiled based on time-varying statistical data, literature surveyed and model calculated emission factors, and were gridded at a high spatial resolution of 40 km×40 km using the GIS methodology. Chinese NMVOCs emissions had increased by 4.3 times at an annual average rate of 10.7% from 3.92 Tg in 1980 to 16.5 Tg in 2005. Vehicles, biomass burning, industrial processes, fossil fuel combustion, solvent utilization, and storage and transport generated 5.49 Tg, 3.91 Tg, 2.76 Tg, 1.98 Tg, 1.87 Tg, and 0.55 Tg of NMVOCs, respectively. Motorcycles, biofuel burning, heavy-duty vehicles, synthetic fibre production, biomass open burning, and industrial and commercial consumption were primary emission sources. Besides, from 1980 to 2005, vehicle emission increased notably from 6% to 33%, along with a slight increase for fossil fuel combustion from 9% to 12% and for industrial processes from 11% to 17%. Meanwhile, biomass burning emission decreased from 41% to 23%, along with the decrease of storage and transport and solvent utilization from 9% to 3% and from 28% to 11%, respectively. Varieties of NMVOCs emissions coincided well with China's economic growth. Conversions in economic structure and adjustment of fuel consumption structure in China during the period were the reasons for conspicuous variation of source contributions. The developed eastern and coastal regions produced more emissions than the relatively underdeveloped western and inland regions. Particularly, southeastern, northern, and central China covering 35% of China's territory, generated 59% of the total emissions, while the populous capital cities covering merely 4.5% of China's territory, accounted for 25% of the national emissions. Moreover, rural areas also experienced emission growth during the past two and a half decades, the reason of which was transfer of emission-intensive plants from city to county, inefficient fuel utilization, and biomass burning.

A new species of the genus Euscorpiops Vachon, 1980 is described, based on specimens collected from Menglian County, Yunnan Province, China. It is characterized by the following characters: (1) pectinal teeth number 7–7 in females and 8–8 in males; (2) cheliceral movable finger with 6–7 basal teeth on ventral edge; (3) chela ratio of length to width over 3.5 in females and over 4.1 in males; (4) a slight lobe on movable finger and corresponding notch on fixed finger in both males and females, with no marked sexual dimorphism; (5) patella with 19 external trichobothria (6eb, 2esb, 2em, 4est, 5et), and with 10 ventral trichobothria. With the species described in the present publication, the number of known species of Euscorpiops is raised to 17.

All 13 Shang dynasty oracle bone eclipse records have been uniquely matched to 6 solar and 7 lunar eclipses in the 14-12th centuries B.C. The King Zhong Kang 5th year autumnal (Oct. 16, 1876 B.C.) and King Yu 3rd year “double sunset” (Sept. 24, 1912 B.C.) eclipses confirm the accuracy of the revised Bamboo Annals Xia dynasty chronology (Nivision and Pang, Early China 15, 1990, 87). The eclipse dates are plotted against the number of generations before 841 B.C. (earliest accurate date), the respective kings ruled. The curve of benefit has both the strengths of verified royal genealogy – continuity – and eclipse dating – accuracy. It is 99% accurate, and can be confidently used as a foundation for building a detailed absolute chronology for the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties, an important project in China’s new 5-Year Plan (Song, Sci. Tech. Daily, May 17, 1996; Newsweek, July 7, 1997).

Abstract ERA-Interim has been widely considered as a valid proxy for observations at global and regional scales. However, the verifications of ERA-Interim precipitation and temperature in mainland China have been rarely conducted, especially in the spatial and long-term performances. Therefore, in this study, we employed the interpolated ground station (STA) data to evaluate the spatial and temporal patterns and trends of ERA-Interim precipitation and temperature during 1980–2012. The results showed that relatively weaker performances were observed in ERA-Interim precipitation, with the skill score (S index) ranging from 0.41 to 0.50. Interannual ERA-Interim precipitation presented comparable trends with STA precipitation at the annual and seasonal scales. Spatial patterns of empirical orthogonal function (EOF) modes and corresponding principal components were evidently different between annual ERA-Interim and STA precipitation. For temperature, annual and seasonal patterns of ERA-Interim data were in good consistency with those of STA over China with the S index ranging from 0.59 to 0.70. Yet interannual STA temperature recorded stronger warming trends (from 0.37 K decade−1 of wintertime to 0.53 K decade−1 of springtime) at the annual and seasonal scales compared to corresponding periods for ERA-Interim temperature (from 0.03 K decade−1 of wintertime to 0.25 K decade−1 of summertime). Overall, ERA-Interim precipitation and temperature had good agreement with STA data in east China with lower elevation (<1000 m above sea level), but good agreements were not observed in west China with higher elevation. The findings suggest that caution should be paid when using ERA-Interim precipitation and temperature in areas with complex orography.

Abstract. We applied a global three-dimensional chemical transport model (GEOS-Chem) to examine the impacts of the East Asian monsoon on the interannual variations of mass concentrations and direct radiative forcing (DRF) of black carbon (BC) over eastern China (110–125° E, 20–45° N). With emissions fixed at the year 2010 levels, model simulations were driven by the Goddard Earth Observing System (GEOS-4) meteorological fields for 1986–2006 and the Modern Era Retrospective-analysis for Research and Applications (MERRA) meteorological fields for 1980–2010. During the period of 1986–2006, simulated June–July–August (JJA) and December–January–February (DJF) surface BC concentrations were higher in MERRA than in GEOS-4 by 0.30 µg m−3 (44 %) and 0.77 µg m−3 (54 %), respectively, because of the generally weaker precipitation in MERRA. We found that the strength of the East Asian summer monsoon (EASM; East Asian winter monsoon, EAWM) negatively correlated with simulated JJA (DJF) surface BC concentrations (r = −0. 7 (−0.7) in GEOS-4 and −0.4 (−0.7) in MERRA), mainly by the changes in atmospheric circulation. Relative to the 5 strongest EASM years, simulated JJA surface BC concentrations in the 5 weakest monsoon years were higher over northern China (110–125° E, 28–45° N) by 0.04–0.09 µg m−3 (3–11 %), but lower over southern China (110–125° E, 20–27° N) by 0.03–0.04 µg m−3 (10–11 %). Compared to the 5 strongest EAWM years, simulated DJF surface BC concentrations in the 5 weakest monsoon years were higher by 0.13–0.15 µg m−3 (5–8 %) in northern China and by 0.04–0.10 µg m−3 (3–12 %) in southern China. The resulting JJA (DJF) mean all-sky DRF of BC at the top of the atmosphere was 0.04 W m−2 (3 %; 0.03 W m−2, 2 %) higher in northern China but 0.06 W m−2 (14 %; 0.03 W m−2, 3 %) lower in southern China. In the weakest monsoon years, the weaker vertical convection at the elevated altitudes led to the lower BC concentrations above 1–2 km in southern China, and therefore the lower BC DRF in the region. The differences in vertical profiles of BC between the weakest and strongest EASM years (1998–1997) and EAWM years (1990–1996) reached up to −0.09 µg m−3 (−46 %) and −0.08 µg m−3 (−11 %) at 1–2 km in eastern China.

Abstract. In June 2009, the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of UNESCO released The international thermodynamic equation of seawater – 2010 (TEOS-10 for short; IOC et al., 2010) to define, describe and calculate the thermodynamic properties of seawater. Compared to the Equation of State-1980 (EOS-80 for short), the most obvious change with TEOS-10 is the use of Absolute Salinity as salinity argument, replacing the Practical Salinity used in the oceanographic community for 30 years. Due to the lack of observational data, the applicability of the potentially increased accuracy in Absolute Salinity algorithms for coastal and semi-enclosed seas is not very clear to date. Here, we discuss the magnitude, distribution characteristics, and formation mechanism of Absolute Salinity and Absolute Salinity Anomaly in Chinese shelf waters, based on the Marine Integrated Investigation and Evaluation Project of the China Sea and other relevant data. The Absolute Salinity SA ranges from 0.1 to 34.66 g kg−1. Instead of silicate, the main composition anomaly in the open sea, CaCO3 originating from terrestrial input and re-dissolution of shelf sediment is most likely the main composition anomaly relative to SSW and the primary contributor to the Absolute Salinity Anomaly δSA. Finally, relevant suggestions are proposed for the accurate measurement and expression of Absolute Salinity of the China offshore waters.

Abstract. Nitrous oxide (N2O) is a long-lived greenhouse gas with a large radiation intensity and it is emitted mainly from agricultural land. Accurate estimates of total direct N2O emissions from croplands on a country scale are important for global budgets of anthropogenic sources of N2O emissions and for the development of effective mitigation strategies. The objectives of this study were to re-estimate direct N2O emissions using localized emission factors and a database of measurements from Chinese croplands. We obtained N2O emission factors for paddy fields (0.41 %) and uplands (1.05 %) from a normalization process through cube root transformation of the original data after comparing the results of normalization from the original values, logarithmic and cube root transformations because the frequency of the original data was not normally distributed. Direct N2O emissions from Chinese croplands from 1980 to 2007 were estimated using IPCC (2006) guidelines combined with separate localized emission factors for paddy fields and upland areas. Direct N2O emissions from paddy fields showed little change, increasing by 11 % with an annual rate of increase of 0.4 % from 29.8 Gg N2O-N in 1980 to 33.1 Gg N2O-N in 2007. In contrast, emissions from uplands changed dramatically, increasing by 296 % with an annual rate of 10.9 % from 64.4 Gg N2O-N in 1980 to 255.3 Gg N2O-N in 2007. Total direct N2O emissions from Chinese croplands increased by 206 % with an annual rate of 7.6 % from 94.2 Gg N2O-N in 1980 to 288.4 Gg N2O-N in 2007, and were determined mainly by upland emissions (accounting for 68.4–88.5 % of total emissions from 1980 to 2007). Synthetic nitrogen fertilizers played a major role in N2O emissions from agricultural land, and the magnitude of the contributions to total direct N2O emissions made by different amendments was synthetic N fertilizer > manure > straw, representing about 77, 16, and 6.5 % of total direct N2O emissions, respectively, between 2000 and 2007. The spatial pattern of total N2O emissions in 2007 in China shows that high direct N2O emissions occurred mainly in north China and in the Sichuan Basin in the southwest. The provinces with the highest emissions were Henan (32.6 Gg) and Shandong (29.1 Gg) and Tibet had the lowest (0.6 Gg). High direct N2O emissions per unit of arable land occurred mainly on the North China Plain and the southeast coast. The mean value nationally was 2.36 kg N ha−1, with 17 provinces above this, and with emissions of >4.0 kg N ha−1 in Beijing and in Jiangsu and Henan provinces.

Abstract. The relative contributions of various source regions to the long-term (1980–2005) increasing trend in surface ozone (O3) over Japan were estimated by a series of tracer-tagging simulations using a global chemical transport model. The model simulated the observed increasing trend in surface O3, including its seasonal variation and geographical features, in Japan well and demonstrated the relative roles of different source regions in forming this trend. Most of the increasing trend in surface O3 over Japan ( ∼ 97 %) that was simulated was explained as the sum of trends in contributions of different regions to photochemical O3 production. The increasing trend in O3 produced in China accounted for 36 % of the total increasing trend and those in the other northeast Asian regions (the Korean Peninsula, coastal regions in East Asia, and Japan) each accounted for about 12–15 %. Furthermore, the contributions of O3 created in the entire free troposphere and in western, southern, and southeastern Asian regions also increased, and their increasing trends accounted for 16 and 7 % of the total trend, respectively. The impact of interannual variations in climate, in methane concentration, and in emission of O3 precursors from different source regions on the relative contributions of O3 created in each region estimated above was also investigated. The variation of climate and the increase in methane concentration together caused the increase of photochemical O3 production in several regions, and represented about 19 % of the total increasing trend in surface O3 over Japan. The increase in emission of O3 precursors in China caused an increase of photochemical O3 production not only in China itself but also in the other northeast Asian regions and accounted for about 46 % of the total increase in surface O3 over Japan. Similarly, the relative impact of O3 precursor emission changes in the Korean Peninsula and Japan were estimated as about 16 and 4 % of the total increasing trend, respectively. The O3 precursor emission change in regions other than northeast Asia caused increases in surface O3 over Japan mainly through increasing photochemical O3 production in western, southern, and southeast Asia and the free troposphere and accounted for about 16 % of the total.

The 14C content in 1961–1967 and 1970–1983 tree rings of a spruce grown in Dailing, China (47°N, 129°E) was measured by liquid scintillation. As a result of USSR bomb tests at Novaya Zemlya (72°N, 53°E), Δ14C values rose dramatically from 250‰ in 1961 to a maximum 909‰ in 1964, and then gradually decreased to 238‰ in 1983. We compared Δ14C values in the rings of an oak tree grown at 43°N, 74°W and that of a pine grown at 49°N, 9°E, and atmospheric Δ14C values in both northern and southern hemispheres. We observe that: 1) annual tree rings grown in the same latitude zone have the same Δ14C values, reflecting rapid longitudinal mixing of the atmosphere; 2) atmospheric 14C concentrations reached a global equilibrium distribution at the end of 1968, and tree ring 14C content reflects atmospheric 14C concentration; 3) 1976–1982 rings of the Dailing spruce show excessive 14C, likely due to the effect of 1976 and 1980 Chinese bomb tests; 4) Δ14C decreases exponentially, halving every 17 yr.

AbstractTangdanite, ideally Ca2Cu9(AsO4)4(SO4)0.5(OH)9·9H2O and monoclinic, is a new mineral species (IMA No. 2011-096) occurring in the Tangdan and Nanniping mines, southeast Dongchuan copper mining district, Dongchuan County, Kunming City Prefecture, Yunnan Province, P. R. China (26°11’N 103°51’E). The mineral is found in the oxidized zone (gossan) of an As-bearing Cu sulfide deposit and is clearly of supergene origin. Associated minerals are chalcopyrite, bornite, chalcocite, covellite, tennantite, enargite, cuprite, malachite, azurite, copper and brochantite. Crystals form radiating or foliated aggregates of flaky crystals up to 3 mm, flattened parallel to (100) and elongated along [001]. It is emerald green with a light green streak, translucent and has a pearly to silky lustre. It is sectile having perfect cleavage on {100} although neither parting nor fracture was observed. No fluorescence in long- or short-wave ultraviolet radiation was observed. The hardness is VHN50 42.0−43.6, mean 42.8 kg mm−2 (2−2½ on the Mohs scale). The density measured by pycnometry is 3.22 g cm−3 (Ma et al., 1980). The calculated density from the empirical chemical formula is 3.32 g cm−3. The compatability index gives 1 − (Kp/Kc) = −0.041 (good). The empirical formula (based on 36 O a.p.f.u) of tangdanite is Ca2.05Cu9.08(As1.03O4)4(S0.63O4)0.5(OH)9·9H2.04O. The simplified formula is Ca2Cu9(AsO4)4(SO4)0.5(OH)9·9H2O. The strongest five reflections in the X-ray powder-diffraction pattern [d in Å(I) (hkl)] are: 4.782(100) ( 1 1), 4.333(71) (6 0 2), 5.263(54) ( 0 2), 3.949(47) (8 0 2) and 2.976(46) ( 1 1). The unit-cell parameters are a = 54.490(9), b = 5.5685(9), c = 10.4690(17) Å, β = 96.294(3)o, V = 3157.4(9) Å3, Z = 4. Its structure was solved and refined in space group C2/c, with R = 0.110.

Les eaux de pluie ou de neige qui ne sont pas absorbées par le sol et qui coulent à la surface, ou eaux de ruissellement, constituent l'offre d'eau disponible à la population. Cass-Beggs a tenté d'évaluer l'offre d'eau pour les différentes zones habitées au Canada. II estime que le ruissellement moyen pour l'ensemble du Canada est égal à environ 48% de la précipitation totale. D'autre part, il constate des variations régionales considérables. En Colombie-Britannique et dans les provinces Maritimes, le ruissellement annuel s'élève respectivement à 78% et à 60% des précipitations. Dans les Prairies, le ruissellement ne représente que 17% de la précipitation. Le Québec et l'Ontario sont caractérisés par des ruissellements similaires : 38.6% de la précipitation pour le Québec et 37.1 % pour l'Ontario. Selon Cass-Beggs, dans les zones habitées du Québec, la précipitation annuelle atteindrait donc les quatre cent trente-trois millions de pieds-acres alors que le ruissellement représenterait cent soixante-sept millions de pieds-acres. Le besoin d'eau se manifeste dans presque toutes les phases de l'activité humaine. Certains besoins ne comportent pas de prélèvement d'eau, ce sont les usages sur place qui comprennent des activités comme la pêche, la natation, les loisirs et les usages qui impliquent la fonction de transport, comme la navigation et l'évacuation des déchets. Par ailleurs, les usages de l'eau qui entraînent des prélèvements comprennent l'adduction d'eau pour les services publics, l'alimentation des maisons rurales et l'abreuvage des animaux, l'irrigation, les utilisations industrielles et la production d'énergie électrique. On définit généralement la demande d'eau par ses usages qui exigent des prélèvements. Des calculs ont été faits par Cass-Beggs pour estimer la demande d'eau au Québec. Il prévoit des prélèvements d'eau annuels au Québec de 5.8 millions de pieds-acres en 1970, de 9.5 millions de pieds-acres en 1980 et de 15.1 millions de pieds-acres en 1990. Pour notre part, ces estimés nous paraissent trop globaux et ils ne nous donnent pas de prélèvements d'eau pour les régions économiques du Québec. Voilà pourquoi nous avons calculé la demande d'eau pour fins domestiques, commerciales, industrielles et rurales pour le Québec et chacune de ses régions économiques, de 1961 à 1981.

Sugarcane is a major sugar and the leading energy crop worldwide and Guangxi is the largest sugarcane production area in China (2011 Sugar Annual China, www.gain.fas.usda.gov). During survey of sugarcane crops in September 2012 and June 2013, ~5 to 10% of sugarcane (cvs. FN-40 and ROC22) planted in Chongzuo and Laibing, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, P. R. China, had twisted and curling symptoms of crown leaves similar to sugarcane Pokkah boeng disease (caused by Fusarium moniliforme Sheldon). The symptoms started appearing as yellowing on midribs and leaf margins that spread further to the entire leaf, along with twisting and curling of crown leaves. The symptomatic leaf tissues (5 × 5 mm) were surface-sterilized by 0.1% HgCl2 solution for 30 s, followed by rinsing three times in sterile water, placed on potato dextrose agar (PDA), and then incubated in darkness at 28°C. After 3 days of incubation, the isolated fungal colony appeared as white villous, spherical, radial, and dense colorless mycelium from the top, while it was reddish-brown at the bottom and later became grayish. Chlamydospores were also observed with a diameter of 5 to 10 μm and were dark brown, unicellular, intercalary, and smooth. The binucleate hyphae were colorless and transparent. Pycnidia appeared on the colonies after 20 days, and were dark brown, subglobose, and 150 to 230 μm in diameter, and the conidia were ~3 to 7 × 2.5 to 6 μm, unicellular, colorless, and ovoid to oval. The fungal isolates from the symptomatic leaves were obtained and pathogenicity was evaluated. Conidial suspensions (107 CFU/ml) of the single isolate from FN-40 were micro-injected into 20 sugarcane seedlings of cultivar FN-40. Another 20 seedlings were injected with water without conidia as control. The inoculated plants were grown in a growth chamber at 28°C with a 16-h photoperiod. Twisted and curly symptoms similar to the field appeared on the inoculated leaves at 10 days after inoculation, while the control leaves remained asymptomatic. The fungus was re-isolated and identified. Genomic DNA from the cultured fungal isolate was extracted with a modified Fungal DNA Midi Kit (Omega Bio-Tek, Inc., Norcross, GA), and amplified using fungus-conserved primer sequences (ITS1: 5′-TCCGTAGGTGAACCTGCGG-3′ and ITS4: 5′-TCCTCCGCTTATTGATATGC-3′). The consensus rDNA-internal transcribed spacer sequence (GenBank Accession No. KC524502) was 100% identical with 97% coverage to the ITS sequence from Phoma sp. 3. TMS-2011 (HQ631000.1) in GenBank (3). The fungus Phoma sp. was identified on the basis of morphological characteristics (2,4) and the ITS sequence of rDNA (1,3). Disease caused by Phoma sp. has been reported earlier on sugarcane from Pakistan, Hawaii, and Taiwan, causing leaf blight and curling (2,4). However, to the best of our knowledge, this is the first report of Phoma sp. causing twisting and curling of crown leaves of sugarcane in mainland of China. References: (1) M. M. Aveskamp et al. Stud. Mycol. 65:1, 2010. (2) A. Sanguino and H. Tokeski. ISSCT Proc. 17:1555, 1980. (3) P. Shrestha et al. Appl. Environ. Microbiol. 77:5490, 2011. (4) Z. N. Wang. Rep. Taiwan Sugar Res. Inst. 129:1, 1980.

ObjectiveTo determine how machine learning has been applied to prediction applications in population health contexts. Specifically, to describe which outcomes have been studied, the data sources most widely used and whether reporting of machine learning predictive models aligns with established reporting guidelines.DesignA scoping review.Data sourcesMEDLINE, EMBASE, CINAHL, ProQuest, Scopus, Web of Science, Cochrane Library, INSPEC and ACM Digital Library were searched on 18 July 2018.Eligibility criteriaWe included English articles published between 1980 and 2018 that used machine learning to predict population-health-related outcomes. We excluded studies that only used logistic regression or were restricted to a clinical context.Data extraction and synthesisWe summarised findings extracted from published reports, which included general study characteristics, aspects of model development, reporting of results and model discussion items.ResultsOf 22 618 articles found by our search, 231 were included in the review. The USA (n=71, 30.74%) and China (n=40, 17.32%) produced the most studies. Cardiovascular disease (n=22, 9.52%) was the most studied outcome. The median number of observations was 5414 (IQR=16 543.5) and the median number of features was 17 (IQR=31). Health records (n=126, 54.5%) and investigator-generated data (n=86, 37.2%) were the most common data sources. Many studies did not incorporate recommended guidelines on machine learning and predictive modelling. Predictive discrimination was commonly assessed using area under the receiver operator curve (n=98, 42.42%) and calibration was rarely assessed (n=22, 9.52%).ConclusionsMachine learning applications in population health have concentrated on regions and diseases well represented in traditional data sources, infrequently using big data. Important aspects of model development were under-reported. Greater use of big data and reporting guidelines for predictive modelling could improve machine learning applications in population health.Registration numberRegistered on the Open Science Framework on 17 July 2018 (available at https://osf.io/rnqe6/).

18183 Background: Erlotinib is an orally available selective HER1/EGFR tyrosine kinase inhibitor. In the BR.21 trial, erlotinib significantly improved survival and quality of life in non-small cell lung cancer(NSCLC) patients (pts). The study evaluated the initial efficacy and safety of erlotinib in previously treated advanced or metastatic NSCLC patients in Shanghai, China. Methods: Eligibility criteria included stage IIIb/IV or recurrent NSCLC pts who failed from prior chemotherapy, PS = 0–2, weight loss less than 5%, and no urgent symptoms. Pts received oral erlotinib 150 mg po/day until objective or symptomatic progression. Results: 50 pts were enrolled from Oct 1 to Sept 30. Demographics: M 68%/F 32%; median age 55 y [range 28–68]; stage IV 86%; PS 0/1/2:2 (4%)/44 (88%)/4 (8%); adenocarcinoma/non-adenocarcinoma 39 (78%)/11 (22%); smoking status: 26 (52%) /no 24 (48%). The major toxicity was rash: 48 (96%), 10 (20%) of them are grade 3/4; other toxicity included grade 1/2 diahhrea: 5 (10%); grade 1/2 liver dysfunction: 4 (8%); grade 2 leucocytopenia: 2 (4%); grade 1 thrombocytopenia: 1(2%); fatigue and dyspnea. 3 patients discontinued for dyspnea, pneumonitis and fatigue respectively. No pts had pulmonary fibrosis and dose reduction. 47 pts were followed long enough for efficacy evaluation, which indentified 18 (38%) with PR, 21 (45%) with SD, 8 (17%) with PD. Subgroup analysis showed the resposes to erlotinib have no relation with gender, age, smoking status, performance status, histology and stages, however, significant difference existed in the subgroup patients with severe rash and less symptoms such as dyspnea and fatigue ( Table 1 ). Conclusions: Erlotinib is active and well tolerated in patients with advanced NSCLC failed to previously chemotherapy. Preliminary results suggest patients with severe rash, less dyspnea and fatigue are accociated with better response. The study in ongoing. Table 1 Response of erlotinib in advanced treated NSCLC pts. * P values less than 0.05. [Table: see text] No significant financial relationships to disclose.

e13549 Background: The scientific literature experienced an unprecedented growth in archived pre-prints and peer-reviewed COVID-19 related publications with regional variations making the task of synthesizing the information burdensome. This study aims to characterize global patterns and domains of COVID-19 research in cancer. Methods: We used the NIH COVID-19 portfolio and Web of Science (WOS) curated databases to extract abstracts using standard search terms for COVID-19 and cancer between Nov 1 2019 and Dec 31 2020. A total of 21,325 publications matched the study search criteria (NIH: 18,029 records; WOS: 3512 records; 204 records overlapped). We performed a descriptive analysis to calculate country citations and intercountry collaboration networks. The Jaccard similarity index was utilized to identify the most frequently co-occurring terms. Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) was used for classifying publications into corresponding research topics. Results: The most productive period was May 2020 with 3,181 published articles, mean citation rate per paper was highest in Jan 2020 (1,620.5) followed by Feb 2020 (236.7), highest mean use rate in the last 12 months was March 2020. Top productive countries are classified as High and Upper Middle-income countries, 17% of research contributed by USA, 12% by China PR, and 11.4% by Italy. Linkage between top 30 productive countries show USA, Italy, and England with the highest inter-country co-ordination. Analysis of keywords co-occurring at least 5 times resulted in 12 major clusters including: 1) cancer treatment and mortality; 2) inflammation and immunology; 3) chronic diseases and co-morbidities; and 4) mental health and social psychology. Ranked topics with the highest volume of publications include 1) effect of COVID-19 on treatment outcomes; 2) individual risk factors of COVID-19 severity and mortality, and 3) novel treatment options relevant to cancer patients [Table]. Growth of articles peaked between Mar and Apr 2020 with a steady decline across all topics in Sept 2020. Conclusions: Global cancer –related research productivity peaked following the declaration of the pandemic and first wave in Mar- Apr 2020. Systematic synthesis of a large volume of COVID-19 literature revealed the global research landscape highlighting focus on the study of outcomes in cancer patients.[Table: see text]

During October 2009, the occurrence of a disease on soybean (Glycine max) was observed in several fields in Boluo County and Zengcheng City, Guangdong Province. Top leaves of infected plants initially turned yellow and plants eventually were defoliated, while stems and roots became black and rotted. The stem lesions sometimes extended 10 to 15 cm upward from the soil surface. Orange-to-brown spherical fruiting bodies, which were very similar with those of the soybean red crown rot pathogen, scattered or congregated on the stem lesions. Plants with symptoms were sampled from fields. Fruiting bodies were excised from diseased tissues. Microscopic examination revealed that they were perithecia, globose to pyriform, ostiolate with a short neck, and measured 160 to 298 × 151 to 235 μm. Under gentle pressure, asci and ascospores were exuded from these perithecia. Asci were eight spored, narrowly cylindrical to clavate, thin walled, with a short stalk, and measured 58 to 124 μm long and 8 to 15 μm in diameter. Ascospores were uniseriately arranged, globose to ellipsoid, thick walled, one celled, hyaline to pale, and measured 14 to 17 × 8 to 12 μm. Isolation was made from stem tissues at the edge of disease lesions on potato dextrose agar (PDA) amended with streptomycin sulfate and incubated at 25°C. Mycelia were white and floccose. Conidia were cylindrical to oblong-ellipsoidal, hyaline, one celled, and measured 6 to 22 × 2 to 5 μm, aggregating in a slimy mass on the apex of the conidiogenous cell. Abundant orange-to-brown spherical perithecia were produced on the colony. Ascospores had walls with a rugose ornamentation that could be clearly seen under a scanning electron microscope. The fungus was identified as Neocosmospora vasinfecta var. vasinfecta (anamorph Acremonium sp.) (1). The internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of rDNA of two isolates were amplified with universal primers ITS1/ITS4 and sequenced (GenBank Accession No. JF705861 and JF705862), and comparisons with GenBank accessions showed 99% similarity with N. vasinfecta strain Pec070 (Accession No. FJ940902) and strain NRRL22497 (Accession No. AY381142). Pathogenicity tests were conducted. Five, 3-week-old seedlings of soybean cv. Huaxia No. 3 planted in plastic pots (20 cm in diameter) were wounded with a needle at the base of the stem below the soil line and near the root system, and then inoculated by drenching the soil with a conidial suspension (105 per ml). Control plants were inoculated with sterile water. There were six replicates for each treatment. The treated plants were incubated at 25 ± 2°C in a greenhouse. All inoculated plants exhibited symptoms of leaf yellowing and black rot of stems and roots 3 weeks after inoculation. N. vasinfecta var. vasinfecta was reisolated from the diseased plants. All control plants remained healthy. To our knowledge, this is the first observation of Neocosmospora stem rot of soybean in China. The pathogen could pose a threat to soybean, which is a major crop in China. This disease has been previously reported in the United States though the anamorph of the pathogen has either not been identified or has been identified as a Cylindrocarpon sp. (2,4). This fungus is also associated with human infections (3). References: (1) P. F. Cannon and D. L. Hawksworth. Trans. Br. Mycol. Soc. 82:673, 1984. (2) F. A. Gray et al. Plant Dis. 64:321, 1980. (3) P. Manikandan et al. Med. Mycol. 46:279, 2008. (4) D. V. Phillips. Phytopathology 62:612, 1972.

Foxtail millet (Setaria italica) is an important food and fodder grain crop in China. In June 2013, foxtail millet seedlings of cultivar Jigu19 showing symptoms of damping-off were observed with about 30% incidence in Handan, Hebei Province. Infected plants showed pale brown lesions on the stems and brown discoloration of the roots, which later turned into root rot. As a consequence, infected seedlings wilted and died prematurely. Segments of the diseased root tissue (5 mm long) were washed with sterile water, disinfected with 0.5% NaOCl for 2 min, rinsed with sterile water, placed on potato dextrose agar (PDA), and incubated at 25°C in the dark. Three isolates were obtained and designated HD-1, HD-3, and HD-5. Morphological characteristics of the three isolates were similar with white colonies bearing large amounts of floccose aerial hyphae and no production of sclerotia after 14 days. Hyphal cells were stained with DAPI and all the three isolates were binucleate. Total genomic DNA was extracted from the mycelial mat using CTAB (4). The rDNA internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region was amplified using the universal primer pair ITS1 and ITS4 (1). PCR amplicons were purified and sequenced. A BLASTn search revealed that the resulting sequences (GenBank Accession Nos. KM017960, KM017961, and KM017962 for HD-1, HD-3, and HD-5, respectively) shared 99% identity with other Ceratobasidium sp. AG-A isolates (JX913824, FJ440197). In addition, sequence identity of HD-1, HD-3, and HD-5 with each other was 99.8%, 99.7%, and 99.8%, respectively. Thus, the isolates were identified as Ceratobasidium sp. AG-A, i.e., binucleate Rhizoctonia (BNR) AG-A. Pathogenicity tests were conducted by placing autoclaved wheat seeds, each colonized with Rhizoctonia isolates at inoculum density of 25 propagules per gram (ppg), on the surface of a sterilized mix of soil, sand, and nutrient soil (1:1:1, v/v/v) in pots (3). Each pot contained five healthy seedlings of the foxtail millet cultivar Yugu 1, and every seedling was inoculated by placing three colonized wheat seeds under the sheath of foxtail millet at the 2- or 3-leaf stage; non-inoculated sterilized wheat seeds were used as a control. Plants were incubated at 25°C with 14 h light and 10 h dark in a growth room for 10 days, and then assessed for disease. Damping-off symptoms similar to those in the field appeared on inoculated plants; control plants were asymptomatic. BNR Rhizoctonia were re-isolated from diseased plants and confirmed to be AG-A based on morphological characteristics and rDNA-ITS sequence. BNR AG-A has been reported in China as a pathogen of Chinese mustard, Chinese cabbage, potato, and sugar beet, but there are no previous reports of its presence on foxtail millet. R. solani AG-1 and AG-4 are usually regarded as pathogenic to foxtail millet (2). To our knowledge, this is the first report of BNR AG-A causing foxtail millet damping-off in China. We found binucleate Rhizoctonia AG-A, the anamorph of Ceratobasidium sp., can infect foxtail millet at seeding stage, which may cause serious losses of the crop. Therefore, we should pay particular attention to it when considering seeding disease control and breeding disease resistance varieties of foxtail millet in the future. References: (1) K. de la Cerda et al. Plant Dis. 91:791, 2007. (2) W. D. Gao. Acta Phytopathologica Sinica. 17:247, 1987. (3) M. J. Lehtonen et al. Plant Pathol. 57:141, 2008. (4) M. G. Murray and W. F Thompson. Nucleic Acids Res. 8:4321, 1980.

Species composition of fish is decribed for the Japan Sea on the data of Pacific Fish.Res.Center (TINRO), Russia (about 10,000 bottom and pelagic research trawlings at the depth 5-750 m obtained in 1980-2005), National Fish.Res.Dev.Inst. (NFRDI), Rep.Korea (about 100 research cruises conducted since 1994 with trawling at the depth 30-2550 m), coastal fishery statistics, and cited data. All past revisions in the taxonomy are registered. Some general ecological and zoogeographical features of the Japan Sea are revealed. In total, 962 fish species dwell in the Japan Sea, and 738 of them (77 %) are registered in the EEZ of Russia and Korea. In the analyzed TINRO and NFRDI surveys, 419 fish species were found, mainly in research trawls (389) and patially only in commercial catches in coastal waters (30). On the other hand, 872 fish species (91 % of the total list) occur in the EEZ of Japan. The species belong to 42 orders (Perciformes absolutely dominates among them by number of species - 432) and 215 families (the most numerous are Cottidae - 51 species, Gobiidae - 48 species, and Stichaeidae - 41 species). From zoogeographic point of view, they have mostly tropical-subtropical (488 species), lowboreal-subtropical (210 species), and lowboreal Asian (128 species) origin; only 14 species are endemics of the Japan Sea, 17 species are endemics of the Japan and Okhotsk Seas, and 171 species are endemics of the southern part of the North-West Pacific (Japan Sea, Yellow Sea, East China Sea, and Pacific coast of Japan). The major part of fish species in the Japan Sea inhabit mainly sublittoral (28 %) and elittoral (28 %) biotopes; diversity of stenobathic species decreases both shoreward and toward the continental slope. Bottom (46 %) and near-bottom (26 %) species absolutely prevail over pelagic ones (20 %), whereas 8 % of the species are considered as bottom-pelagic ones.

This research paper suggests the Means-End Chain theory, has relevant and potential application in domestic tourism research and, as such, should receive wider debate in emerging tourism destinations. It is argued that the theory is particularly useful for understanding personal values as the basis of tourist behavior. This paper argues a personal values approach is a more potent way to understanding domestic tourist participation in contrast to previous survey research findings. A dominate narrative in most developing nations is to target domestic tourist with amenities envisioned for global tourists as a result of failure to generate international tourist demand. The review of literature method was used in this research paper as methodological approach. The study shows the effectiveness of Means End Chain analysis in understanding travel markets and demonstrated the use of motivation chains as a basis for segmenting, positioning, and targeting domestic tourist; The study deduces that means end chain analysis has advantages over quantitative research methods in cross-cultural research given the ability of the approach to reveal unique insights.

Callery pear, often referred to as Bradford pear, is a species native to China that is planted throughout North America as an ornamental tree for its white flowers in spring, bright colored foliage in autumn, and resistance to disease. In some regions it is becoming an invasive species that is replacing native trees. In May 2009, leaves of Pyrus calleryana ‘Cleveland Select’ showing distortion and signs of powdery mildew were collected in Columbia (Howard County), Maryland. A survey of the surrounding area found numerous similarly diseased trees of this cultivar. Microscopic observation of the leaves revealed a fungus with an Oidium anamorph having nipple-shaped appressoria; conidiophores erect, foot cells cylindric, straight, of terminal origin, 41 to 55 × 9.5 to 12.5 μm, with the following cells present in variable numbers; conidia catenulate, broadly ellipsoid to rarely slightly ovoid, 22 to 27 × 11 to 17 μm, with fibrosin bodies. Chasmothecia were absent. On the basis of morphology and host, the fungus was identified as Podosphaera leucotricha (Ellis & Everh.) E.S. Salmon (Leotiomycetes, Erysiphales) (1). The specimen on P. calleryana was deposited in the U.S. National Fungus Collections as BPI 879141. Additional confirmation resulted from a comparison of internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region DNA sequence data (GenBank Accession No. GU122230) obtained with the custom designed primer, Podoprimer Forward (5′-3′ ACTCGTTCTGCGCGGCTGAC), and the ITS4 primer. The sequence of the fungus on Callery pear was identical to available GenBank sequences of P. leucotricha. P. leucotricha is the etiological agent of a powdery mildew disease that occurs on rosaceous plants, primarily Malus and Pyrus. This fungus occurs nearly worldwide (1), and the pathology of the disease on Callery pear is similar to that of known hosts (1,4). To our knowledge, this is the first report of P. leucotricha on Pyrus calleryana in North America. P. leucotricha has been reported previously only once on Callery pear, Pyrus calleryana ‘Chanticleer’, in Hungary (4). Additionally, the powdery mildew fungus was heavily parasitized by Ampelomyces quisqualis Ces. sensu lato, a cosmopolitan coelomycetous mycoparasite of the Erysiphales that is well known on this species (2,3). ITS region DNA sequence data from the Ampelomyces (GenBank Accession No. GU122231) obtained with the ITS1 and ITS4 primers was identical to that of other isolates parasitic on P. leucotricha (2). References: (1) U. Braun. The Powdery Mildews (Erysiphales) of Europe. Gustav Fischer Verlag, Jena, Germany, 1995. (2) C. Liang et al. Fungal Divers. 24:225, 2007. (3) B. C. Sutton. The Coelomycetes. Fungi Imperfecti with Pycnidia, Acervuli and Stromata. Commonwealth Mycological Institute, Kew, England, 1980. (4) L. Vajna and L. Kiss. Plant Dis. 92:176, 2008.

The popular historical narrative of the batik Sidoarjo needs to be reexamined based on historical methodology so that there is no historical bias based only on oral stories of the general public. Many studies are trapped in an inaccurate understanding of local historicity. As a result, these various studies have failed to fit batik Sidoarjo into its full context, instead it has become a kind of narrative standardization on its characteristics and history. This study aims to criticize the historical construction that has been popular in relation to the basic understanding of batik Sidoarjo and to explain the position of batik Sidoarjo in the cultural framework of its people. This article is the author's attempt to provide an analysis or explanation that is different from the historical narrative of batik Sidoarjo which is commonly used in various discussions. This research is classified as a qualitative research, using the historical method which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. This research uses historical and sociological approaches to collect, select, and critically examine historical sources of Sidoarjo batik, resulting in historical facts. The results showed that the historicity of batik Sidoarjo refers to the batik activities in the areas of Kedungcangkring, Jetis, Sekardangan, Gajah Mada St. (Peranakans), and Tulangan, all of which have a direct relationship with both Peranakans nor indigenous. Batik Sidoarjo is not framed by traditional rituals, nor is it under the control and domination of the royal aristocracy. Its growth is based on the factor of the economic needs of the supporting community, which tends to be a trading commodity. The presence of other groups of people or nations such as Peranakan Chinese, Indo-European, Dutch, Arabic contributed to the birth of Sidoarjo batik. Keywords: batik, Sidoarjo, historical criticism.AbstrakNarasi sejarah batik Sidoarjo yang populer perlu dikaji ulang dengan didasari metodologi sejarah sehingga tidak terjadi bias sejarah yang hanya berdasar pada cerita lisan masyarakat umum. Banyak penelitian yang terjebak dalam pemahaman historisitas setempat yang kurang tepat. Akibatnya, berbagai kajian tersebut tidak berhasil mendudukkan batik Sidoarjo sesuai dengan konteksnya secara utuh, malah menjadi semacam standardisasi narasi pada karakteristik maupun sejarahnya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkritisi konstruksi sejarah yang telah populer terkait pemahaman dasar tentang batik Sidoarjo serta menjelaskan kedudukan batik Sidoarjo dalam kerangka budaya masyarakatnya. Artikel ini merupakan upaya penulis untuk memberikan analisis atau paparan yang berbeda dari narasi sejarah batik Sidoarjo yang umum dilakukan pada berbagai pembahasan. Penelitian ini tergolong dalam penelitian kualitatif, dengan menggunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri atas empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan historis dan sosiologis untuk mengumpulkan, menyeleksi, dan menguji secara kritis sumber-sumber sejarah batik Sidoarjo, sehingga menghasilkan fakta sejarah. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa historisitas batik Sidoarjo merujuk pada aktivitas pembatikan yang ada di wilayah Kedungcangkring, Jetis, Sekardangan, Jl. Gajah Mada (China Peranakan), dan Tulangan yang kesemuanya saling terkait memiliki hubungan langsung baik itu pembatikan China peranakan maupun pribumi. Batik Sidoarjo tidak dikerangkai oleh ritual adat, juga tidak di bawah kendali dan dominasi aristokrasi kraton. Pertumbuhannya didasari faktor kebutuhan ekonomi masyarakat pendukungnya, sifatnya cenderung merupakan komoditas dagang. Hadirnya golongan masyarakat atau bangsa lain seperti China Peranakan, Indo-Eropa, Belanda, Arab turut berpengaruh melahirkan batik Sidoarjo.Kata Kunci: batik, Sidoarjo, kritik sejarah. Author:Asy Syams Elya Ahmad : Universitas Negeri Surabaya References:Abbas, Irwan. (2014). Memahami Metodologi Sejarah antara Teori dan Praktek. ETNOHISTORI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kebudayaan dan Kesejerahan, 1(1), 33–41.Abdurrahman, Dudung. (1999). Metode Penelitian Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Logos.Ahmad, Asy Syams Elya. (2013). Kajian Estetik Batik Sidoarjo. Tesis. Tidak Diterbitkan. Bandung: Program Studi Magister Desain, Institut Teknologi Bandung.Anas, Biranul, Hasanuddin, Ratna Panggabean, Yanyan Sunarya. (1997). Indonesia Indah-Buku ke 8; “Batik”. Jakarta: Yayasan Harapan Kita/BP 3 TMII.Anshori, Yusak & Kusrianto, Adi. (2011). Keeksotisan Batik Jawa Timur. 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Polymyxa graminis L. is an eukaryotic, obligate, biotrophic parasite of plant roots (1), which belongs to a poorly studied, discrete, taxonomic unit informally called the ‘plasmodiophorids’. P. graminis has the ability to acquire and transmit a range of soilborne viruses that belong to at least three separate genera and can cause economically significant diseases in cereal crops. For example, the winter barley disease caused by Barley yellow mosaic virus (BaYMV) and/or Barley mild mosaic virus (BaMMV) is widespread in Europe, Japan, and China; yield losses of >50% may occur when susceptible barley cultivars are grown on severely infested soils (2). Monitoring for P. graminis was started in the Czech Republic in May 2008. Fifty-six soil samples were collected from different localities of cereal production (wheat and barley) in the Královéhradecký Region (eastern Czech Republic). Soil from each sample was placed in five replicate pots (12 × 12 cm) in a greenhouse at 22 to 25°C. Seeds of barley cv. Florian were sown into the soil (10 seeds per pot). Negative control soil (noninfested soils from the Czech Republic) and positive control soil (known P. graminis-infested soil from Germany) were also planted to barley in five replicate pots. After 90 days, plants were collected and the roots were washed thoroughly in sterilized water and examined with a light microscope without staining. The fungus was identified as P. graminis on the basis of morphology of resting spores (cystosori) and sporangia and the size of individual cystosori (4 to 5 μm in diameter) according to Thouvenel et al. (3). Cystosori of P. graminis were observed in the roots of plants grown in 20 of the 56 soil samples, especially the samples from Ceské Mezirici. The presence of P. graminis in the roots of plants grown in the soil samples and the positive control sample versus the absence of the vector in roots of plants in the negative control soil was verified by PCR assay with DNA extracts and the Psp1 and Psp2rev primers according to Legrève et al. (Page 40 in: Proceedings of the Fifth Symposium of the International Working Group on Plant Viruses with Fungal Vectors, 2003). The PCR assay included denaturation at 94°C for 2 min, then 35 cycles including denaturation of 30 s at 94°C, annealing at 60°C for 1 min, and elongation at 72°C for 35 s. A final elongation was completed at 72°C for 7 min. To characterize the P. graminis isolates, the amplified PCR product (a DNA fragment of 472 bp) was sequenced and blasted for each of the samples that tested positive. These sequences were aligned with a known sequence (GenBank Accession No. AM259276) for P. graminis. The sequences from P. graminis on barley were 100% homologous to the published sequence of P. graminis f. sp. temperata. To our knowledge, this is the first report of P. graminis f. sp. temperata in the Czech Republic. References: (1) G. A. Ledingham. Can. J. Res. 17:50, 1939. (2) R. T. Plumb et al. Plant Pathol. 35:314, 1986. (3) J. C. Thouvenel et al. Plant Dis. 64:957, 1980.

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The text analyzes the production of knowledge in Brazil, considering the determinants of the process of economic globalization. It explains the current trends and tensions present in the international scenario and in the policies and actions in the field of Higher Education, with emphasis on the production of knowledge, considering the changes that have occurred in recent years. It seeks to reflect on the perspectives of training, research and science in Brazil in a scenario of economic crisis and neoliberal reforms that reduce public spending and the role of the State in Brazil, but which favor the action of large economic groups in terms of the expansion of Higher Education. The text is structured in three parts, which seek to highlight: a) the understanding of the process of structuring postgraduate and knowledge production in Brazil, considering historical elements and current indicators; b) the examination of the production of knowledge in the light of the determinants of the process of capital restructuring; c) the current government policy, which has been redefining research, postgraduate and knowledge production and which is based on a (dis) regulation that favors expansion in the private sector, especially in the postgraduate field. Thus, the study highlights the economic determinants that affect the production of knowledge in a globalized economy; recent changes in the legal basis, which benefit the expansion of the private sector; the development crisis experienced in public universities and the processes of subordination of work and academic management, as well as the loss of autonomy in the production of knowledge.ResumoO texto analisa a produção do conhecimento no Brasil, considerando os determinantes do processo de globalização econômica. Explicita as tendências e tensões atuais presentes no cenário internacional e nas políticas e ações no campo da Educação Superior, com ênfase na produção do conhecimento, considerando as mudanças ocorridas nos últimos anos. Procura refletir sobre as perspectivas da formação, da pesquisa e da ciência no Brasil em um cenário de crise econômica, de reformas neoliberais, que reduzem os gastos públicos e o papel do Estado no Brasil, mas que favorecem a ação dos grandes grupos econômicos e financeiros em termos da expansão da Educação Superior. O texto está estruturado em três partes, que buscam evidenciar: a) a compreensão do processo de estruturação da pós-graduação e da produção do conhecimento no Brasil, considerando elementos históricos e indicadores atuais; b) o exame da produção do conhecimento à luz dos determinantes do processo de reestruturação do capital; c) a atual política governamental, que vem redefinindo a pesquisa, a pós-graduação e a produção do conhecimento e que tem por base uma (des)regulamentação que favorece a expansão no setor privado, sobretudo no âmbito da pós-graduação. O estudo destaca, pois, os determinantes econômicos que afetam a produção do conhecimento numa economia globalizada; as alterações recentes na base legal, que beneficiam a expansão do setor privado; a crise de fomento vivenciada nas universidades públicas e os processos de subordinação do trabalho e da gestão acadêmica, bem como a perda da autonomia na produção do conhecimento.Palavras-chave: Educação superior. Pós-graduação. Produção do conhecimento.Keywords: Higher education. Postgraduate studies. Knowledge production.ReferencesAMARAL, Nelson Cardoso. Com a PEC 241/55 (EC 95) haverá prioridade para cumprir as metas do PNE (2014-2024)? Revista Brasileira de Educação, v. 22, p. 1, 2017a.AMARAL, Nelson Cardoso. PEC 241/55: A "morte" do PNE (2014-2024) e o poder de diminuição dos recursos educacionais. In: CHAVES, Vera L. J.; AMARAL, Nelson Cardoso (orgs.). Políticas de financiamento da educação superior num contexto de crise. 1ed. São Paulo: Mercado de Letras, 2017b, p. 47-69.AZEVEDO, Mário Luiz Neves de. Internacionalização ou transnacionalização da educação superior: entre a formação de um campo social global e um mercado de ensino mundializado. Crítica Educativa (Sorocaba/SP), Vol.1, n.1, p. 56-79, jan./jun. 2015.BARREYRO, Gladys Beatriz. A avaliação da educação superior em escala global: da acreditação aos rankings e os resultados de aprendizagem. Avaliação: Revista da Avaliação da Educação Superior, v. 23, p. 5-22, 2018.BIANCHETTI, Lucídio; SGUISSARDI, Valdemar. Da Universidade à Commoditycidade - Ou de como e quando, se a educação/formação é sacrificada no altar do mercado, o futuro da universidade se situaria em algum lugar do passado. 1. ed. Campinas, SP: Mercado das Letras, 2017. v. 1. 124p.BIANCHETTI, Lucídio; SGUISSARDI, Valdemar. (Orgs.). Dilemas da Pós-Graduação: gestão e avaliação. Campinas: Autores Associados, 2009.BOURDIEU, P. O campo científico. In: ORTIZ, R. Pierre Bourdieu. Col. Grandes Cientistas Sociais. São Paulo: Ática, 1983, p. 122-155.BRASIL. Conselho Federal de Educação. Parecer CFE no 977/1965, aprovado em 3 dez. 1965. Revista Brasileira de Educação. n.30, p. 162-173. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1413-24782005000300014. Acesso em: 02 de jan 2018.BRASIL. Conselho Nacional de Educação. Resolução CNE/CES n. 7, de 11 de dezembro de 2017. Estabelece normas para o funcionamento de cursos de pós-graduação stricto sensu. Disponível em: <http://portal.mec.gov.br/docman/dezembro-2017-pdf/78281-rces007-17-pdf/file>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Decreto n. 19.851, de 11 de abril de 1931. Dispõe sobre o ensino superior no Brasil. Disponível em: <http://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1930-1939/decreto-19851-11-abril-1931-505837-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Decreto n. 9.057, de 25 de maio de 2017. Regulamenta a o art. 80 da LDB 9.394/1996, que estabelece as diretrizes e bases da educação nacional. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2015-2018/2017/decreto/D9057.htm>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Lei n. 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996. Estabelece as Diretrizes e Bases da educação Nacional. Disponível em: < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l9394.htm>. Acesso em: 08 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Lei n. 13.005 de 25 de Junho de 2014. Aprova o Plano Nacional de Educação - PNE e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, DF, 26 jun. 2014a - Edição extra. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2011-2014/2014/Lei/L13005.htm>. Acesso em: 29 jan. 2019.BRASIL. Lei n. 5.540, de 28 de novembro de 1968. Fixa normas de organização e funcionamento do ensino superior e sua articulação com a escola média, e dá outras providências. 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Climate change induced sea-level rise (SLR) is on its increase globally. Regionally the lowlands of China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and islands of the Malaysian, Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos are among the world’s most threatened regions. Sea-level rise has major impacts on the ecosystems and society. It threatens coastal populations, economic activities, and fragile ecosystems as mangroves, coastal salt-marches and wetlands. This paper provides a summary of the current state of knowledge of sea level-rise and its effects on both human and natural ecosystems. The focus is on coastal urban areas and low lying deltas in South-East Asia and Vietnam, as one of the most threatened areas in the world. About 3 mm per year reflects the growing consensus on the average SLR worldwide. The trend speeds up during recent decades. The figures are subject to local, temporal and methodological variation. In Vietnam the average values of 3.3 mm per year during the 1993-2014 period are above the worldwide average. Although a basic conceptual understanding exists that the increasing global frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones is related with the increasing temperature and SLR, this relationship is insufficiently understood. Moreover the precise, complex environmental, economic, social, and health impacts are currently unclear. SLR, storms and changing precipitation patterns increase flood risks, in particular in urban areas. Part of the current scientific debate is on how urban agglomeration can be made more resilient to flood risks. Where originally mainly technical interventions dominated this discussion, it becomes increasingly clear that proactive special planning, flood defense, flood risk mitigation, flood preparation, and flood recovery are important, but costly instruments. Next to the main focus on SLR and its effects on resilience, the paper reviews main SLR associated impacts: Floods and inundation, salinization, shoreline change, and effects on mangroves and wetlands. The hazards of SLR related floods increase fastest in urban areas. This is related with both the increasing surface major cities are expected to occupy during the decades to come and the increasing coastal population. In particular Asia and its megacities in the southern part of the continent are increasingly at risk. The discussion points to complexity, inter-disciplinarity, and the related uncertainty, as core characteristics. An integrated combination of mitigation, adaptation and resilience measures is currently considered as the most indicated way to resist SLR today and in the near future.References Aerts J.C.J.H., Hassan A., Savenije H.H.G., Khan M.F., 2000. Using GIS tools and rapid assessment techniques for determining salt intrusion: Stream a river basin management instrument. 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Abstract Background Train travel is a common mode of public transport across the globe; however, the risk of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) transmission among individual train passengers remains unclear. Methods We quantified the transmission risk of COVID-19 on high-speed train passengers using data from 2334 index patients and 72 093 close contacts who had co-travel times of 0–8 hours from 19 December 2019 through 6 March 2020 in China. We analyzed the spatial and temporal distribution of COVID-19 transmission among train passengers to elucidate the associations between infection, spatial distance, and co-travel time. Results The attack rate in train passengers on seats within a distance of 3 rows and 5 columns of the index patient varied from 0 to 10.3% (95% confidence interval [CI], 5.3%–19.0%), with a mean of 0.32% (95% CI, .29%–.37%). Passengers in seats on the same row (including the adjacent passengers to the index patient) as the index patient had an average attack rate of 1.5% (95% CI, 1.3%–1.8%), higher than that in other rows (0.14% [95% CI, .11%–.17%]), with a relative risk (RR) of 11.2 (95% CI, 8.6–14.6). Travelers adjacent to the index patient had the highest attack rate (3.5% [95% CI, 2.9%–4.3%]) of COVID-19 infection (RR, 18.0 [95% CI, 13.9–23.4]) among all seats. The attack rate decreased with increasing distance, but increased with increasing co-travel time. The attack rate increased on average by 0.15% (P = .005) per hour of co-travel; for passengers in adjacent seats, this increase was 1.3% (P = .008), the highest among all seats considered. Conclusions COVID-19 has a high transmission risk among train passengers, but this risk shows significant differences with co-travel time and seat location. During disease outbreaks, when traveling on public transportation in confined spaces such as trains, measures should be taken to reduce the risk of transmission, including increasing seat distance, reducing passenger density, and use of personal hygiene protection.

The present study an endeavor export and import silk goods data collect and analysis of annual compound growth rates. China is the biggest consumer of silk in the world next to India second consumer of raw silk and silk fabrics. The study area covers whole country. The analysis was carried out for the period from export and import of silk goods during 1985 to 2017. Compound growth rate of quantity of export silk commodities for significant was 31.66 per cent during the period I (1985-86 to 1987-88). For overall period (1985 to 2016) moderately significant growth in quantity (2.44%), but the growth of value (10.02%) was significant. In import, highest CGR was 29.39 per cent in quantity and 32.02 per cent in value during the period IV (1997-98 to 2001-02). Overall Period (1985-6 to 2016-17) revealed that, highly CGR of quantity and value. In import, the significant and CGR was Uzbekistan, Japan, Korea RP and others during the period II (2007 to 2011). The overall period (1980-81 to 2016-17) there was a negatively significant in the country like China, Brazil and Japan, while, Uzbekistan, Korea RP and Others. The study finally indicated, the significant growth of export and import in all the country viz. USA, HK, UK, UAE, Germany, Spain and others during from 1985-86 to 2016-17. The overall period (1985-86 to 2016-17), growth rate was found in significant like scarves, Dress materials, and others (spun silk).

Energy is a crucial development indicator of production, consumption, and nation-building. However, energy diversification highlighting renewables remains salient in economic development across developing economies. This study explores the economic impact of renewables (RE) and fossil fuel (NRE) utilization in 17 emerging nations. We use annual data with timeframe between 1980 and 2016 and propose a bootstrap panel causality approach with a Fourier function. This allows the examination of multiple structural breaks, cross-section dependence, and heterogeneity across countries. We validate four main hypotheses on the causal links attached to the energy consumption (EC)-growth nexus namely neutrality, conservation, growth, and feedback hypotheses. The findings reveal a causal relationship running from RE to GDP for Brazil, Egypt, Indonesia, Korea, Pakistan, and the Philippines, confirming the growth hypothesis. Besides, the results validate the conservation hypothesis with causality from GDP to RE for China, Colombia, Egypt, Greece, India, Korea, South Africa, and Turkey. We identify causality from NRE to GDP for Pakistan, Mexico, Malaysia, Korea, India, Greece, Egypt, and Brazil; and from GDP to NRE for Thailand, Peru, Malaysia, India, Greece, Egypt, and Colombia. We demonstrate that wealth creation can be achieved through energy diversification rather than relying solely on conventional energy sources.

Abstract Background Irrational use of antimicrobials is highly prevalent. It is a major driving factor for antimicrobial resistance (AMR). Research on irrational antimicrobial use is important for developing policies and regulations to combat and contain AMR. The present study aims to provide an overview of research publications on the irrational use of antimicrobials at the national and global levels. Methods Publications on irrational use of antimicrobials were extracted from Scopus using a wide range of relevant keywords for the study period from 1980 to 2020. Results In total, 656 publications on irrational use of antimicrobials were found. The bulk of publications in this field were about irrational use in humans. A limited number of publications were found on the irrational use of antimicrobials in the context of veterinary and environment. The number of publications, contributing countries, and the mean number of authors per article increased with time, most notably in the last decade. Authors from 105 different countries participated in publishing the retrieved articles with 22 (21.0%) participated in 10 or more publications. The United States led with 140 (21.6%) articles followed distantly by China (n = 49, 7.5%), India (n = 45, 6.9%), and the United Kingdom (n = 45, 6.9%). Countries in the South-East Asian region (n = 69, 10.5%) and the African region (n = 42, 6.4%) made the least contribution. The list of most frequent author keywords included “antimicrobial stewardship” and “community pharmacies”. The research themes focused on the hospital-based rational use of antimicrobials and the self-medication practices with antimicrobials in the community. In total, 420 different journals participated in publishing the retrieved documents. The Plos One journal (17, 2.6%) ranked first. The retrieved articles received an average of 15.6 citations per article and an h-index of 52. The most frequent antimicrobials encountered in the retrieved literature were penicillin, cephalosporin, and fluoroquinolones while the most frequently encountered pathogens were S. aureus and P. aeruginosa. Conclusion Research on the irrational use of antimicrobials is needed from all countries and regions to implement appropriate policies to contain the AMR. Research on irrational use of antimicrobials in the context of veterinary is needed.

IntroductionCirque du Soleil, the largest live entertainment company in the world, has eight standing shows in Las Vegas alone, KÀ, Love, Mystère, Zumanity, Believe, Michael Jackson ONE, Zarkana and O. Close to 150 million spectators have seen Cirque du Soleil shows since the company’s beginnings in 1984 and it is estimated that over 15 million spectators will see a Cirque du Soleil show in 2014 (Cirque du Soleil). The Cirque du Soleil concept of circus as a form of theatre, with simple, often archetypal, narrative arcs conveyed without words, virtuoso physicality with the circus artists presented as characters in a fictional world, cutting-edge lighting and visuals, extraordinary innovative staging, and the uptake of new technology for special effects can all be linked back to an early form of circus which is sometimes termed illegitimate circus. In the late 18th century and early 19th century, in the age of Romanticism, only two theatres in London, Covent Garden and Drury Lane, plus the summer theatre in the Haymarket, had royal patents allowing them to produce plays or text-based productions, and these were considered legitimate theatres. (These theatres retained this monopoly until the Theatre Regulation Act of 1843; Saxon 301.) Other circuses and theatres such as Astley’s Amphitheatre, which were precluded from performing text-based works by the terms of their licenses, have been termed illegitimate (Moody 1). Perversely, the effect of licensing venues in this way, instead of having the desired effect of enshrining some particular forms of expression and “casting all others beyond the cultural pale,” served instead to help to cultivate a different kind of theatrical landscape, “a theatrical terrain with a new, rich and varied dramatic ecology” (Reed 255). A fundamental change to the theatrical culture of London took place, and pivotal to “that transformation was the emergence of an illegitimate theatrical culture” (Moody 1) with circus at its heart. An innovative and different form of performance, a theatre of the body, featuring spectacle and athleticism emerged, with “a sensuous, spectacular aesthetic largely wordless except for the lyrics of songs” (Bratton 117).This writing sets out to explore some of the strong parallels between the aesthetic that emerged in this early illegitimate circus and the aesthetic of the Montreal-based, multi-billion dollar entertainment empire of Cirque du Soleil. Although it is not fighting against legal restrictions and can in no way be considered illegitimate, the circus of Cirque du Soleil can be seen to be the descendant of the early circus entrepreneurs and their illegitimate aesthetic which arose out of the desire to find ways to continue to attract audiences to their shows in spite of the restrictions of the licenses granted to them. BackgroundCircus has served as an inspiration for many innovatory theatre productions including Peter Brook’s Midsummer Night’s Dream (1970) and Tom Stoppard’s Jumpers (1972) as well as the earlier experiments of Meyerhold, Eisenstein, Mayakovsky and other Soviet directors of the 1920’s (Saxon 299). A. H. Saxon points out, however, that the relationship between circus and theatre is a long-standing one that begins in the late 18th century and the early 19th century, when circus itself was theatre (Saxon 299).Modern circus was founded in London in 1768 by an ex-cavalryman and his wife, Philip and Patty Astley, and consisted of spectacular stunt horse riding taking place in a ring, with acts from traditional fairs such as juggling, acrobatics, clowning and wire-walking inserted to cover the changeovers between riding acts. From the very first shows entry was by paid ticket only and the early history of circus was driven by innovative, risk-taking entrepreneurs such as Philip Astley, who indeed built so many new amphitheatres for his productions that he became known as Amphi-Philip (Jando). After years of legal tussles with the authorities concerning the legal status of this new entertainment, a limited license was finally granted in 1783 for Astley’s Amphitheatre. This license precluded the performing of plays, anything text-based, or anything which had a script that resembled a play. Instead the annual license granted allowed only for “public dancing and music” and “other public entertainments of like kind” (St. Leon 9).Corporeal Dramaturgy and TextIn the face of the ban on scripted text, illegitimate circus turned to the human body and privileged it as a means of dramatic expression. A resultant dramaturgy focusing on the expressive capabilities of the performers’ bodies emerged. “The primacy of rhetoric and the spoken word in legitimate drama gave way […] to a corporeal dramaturgy which privileged the galvanic, affective capacity of the human body as a vehicle of dramatic expression” (Moody 83). Moody proposes that the “iconography of illegitimacy participated in a broader cultural and scientific transformation in which the human body began to be understood as an eloquent compendium of visible signs” (83). Even though the company has the use of text and dramatic dialogue freely available to it, Cirque du Soleil, shares this investment in the bodies of the performers and their “galvanic, affective capacity” (83) to communicate with the audience directly without the use of a scripted text, and this remains a constant between the two forms of circus. Robert Lepage, the director of two Cirque du Soleil shows, KÀ (2004) and more recently Totem (2010), speaking about KÀ in 2004, said, “We wanted it to be an epic story told not with the use of words, but with the universal language of body movement” (Lepage cited in Fink).In accordance with David Graver’s system of classifying performers’ bodies, Cirque du Soleil’s productions most usually present performers’ ‘character bodies’ in which the performers are understood by spectators to be playing fictional roles or characters (Hurley n/p) and this was also the case with illegitimate circus which right from its very beginnings presented its performers within narratives in which the performers are understood to be playing characters. In Cirque du Soleil’s shows, as with illegitimate circus, this presentation of the performers’ character bodies is interspersed with acts “that emphasize the extraordinary training and physical skill of the performers, that is which draw attention to the ‘performer body’ but always within the context of an overall narrative” (Fricker n.p.).Insertion of Vital TextAfter audience feedback, text was eventually added into KÀ (2004) in the form of a pre-recorded prologue inserted to enable people to follow the narrative arc, and in the show Wintuk (2007) there are tales that are sung by Jim Comcoran (Leroux 126). Interestingly early illegitimate circus creators, in their efforts to circumvent the ban on using dramatic dialogue, often inserted text into their performances in similar ways to the methods Cirque du Soleil chose for KÀ and Wintuk. Illegitimate circus included dramatic recitatives accompanied by music to facilitate the following of the storyline (Moody 28) in the same way that Cirque du Soleil inserted a pre-recorded prologue to KÀ to enable audience members to understand the narrative. Performers in illegitimate circus often conveyed essential information to the audience as lyrics of songs (Bratton 117) in the same way that Jim Comcoran does in Wintuk. Dramaturgical StructuresAstley from his very first circus show in 1768 began to set his equestrian stunts within a narrative. Billy Button’s Ride to Brentford (1768), showed a tailor, a novice rider, mounting backwards, losing his belongings and being thrown off the horse when it bucks. The act ends with the tailor being chased around the ring by his horse (Schlicke 161). Early circus innovators, searching for dramaturgy for their shows drew on contemporary warfare, creating vivid physical enactments of contemporary battles. They also created a new dramatic form known as Hippodramas (literally ‘horse dramas’ from hippos the Attic Greek for Horse), a hybridization of melodrama and circus featuring the trick riding skills of the early circus pioneers. The narrative arcs chosen were often archetypal or sourced from well-known contemporary books or poems. As Moody writes, at the heart of many of these shows “lay an archetypal narrative of the villainous usurper finally defeated” (Moody 30).One of the first hippodramas, The Blood Red Knight, opened at Astley’s Amphitheatre in 1810.Presented in dumbshow, and interspersed with grand chivalric processions, the show featured Alphonso’s rescue of his wife Isabella from her imprisonment and forced marriage to the evil knight Sir Rowland and concluded with the spectacular, fiery destruction of the castle and Sir Rowland’s death. (Moody 69)Another later hippodrama, The Spectre Monarch and his Phantom Steed, or the Genii Horseman of the Air (1830) was set in China where the rightful prince was ousted by a Tartar usurper who entered into a pact with the Spectre Monarch and received,a magic ring, by aid of which his unlawful desires were instantly gratified. Virtue, predictably won out in the end, and the discomforted villain, in a final settling of accounts with his dread master was borne off through the air in a car of fire pursued by Daemon Horsemen above THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. (Saxon 303)Karen Fricker writes of early Cirque du Soleil shows that “while plot is doubtless too strong a word, each of Cirque’s recent shows has a distinct concept or theme, that is urbanity for Saltimbanco; nomadism in Varekai (2002) and humanity’s clownish spirit for Corteo (2005), and tend to follow the same very basic storyline, which is not narrated in words but suggested by the staging that connects the individual acts” (Fricker n/p). Leroux describes the early Cirque du Soleil shows as following a “proverbial and well-worn ‘collective transformation trope’” (Leroux 122) whilst Peta Tait points out that the narrative arc of Cirque du Soleil “ might be summarized as an innocent protagonist, often female, helped by an older identity, seemingly male, to face a challenging journey or search for identity; more generally, old versus young” (Tait 128). However Leroux discerns an increasing interest in narrative devices such as action and plot in Cirque du Soleil’s Las Vegas productions (Leroux 122). Fricker points out that “with KÀ, what Cirque sought – and indeed found in Lepage’s staging – was to push this storytelling tendency further into full-fledged plot and character” (Fricker n/p). Telling a story without words, apart from the inserted prologue, means that the narrative arc of Kà is, however, very simple. A young prince and princess, twins in a mythical Far Eastern kingdom, are separated when a ceremonial occasion is interrupted by an attack by a tribe of enemy warriors. A variety of adventures follow, most involving perilous escapes from bad guys with flaming arrows and fierce-looking body tattoos. After many trials, a happy reunion arrives. (Isherwood)This increasing emphasis on developing a plot and a narrative arc positions Cirque as moving closer in dramaturgical aesthetic to illegitimate circus.Visual TechnologiesTo increase the visual excitement of its shows and compensate for the absence of spoken dialogue, illegitimate circus in the late 18th and early 19th century drew on contemporaneous and emerging visual technologies. Some of the new visual technologies that Astley’s used have been termed pre-cinematic, including the panorama (or diorama as it is sometimes called) and “the phantasmagoria and other visual machines… [which] expanded the means through which an audience could be addressed” (O’Quinn, Governance 312). The panorama or diorama ran in the same way that a film runs in an analogue camera, rolling between vertical rollers on either side of the stage. In Astley’s production The Siege and Storming of Seringapatam (1800) he used another effect almost equivalent to a modern day camera zoom-in by showing scenic back drops which, as they moved through time, progressively moved geographically closer to the battle. This meant that “the increasing enlargement of scale-each successive scene has a smaller geographic space-has a telescopic event. Although the size of the performance space remains constant, the spatial parameters of the spectacle become increasingly magnified” (O’Quinn, Governance 345). In KÀ, Robert Lepage experiments with “cinematographic stage storytelling on a very grand scale” (Fricker n.p.). A KÀ press release (2005) from Cirque du Soleil describes the show “as a cinematic journey of aerial adventure” (Cirque du Soleil). Cirque du Soleil worked with ground-breaking visual technologies in KÀ, developing an interactive projected set. This involves the performers controlling what happens to the projected environment in real time, with the projected scenery responding to their movements. The performers’ movements are tracked by an infra-red sensitive camera above the stage, and by computer software written by Interactive Production Designer Olger Förterer. “In essence, what we have is an intelligent set,” says Förterer. “And everything the audience sees is created by the computer” (Cirque du Soleil).Contemporary Technology Cutting edge technologies, many of which came directly from contemporaneous warfare, were introduced into the illegitimate circus performance space by Astley and his competitors. These included explosions using redfire, a new military explosive that combined “strontia, shellac and chlorate of potash, [which] produced […] spectacular flame effects” (Moody 28). Redfire was used for ‘blow-ups,’ the spectacular explosions often occurring at the end of the performance when the villain’s castle or hideout was destroyed. Cirque du Soleil is also drawing on contemporary military technology for performance projects. Sparked: A Live interaction between Humans and Quadcopters (2014) is a recent short film released by Cirque du Soleil, which features the theatrical use of drones. The new collaboration between Cirque du Soleil, ETH Zurich and Verity Studios uses 10 quadcopters disguised as animated lampshades which take to the air, “carrying out the kinds of complex synchronized dance manoeuvres we usually see from the circus' famed acrobats” (Huffington Post). This shows, as with early illegitimate circus, the quick theatrical uptake of contemporary technology originally developed for use in warfare.Innovative StagingArrighi writes that the performance space that Astley developed was a “completely new theatrical configuration that had not been seen in Western culture before… [and] included a circular ring (primarily for equestrian performance) and a raised theatre stage (for pantomime and burletta)” (177) joined together by ramps that were large enough and strong enough to allow horses to be ridden over them during performances. The stage at Astley’s Amphitheatre was said to be the largest in Europe measuring over 130 feet across. A proscenium arch was installed in 1818 which could be adjusted in full view of the audience with the stage opening changing anywhere in size from forty to sixty feet (Saxon 300). The staging evolved so that it had the capacity to be multi-level, involving “immense [moveable] platforms or floors, rising above each other, and extending the whole width of the stage” (Meisel 214). The ability to transform the stage by the use of draped and masked platforms which could be moved mechanically, proved central to the creation of the “new hybrid genre of swashbuckling melodramas on horseback, or ‘hippodramas’” (Kwint, Leisure 46). Foot soldiers and mounted cavalry would fight their way across the elaborate sets and the production would culminate with a big finale that usually featured a burning castle (Kwint, Legitimization 95). Cirque du Soleil’s investment in high-tech staging can be clearly seen in KÀ. Mark Swed writes that KÀ is, “the most lavish production in the history of Western theatre. It is surely the most technologically advanced” (Swed). With a production budget of $165 million (Swed), theatre designer Michael Fisher has replaced the conventional stage floor with two huge moveable performance platforms and five smaller platforms that appear to float above a gigantic pit descending 51 feet below floor level. One of the larger platforms is a tatami floor that moves backwards and forwards, the other platform is described by the New York Times as being the most thrilling performer in the show.The most consistently thrilling performer, perhaps appropriately, isn't even human: It's the giant slab of machinery that serves as one of the two stages designed by Mark Fisher. Here Mr. Lepage's ability to use a single emblem or image for a variety of dramatic purposes is magnified to epic proportions. Rising and falling with amazing speed and ease, spinning and tilting to a full vertical position, this huge, hydraulically powered game board is a sandy beach in one segment, a sheer cliff wall in another and a battleground, viewed from above, for the evening's exuberantly cinematic climax. (Isherwood)In the climax a vertical battle is fought by aerialists fighting up and down the surface of the sand stone cliff with defeated fighters portrayed as tumbling down the surface of the cliff into the depths of the pit below. Cirque du Soleil’s production entitled O, which phonetically is the French word eau meaning water, is a collaboration with director Franco Dragone that has been running at Las Vegas’ Bellagio Hotel since 1998. O has grossed over a billion dollars since it opened in 1998 (Sylt and Reid). It is an aquatic circus or an aquadrama. In 1804, Charles Dibdin, one of Astley’s rivals, taking advantage of the nearby New River, “added to the accoutrements of the Sadler’s Wells Theatre a tank three feet deep, ninety feet long and as wide as twenty-four feet which could be filled with water from the New River” (Hays and Nickolopoulou 171) Sadler’s Wells presented aquadramas depicting many reconstructions of famous naval battles. One of the first of these was The Siege of Gibraltar (1804) that used “117 ships designed by the Woolwich Dockyard shipwrights and capable of firing their guns” (Hays and Nickolopoulou 5). To represent the drowning Spanish sailors saved by the British, “Dibdin used children, ‘who were seen swimming and affecting to struggle with the waves’”(5).O (1998) is the first Cirque production to be performed in a proscenium arch theatre, with the pool installed behind the proscenium arch. “To light the water in the pool, a majority of the front lighting comes from a subterranean light tunnel (at the same level as the pool) which has eleven 4" thick Plexiglas windows that open along the downstage perimeter of the pool” (Lampert-Greaux). Accompanied by a live orchestra, performers dive into the 53 x 90 foot pool from on high, they swim underwater lit by lights installed in the subterranean light tunnel and they also perform on perforated platforms that rise up out of the water and turn the pool into a solid stage floor. In many respects, Cirque du Soleil can be seen to be the inheritors of the spectacular illegitimate circus of the 18th and 19th Century. The inheritance can be seen in Cirque du Soleil’s entrepreneurial daring, the corporeal dramaturgy privileging the affective power of the body over the use of words, in the performers presented primarily as character bodies, and in the delivering of essential text either as a prologue or as lyrics to songs. It can also be seen in Cirque du Soleil’s innovative staging design, the uptake of military based technology and the experimentation with cutting edge visual effects. Although re-invigorating the tradition and creating spectacular shows that in many respects are entirely of the moment, Cirque du Soleil’s aesthetic roots can be clearly seen to draw deeply on the inheritance of illegitimate circus.ReferencesBratton, Jacky. “Romantic Melodrama.” The Cambridge Companion to British Theatre 1730-1830. Eds. Jane Moody and Daniel O'Quinn. Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2007. 115-27. Bratton, Jacky. “What Is a Play? Drama and the Victorian Circus in the Performing Century.” Nineteenth-Century Theatre’s History. Eds. Tracey C. Davis and Peter Holland. Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 250-62.Cavendish, Richard. “Death of Madame Tussaud.” History Today 50.4 (2000). 15 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/death-madame-tussaud›.Cirque du Soleil. 2014. 10 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.cirquedusoleil.com/en/home/about-us/at-a-glance.aspx›.Davis, Janet M. The Circus Age: Culture and Society under the American Big Top. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. Hays, Michael, and Anastasia Nikolopoulou. Melodrama: The Cultural Emergence of a Genre. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999.House of Dancing Water. 2014. 17 Aug. 2014 ‹http://thehouseofdancingwater.com/en/›.Isherwood, Charles. “Fire, Acrobatics and Most of All Hydraulics.” New York Times 5 Feb. 2005. 12 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2005/02/05/theater/reviews/05cirq.html?_r=0›.Fink, Jerry. “Cirque du Soleil Spares No Cost with Kà.” Las Vegas Sun 2004. 17 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2004/sep/16/cirque-du-soleil-spares-no-cost-with-ka/›.Fricker, Karen. “Le Goût du Risque: Kà de Robert Lepage et du Cirque du Soleil.” (“Risky Business: Robert Lepage and the Cirque du Soleil’s Kà.”) L’Annuaire théâtral 45 (2010) 45-68. Trans. Isabelle Savoie. (Original English Version not paginated.)Hurley, Erin. "Les Corps Multiples du Cirque du Soleil." Globe: Revue Internationale d’Études Quebecoise. Les Arts de la Scene au Quebec, 11.2 (2008). (Original English n.p.)Jacob, Pascal. The Circus Artist Today: Analysis of the Key Competences. Brussels: FEDEC: European Federation of Professional Circus Schools, 2008. 5 June 2010 ‹http://sideshow-circusmagazine.com/research/downloads/circus-artist-today-analysis-key-competencies›.Jando, Dominique. “Philip Astley, Circus Owner, Equestrian.” Circopedia. 15 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.circopedia.org/Philip_Astley›.Kwint, Marius. “The Legitimization of Circus in Late Georgian England.” Past and Present 174 (2002): 72-115.---. “The Circus and Nature in Late Georgian England.” Histories of Leisure. Ed. Rudy Koshar. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2002. 45-60. ---. “The Theatre of War.” History Today 53.6 (2003). 28 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.historytoday.com/marius-kwint/theatre-war›.Lampert-Greaux, Ellen. “The Wizardry of O: Cirque du Soleil Takes the Plunge into an Underwater World.” livedesignonline 1999. 17 Aug. 2014 ‹http://livedesignonline.com/mag/wizardry-o-cirque-du-soleil-takes-plunge-underwater-world›.Lavers, Katie. “Sighting Circus: Perceptions of Circus Phenomena Investigated through Diverse Bodies.” Doctoral Thesis. Perth, WA: Edith Cowan University, 2014. Leroux, Patrick Louis. “The Cirque du Soleil in Las Vegas: An American Striptease.” Revista Mexicana de Estudio Canadiens (Nueva Época) 16 (2008): 121-126.Mazza, Ed. “Cirque du Soleil’s Drone Video ‘Sparked’ is Pure Magic.” Huffington Post 22 Sep. 2014. 23 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/09/22/cirque-du-soleil-sparked-drone-video_n_5865668.html›.Meisel, Martin. Realizations: Narrative, Pictorial and Theatrical Arts in Nineteenth-Century England. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1983.Moody, Jane. Illegitimate Theatre in London, 1770-1840. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. O'Quinn, Daniel. Staging Governance: Teatrical Imperialism in London 1770-1800. Baltimore, Maryland, USA: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005. O'Quinn, Daniel. “Theatre and Empire.” The Cambridge Companion to British Theatre 1730-1830. Eds. Jane Moody and Daniel O'Quinn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 233-46. Reed, Peter P. “Interrogating Legitimacy in Britain and America.” The Oxford Handbook of Georgian Theatre. Eds. Julia Swindells and Francis David. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014. 247-264.Saxon, A.H. “The Circus as Theatre: Astley’s and Its Actors in the Age of Romanticism.” Educational Theatre Journal 27.3 (1975): 299-312.Schlicke, P. Dickens and Popular Entertainment. London: Unwin Hyman, 1985.St. Leon, Mark. Circus: The Australian Story. Melbourne: Melbourne Books, 2011. Stoddart, Helen. Rings of Desire: Circus History and Representation. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000. Swed, Mark. “Epic, Extravagant: In Ka the Acrobatics and Dazzling Special Effects Are Stunning and Enchanting.” Los Angeles Times 5 Feb. 2005. 22 Aug. 2014 ‹http://articles.latimes.com/2005/feb/05/entertainment/et-ka5›.Sylt, Cristian, and Caroline Reid. “Cirque du Soleil Swings to $1bn Revenue as It Mulls Shows at O2.” The Independent Oct. 2011. 14 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/news/cirque-du-soleil-swings-to-1bn-revenue-as-it-mulls-shows-at-o2-2191850.html›.Tait, Peta. Circus Bodies: Cultural Identity in Aerial Performance. London: Routledge, 2005.Terdiman, Daniel. “Flying Lampshades: Cirque du Soleil Plays with Drones.” CNet 2014. 22 Sept 2014 ‹http://www.cnet.com/news/flying-lampshades-the-cirque-du-soleil-plays-with-drones/›.Venables, Michael. “The Technology Behind the Las Vegas Magic of Cirque du Soleil.” Forbes Magazine 30 Aug. 2013. 16 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.forbes.com/sites/michaelvenables/2013/08/30/technology-behind-the-magical-universe-of-cirque-du-soleil-part-one/›.

Introduction This article aims to explore some of the ideological discourses that reinforce marriage as a central social and cultural institution in US-American society. Andrew Cherlin argues that despite social secularisation, rising divorce rates and the emergence of other, alternative forms of love and living, marriage “remains the most highly valued form of family life in American culture, the most prestigious way to live your life” (9). Indeed, marriage in the US has become an ideological and political battlefield, with charged debates about who is entitled to this form of state-sanctioned relationship, with the government spending large sums of money to promote the value of marriage and the highest number of people projected to get married (nearly 90 per cent of all people) compared to other Western nations (Cherlin 4). I argue here that the idea of marriage as the ideal form for an intimate relationship permeates US-American culture to an extent that we can speak of a marital hegemony. This hegemony is fuelled by and reflected in the saturation of American popular culture with celebratory depictions of the white wedding as public performance and symbolic manifestation of the values associated with marriage. These depictions contribute to the discursive production of weddings as “one of the major events that signal readiness and prepare heterosexuals for membership in marriage as an organizing practice for the institution of marriage” (Ingraham 4). From the representation of weddings as cinematic climax in a huge number of films, to TV shows such as The Bachelor, Bridezillas and Race to the Altar, to the advertisement industry and the bridal magazines that construct the figure of the bride as an ideal that every girl and woman should aspire to, popular discourses promote the desirability of marriage in a wide range of media spheres. These representations, which I call bridal fictions, do not only shape and regulate the production of gendered, raced, classed and sexual identities in the media in fundamental ways. They also promote the idea that marriage is the only adequate framework for an intimate relationship and for the constitution of an acceptable gendered identity, meanwhile reproducing heterosexuality as norm and monogamy as societal duty. Thus I argue that we can understand contemporary bridal fictions as a symbolic legitimation of marital hegemony that perpetuates the idea that “lifelong marriage is a moral imperative” (Coontz 292). Marital Hegemony By drawing on Gramsci’s term and argument of cultural hegemony, I propose that public, political, religious and popular discourses work together in intersecting, overlapping, ideologically motivated and often even contradictory ways to produce what can be conceptualised as marital hegemony. Gramsci understands the relationship between state coercion and legitimation as crucial to an understanding of constituted consensus and co-operation. By legitimation Gramsci refers to processes through which social elites constitute their leadership through the universalizing of their own class-based self-interests. These self-interests are adopted by the greater majority of people, who apprehend them as natural or universal standards of value (common sense). This ‘hegemony’ neutralizes dissent, instilling the values, beliefs and cultural meanings into the generalized social structures. (Lewis 76-77)Marital hegemony also consists of those two mechanisms, coercion and legitimation. Coercion by the social elites, in this case by the state, is conducted through intervening in the private life of citizens in order to regulate and control their intimate relationships. Through the offering of financial benefits, medical insurance, tax cuts and various other privileges to married partners only (see Ingraham 175-76), the state withholds these benefits from all those that do not conform to this kind of state-sanctioned relationship. However, this must serve as the topic of another discussion, as this paper is more interested in the second aspect of hegemony, the symbolic legitimation. Symbolic legitimation works through the depiction of the white wedding as the occasion on which entering the institution of marriage is publicly celebrated and marital identity is socially validated. Bridal fictions work on a semiotic and symbolic level to display and perpetuate the idea of marriage as the most desirable and ultimately only legitimate form of intimate, heterosexual relationships. This is not to say that there is no resistance to this form of hegemony, as Foucault argues, eventually there is no “power without resistances” (142). However, as Engstrom contends, contemporary bridal fictions “reinforce and endorse the idea that romantic relationships should and must lead to marriage, which requires public display—the wedding” (3). Thus I argue that we can understand contemporary bridal fictions as one key symbolic factor in the production of marital hegemony. The ongoing centrality of marriage as an institution finds its reflection, as Otnes and Pleck argue, in the fact that the white wedding, in spite of all changes and processes of liberalisation in regard to gender, family and sexuality, “remains the most significant ritual in contemporary culture” (5). Accordingly, popular culture, reflective as well as constitutive of existing cultural paradigms, is saturated with what I have termed here bridal fictions. Bridal representations have been subject to rigorous academic investigation (c.f. Currie, Geller, Bambacas, Boden, Otnes and Pleck, Wallace and Howard). But, by using the term “bridal fictions”, I seek to underscore the fictional nature of these apparent “representations”, emphasising their role in producing pervasive utopias, rather than representing reality. This is not to say that bridal fictions are solely fictive. In fact, my argument here is that these bridal fictions do have discursive influence on contemporary wedding culture and practices. With my analysis of a bridal advertisement campaign later on in this paper, I aim to show exemplarily how bridal fictions work not only in perpetuating marriage, monogamy and heteronormativity as central organizing principles of intimate life. But moreover, how bridal fictions use this framework to promote certain kinds of white, heterosexual, upper-class identities that normatively inform our understanding of who is seen as entitled to this form of state-sanctioned relationship. Furthermore my aim is to highlight the role of postfeminist frames in sustaining marital hegemony. Second Wave feminism, seeing marriage as a form of “intimate colonization” (in Finlay and Clarke 416), has always been one of the few sources of critique in regard to this institution. In contrast, postfeminist accounts, now informing a significant amount of contemporary bridal fictions, evoke marriage as actively chosen, unproblematic and innately desired state of being for women. By constructing the liberated, self-determined figure of the postfeminist bride, contemporary bridal fictions naturalise and re-modernise marriage as framework for the constitution of modern feminine identity. An analysis of postfeminist bridal identities, as done in the following, is thus vital to my argument, because it highlights how postfeminist accounts deflect feminism’s critique of marriage as patriarchal, political and hegemonic institution and hence contribute to the perpetuation and production of marital hegemony. The Postfeminist Bride Postfeminism has emerged since the early 1990s as the dominant mode of constructing femininities in the media. Angela McRobbie understands postfeminism as “to refer to an active process by which feminist gains of the 1970s and 80s come to be undermined”, while simultaneously appearing to be “a well-informed and even well-intended response to feminism” (“Postfeminism” 255). Based on the assumption that women nowadays are no longer subjected to patriarchal power structures anymore, postfeminism actively takes feminism into account while, at the same time, “undoing” it (McRobbie “Postfeminism” 255). In contemporary postfeminist culture, feminism is “decisively aged and made to seem redundant”, which allows a conscious “dis-identification” and/or “forceful non-identity” with accounts of Second Wave feminism (McRobbie Aftermath 15). This demarcation from earlier forms of feminism is particularly evident with regard to marriage and wedding discourses. Second wave feminist critics such as Betty Friedan (1973) and Carole Pateman were critical of the influence of marriage on women’s psychological, financial and sexual freedom. This generation of feminists saw marriage as a manifestation of patriarchal power, which is based on women’s total emotional and erotic loyalty and subservience (Rich 1980), as well as on “men’s domination over women, and the right of men to enjoy equal sexual access to women” (Pateman 1988 2). In contrast, contemporary postfeminism enunciates now that “equality is achieved, in order to install a whole repertoire of new meanings which emphasise that it [feminism] is no longer needed, it is a spent force” (McRobbie “Postfeminism” 255). Instead of seeing marriage as institutionlised subjugation of women, the postfeminist generation of “educated women who have come of age in the 1990s feel that the women’s liberation movement has achieved its goals and that marriage is now an even playing field in which the two sexes operate as equal partners” (Geller 110). As McRobbie argues “feminism was anti-marriage and this can now to be shown to be great mistake” (Aftermath 20). Accordingly, postfeminist bridal fictions do not depict the bride as passive and waiting to be married, relying on conservative and patriarchal notions of hegemonic femininity, but as an active agent using the white wedding as occasion to act out choice, autonomy and power. Genz argues that a characteristic of postfemininities is that they re-negotiate femininity and feminism no longer as mutually exclusive and irreconcilable categories, but as constitutive of each other (Genz; Genz and Brabon). What I term the postfeminist bride embodies this shifted understanding of feminism and femininity. The postfeminist bride is a figure that is often celebrated in terms of individual freedom, professional success and self-determination, instead of resting on traditional notions of female domesticity and passivity. Rather than fulfilling clichés of the homemaker and traditional wife, the postfeminist bride is characterised by an emphasis on power, agency and pleasure. Characteristic of this figure, as with other postfemininities in popular culture, is a simultaneous appropriation and repudiation of feminist critique. Within postfeminist bridal culture, the performance of traditional femininity through the figure of the bride, or by identification with it, is framed in terms of individual choice, depicted as standing outside of the political and ideological struggles surrounding gender, equality, class, sexuality and race. In this way, as Engstrom argues, “bridal media’s popularity in the late 20th and early 21st centuries in the United States as indicative of a postfeminist cultural environment” (18). And although the contemporary white wedding still rests on patriarchal traditions that symbolise what the Second Wave called an “intimate colonization” (such as the bride’s vow of obedience; the giving away of the bride by one male chaperone, her father, to the next, the husband; her loss of name in marriage etc.), feminist awareness of the patriarchal dimensions of marriage and the ritual of the wedding is virtually absent from contemporary bridal culture. Instead, the patriarchal customs of the white wedding are now actively embraced by the women themselves in the name of tradition and choice. This reflects a prevailing characteristic of postfeminism, which is a trend towards the reclamation of conservative ideals of femininity, following the assumption that the goals of traditional feminist politics have been attained. This recuperation of traditional forms of femininity is one key characteristic of postfeminist bridal culture, as Engstrom argues: “bridal media collectively have become the epitomic example of women’s culture, a genre of popular culture that promotes, defends, and celebrates femininity” (21). Bridal fictions indeed produce traditional femininity by positioning the cultural, social and historical significance of the wedding as a necessary rite of passage for women and as the most important framework for the constitution of their (hetero)sexual, classed and gendered identities. Embodied in its ritual qualities, the white wedding symbolises the transition of women from single to belonging, from girlhood to womanhood and implicitly from childlessness to motherhood. However, instead of seeing this form of hegemonic femininity as a product of unequal, patriarchal power relations as Second Wave did, postfeminism celebrates traditional femininity in modernised versions. Embracing conservative feminine roles (e.g. that of the bride/wife) is now a matter of personal choice, individuality and freedom, characterised by awareness, knowingness and sometimes even irony (McRobbie “Postfeminism”). Nevertheless, the wedding is not only positioned as the pinnacle of a monogamous, heterosexual relationship, but also as the climax of a (female) life-story (“the happiest day of the life”). Combining feminist informed notions of power and choice, the postfeminist wedding is constructed as an event which supposedly enables women to act out those notions, while serving as a framework for gendered identity formation and self-realisation within the boundaries of an officialised and institutionalised relationship. “Modern” Brides I would like to exemplarily illustrate how postfeminism informs contemporary bridal fictions by analysing an advertising campaign of the US bridal magazine Modern Bride that paradigmatically and emblematically shows how postfeminist frames are used to construct the ‘modern’ bride. These advertisements feature American celebrities Guiliana Rancic (“host of E! News”), Daisy Fuentes (“host of Ultimate Style”) and Layla Ali, (“TV host and world champion”) stating why they qualify as a “modern bride”. Instead of drawing on notions of passive femininity, these advertisements have a distinct emphasis on power and agency. All advertisements include the women’s profession and other accomplishments. Rancic claims that she is a modern bride because: “I chased my career instead of guys.” These advertisements emphasise choice and empowerment, the key features of postfeminism, as Angela McRobbie (“Postfeminism”) and Rosalind Gill argue. Femininity, feminism and professionalism here are not framed as mutually exclusive, but are reconciled in the identity of the “modern” bride. Marriage and the white wedding are clearly bracketed in a liberal framework of individual choice, underpinned by a grammar of self-determination and individualism. Layla Ali states that she is a modern bride: “Because I refuse to let anything stand in the way of my happiness.” This not only communicates the message that happiness is intrinsically linked to marriage, but clearly resembles the figure that Sharon Boden terms the “super bride”, a role which allows women to be in control of every aspect of their wedding and “the heroic creator of her big day” while being part of a fairy-tale narrative in which they are the centre of attention (74). Agency and power are clearly visible in all of these ads. These brides are not passive victims of the male gaze, instead they are themselves gazing. In Rancic’s advertisement this is particularly evident, as she is looking directly at the viewer, where her husband, looking into another direction, remains rather face- and gazeless. This is in accord with bridal fictions in general, where husbands are often invisible, serving as bystanders or absent others, reinforcing the ideal that this is the special day of the bride and no one else. Furthermore, all of these advertisements remain within the limited visual repertoire that is common within bridal culture: young to middle-aged, heterosexual, able-bodied, conventionally attractive women. The featuring of the non-white bride Layla Ali is a rare occasion in contemporary bridal fictions. And although this can be seen as a welcomed exception, this advertisement remains eventually within the hegemonic and racial boundaries of contemporary bridal fictions. As Ingraham argues, ultimately “the white wedding in American culture is primarily a ritual by, for, and about the white middle to upper classes. Truly, the white wedding” (33). Furthermore, these advertisements illustrate another key feature of bridal culture, the “privileging of white middle- to upper-class heterosexual marriage over all other forms” (Ingraham 164). Semiotically, the discussed advertisements reflect the understanding of the white wedding as occasion to perform a certain classed identity: the luscious white dresses, the tuxedos, the jewellery and make up, etc. are all signifiers for a particular social standing. This is also emphasised by the mentioning of the prestigious jobs these brides hold, which presents a postfeminist twist on the otherwise common depictions of brides as practising hypergamy, meaning the marrying of a spouse of higher socio-economic status. But significantly, upward social mobility is usually presented as only acceptable for women, reinforcing the image of the husband as the provider. Another key feature of postfeminism, the centrality of heterosexual romance, becomes evident through Daisy Fuentes’ statement: “I’m a modern bride, because I believe that old-school values enhance a modern romance.” Having been liberated from the shackles of second wave feminism, which dismissed romance as “dope for dupes” (Greer in Pearce and Stacey 50), the postfeminist bride unapologetically embraces romance as central part of her life and relationship. Romance is here equated with traditionalism and “old school” values, thus reinforcing sexual exclusiveness, traditional gender roles and marriage as re-modernised, romantic norms. Angela McRobbie describes this “double entanglement” as a key feature of postfeminism that is comprised of “the co-existence of neo-conservative values in relation to gender, sexuality and family life […] with processes of liberalisation in regard to choice and diversity in domestic, sexual and kinship relations” (“Postfeminism” 255–56). These advertisements illustrate quite palpably that the postfeminist bride is a complex figure. It is simultaneously progressive and conservative, fulfilling ideals of conservative femininity while actively negotiating in the complex field of personal choice, individualism and social conventions; it oscillates between power and passivity, tradition and modern womanhood, between feminism and femininity. It is precisely this contradictory nature of the postfeminist bride that makes the figure so appealing, as it allows women to participate in the fantasy world of bridal utopias while still providing possibilities to construct themselves as active and powerful agents. Conclusion While we can generally welcome the reconfiguration of brides as powerful and self-determined, we have to remain critical of the postfeminist assumption of women as “autonomous agents no longer constrained by any inequalities or power imbalances whatsoever” (Gill 153). Where marriage is assumed to be an “even playing field” as Geller argues (110), feminism is no longer needed and traditional marital femininity can be, once again, performed without guilt. In these ways postfeminism deflects feminist criticism with regard to the political dimensions of marital femininity and thus contributes to the production of marital hegemony. But why is marital hegemony per se problematic? Firstly, by presenting marital identity as essential for the construction of gendered identity, bridal fictions leave little room for (female) self-definition outside of the single/married binary. As Ingraham argues, not only “are these categories presented as significant indices of social identity, they are offered as the only options, implying that the organization of identity in relation to marriage is universal and in no need of explanation” (17). Hence, by positioning marriage and singledom as opposite poles on the axis of proper femininity, bridal fictions stigmatise single women as selfish, narcissistic, hedonistic, immature and unable to attract a suitable husband (Taylor 20, 40). Secondly, within bridal fictions “weddings, marriage, romance, and heterosexuality become naturalized to the point where we consent to the belief that marriage is necessary to achieve a sense of well-being, belonging, passion, morality and love” (Ingraham 120). By presenting the white wedding as a publicly endorsed and visible entry to marriage, bridal fictions produce in fundamental ways normative notions about who is ‘fit’ for marriage and therefore capable of the associated cultural and social values of maturity, responsibility, ‘family values’ and so on. This is particularly critical, as postfeminist identities “are structured by, stark and continuing inequalities and exclusions that relate to ‘race’ and ethnicity, class, age, sexuality and disability as well as gender” (Gill 149). These postfeminist exclusions are very evident in contemporary bridal fictions that feature almost exclusively young to middle-aged, white, able-bodied couples with upper to middle class identities that conform to the heteronormative matrix, both physically and socially. By depicting weddings almost exclusively in this kind of raced, classed and gendered framework, bridal fictions associate the above mentioned values, that are seen as markers for responsible adulthood and citizenship, with those who comply with these norms. In these ways bridal fictions stigmatise those who are not able or do not want to get married, and, moreover, produce a visual regime that determines who is seen as entitled to this kind of socially validated identity. The fact that bridal fictions indeed play a major role in producing marital hegemony is further reflected in the increasing presence of same-sex white weddings in popular culture. These representations, despite their message of equality for everyone, usually replicate rather than re-negotiate the heteronormative terms of bridal culture. This can be regarded as evidence of bridal fiction’s scope and reach in naturalising marriage not only as the most ideal form of a heterosexual relationship, but increasingly as the ideal for any kind of intimate relationship. References Bambacas, Christyana. “Thinking about White Weddings.” Journal of Australian Studies 26.72 (2002): 191–200.The Bachelor, ABC, 2002–present. Boden, Sharon. Consumerism, Romance and the Wedding Experience. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Bridezillas, We TV, 2004–present. Cherlin, Andrew. The-Marriage-Go-Round. The State of Marriage and the Family in America Today. New York: Vintage, 2010. Coontz, Stephanie. Marriage. A History. New York: Penguin, 2005. Currie, Dawn. “‘Here Comes the Bride’: The Making of a ‘Modern Traditional’ Wedding in Western Culture.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 24.3 (1993): 403–21. Engstrom, Erika. The Bride Factory. Mass Portrayals of Women and Weddings. New York: Peter Lang, 2012. Fairchild Bridal Study (2005) 27 May 2012. ‹http://www.sellthebride.com/documents/americanweddingsurvey.pdf›. Finlay, Sara-Jane, and Victoria Clarke. “‘A Marriage of Inconvenience?’ Feminist Perspectives on Marriage.” Feminism & Psychology 13.4 (2003): 415–20. Foucault, M. (1980) “Body/Power and Truth/Power” in Gordon, C. (ed.) Michel Foucault: Power/Knowledge, Harvester, U.K. Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. Ringwood: Penguin Books, 1973. Geller, Jaqlyn. Here Comes the Bride. Women, Weddings, and the Marriage Mystique. New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 2001. Genz, Stéphanie. Postfemininities in Popular Culture. New York: Palgrave, 2009. 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Human history has witnessed varied surveillance and counter-surveillance activities from time immemorial. Human beings could not surveille others effectively and accurately without the technology of their era. Technology is a tool that can empower both people and governments. The outcomes are different based on the users’ intentions and aims. 2,500 years ago, Sun Tzu noted that ‘If you know both yourself and your enemy, you can win numerous (literally, "a hundred") battles without jeopardy’. His words still ring true. To be a good surveiller and counter-surveiller it is essential to know both sides, and in order to be good at these activities access to technology is vital. There is no doubt that knowledge is power, and without technology to access the information, it is impossible to be powerful. As we become more expert at technology, we will learn what makes surveillance and counter-surveillance more effective, and will be more powerful.“Surveillance” is one of the most important aspects of living in the convergent media environment. This essay illustrates government surveillance and counter-surveillance during the Iranian Green Movement (2009) on social and mobile media. The Green Movement refers to a non-violent movement that arose after the disputed presidential election on June 2009. After that Iran was facing its most serious political crisis since the 1979 revolution. Claims of vote fraud triggered massive street protests. Many took to the streets with “Green” signs, chanting slogans such as ‘the government lied’, and ‘where is my vote?’ There is no doubt that social and mobile media has played an important role in Iran’s contemporary politics. According to Internet World Stats (IWS) Internet users in 2009 account for approximately 48.5 per cent of the population of Iran. In 2009, Iran had 30.2 million mobile phone users (Freedom House), and 72 cellular subscriptions for every 100 people (World Bank). Today, while Iran has the 19th-largest population in the world, its blogosphere holds the third spot in terms of number of users, just behind the United States and China (Beth Elson et al.). In this essay the use of social and mobile media (technology) is not debated, but the extent of this use, and who, why and how it is used, is clearly scrutinised.Visibility and Surveillance There have been different kinds of surveillance for a very long time. However, all types of surveillance are based on the notion of “visibility”. Previous studies show that visibility is not a new term (Foucault Discipline). The new things in the new era, are its scale, scope and complicated ways to watch others without being watched, which are not limited to a specific time, space and group, and are completely different from previous instruments for watching (Andrejevic). As Meikle and Young (146) have mentioned ‘networked digital media bring with them a new kind of visibility’, based on different kinds of technology. Internet surveillance has important implications in politics to control, protect, and influence (Marx Ethics; Castells; Fuchs Critique). Surveillance has been improved during its long history, and evolved from very simple spying and watching to complicated methods of “iSpy” (Andrejevic). To understand the importance of visibility and its relationship with surveillance, it is essential to study visibility in conjunction with the notion of “panopticon” and its contradictory functions. Foucault uses Bentham's notion of panopticon that carries within itself visibility and transparency to control others. “Gaze” is a central term in Bentham’s view. ‘Bentham thinks of a visibility organised entirely around a dominating, overseeing gaze’ (Foucault Eye). Moreover, Thomson (Visibility 11) notes that we are living in the age of ‘normalizing the power of the gaze’ and it is clear that the influential gaze is based on powerful means to see others.Lyon (Surveillance 2) explains that ‘surveillance is any collection and processing of personal data, whether identifiable or not, for the purpose of influencing or managing those whose data have been granted…’. He mentions that today the most important means of surveillance reside in computer power which allows collected data to be sorted, matched, retrieved, processed, marketed and circulated.Nowadays, the Internet has become ubiquitous in many parts of the world. So, the changes in people’s interactions have influenced their lives. Fuchs (Introduction 15) argues that ‘information technology enables surveillance at a distance…in real time over networks at high transmission speed’. Therefore, visibility touches different aspects of people’s lives and living in a “glasshouse” has caused a lot of fear and anxiety about privacy.Iran’s Green Movement is one of many cases for studying surveillance and counter-surveillance technologies in social and mobile media. Government Surveillance on Social and Mobile Media in Iran, 2009 In 2009 the Iranian government controlled technology that allowed them to monitor, track, and limit access to the Internet, social media and mobiles communication, which has resulted in the surveillance of Green Movement’s activists. The Iranian government had improved its technical capabilities to monitor the people’s behavior on the Internet long before the 2009 election. The election led to an increase in online surveillance. Using social media the Iranian government became even more powerful than it was before the election. Social media was a significant factor in strengthening the government’s power. In the months after the election the virtual atmosphere became considerably more repressive. The intensified filtering of the Internet and implementation of more advanced surveillance systems strengthened the government’s position after the election. The Open Net Initiative revealed that the Internet censorship system in Iran is one of the most comprehensive and sophisticated censorship systems in the world. It emphasized that ‘Advances in domestic technical capacity have contributed to the implementation of a centralized filtering strategy and a reduced reliance on Western technologies’.On the other hand, the authorities attempted to block all access to political blogs (Jaras), either through cyber-security methods or through threats (Tusa). The Centre for Investigating Organized Cyber Crimes, which was founded in 2007 partly ‘to investigate and confront social and economic offenses on the Internet’ (Cyber Police), became increasingly important over the course of 2009 as the government combated the opposition’s online activities (Beth Elson et al. 16). Training of "senior Internet lieutenants" to confront Iran's "virtual enemies online" was another attempt that the Intelligence minister announced following the protests (Iran Media Program).In 2009 the Iranian government enacted the Computer Crime Law (Jaras). According to this law the Committee in Charge of Determining Unauthorized Websites is legally empowered to identify sites that carry forbidden content and report that information to TCI and other major ISPs for blocking (Freedom House). In the late fall of 2009, the government started sending threatening and warning text messages to protesters about their presence in the protests (BBC). Attacking, blocking, hacking and hijacking of the domain names of some opposition websites such as Jaras and Kaleme besides a number of non-Iranian sites such as Twitter were among the other attempts of the Iranian Cyber Army (Jaras).It is also said that the police and security forces arrested dissidents identified through photos and videos posted on the social media that many imagined had empowered them. Furthermore, the online photos of the active protesters were posted on different websites, asking people to identify them (Valizadeh).In late June 2009 the Iranian government was intentionally permitting Internet traffic to and from social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter so that it could use a sophisticated practice called Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) to collect information about users. It was reportedly also applying the same technology to monitor mobile phone communications (Beth Elson et al. 15).On the other hand, to cut communication between Iranians inside and outside the country, Iran slowed down the Internet dramatically (Jaras). Iran also blocked access to Facebook, YouTube, Wikipedia, Twitter and many blogs before, during and after the protests. Moreover, in 2009, text message services were shut down for over 40 days, and mobile phone subscribers could not send or receive text messages regardless of their mobile carriers. Subsequently it was disrupted on a temporary basis immediately before and during key protests days.It was later discovered that the Nokia Siemens Network provided the government with surveillance technologies (Wagner; Iran Media Program). The Iranian government built a complicated system that enabled it to monitor, track and intercept what was said on mobile phones. Nokia Siemens Network confirmed it supplied Iran with the technology needed to monitor, control, and read local telephone calls [...] The product allowed authorities to monitor any communications across a network, including voice calls, text messaging, instant messages, and web traffic (Cellan-Jones). Media sources also reported that two Chinese companies, Huawei and ZTE, provided surveillance technologies to the government. The Nic Payamak and Saman Payamak websites, that provide mass text messaging services, also reported that operator Hamrah Aval commonly blocked texts with words such as meeting, location, rally, gathering, election and parliament (Iran Media Program). Visibility and Counter-Surveillance The panopticon is not limited to the watchers. Similarly, new kinds of panopticon and visibility are not confined to government surveillance. Foucault points out that ‘the seeing machine was once a sort of dark room into which individuals spied; it has become a transparent building in which the exercise of power may be supervised by society as a whole’ (Discipline 207). What is important is Foucault's recognition that transparency, not only of those who are being observed but also of those who are observing, is central to the notion of the panopticon (Allen) and ‘any member of society will have the right to come and see with his own eyes how schools, hospitals, factories, and prisons function’ (Foucault, Discipline 207). Counter-surveillance is the process of detecting and mitigating hostile surveillance (Burton). Therefore, while the Internet is a surveillance instrument that enables governments to watch people, it also improves the capacity to counter-surveille, and draws public attention to governments’ injustice. As Castells (185) notes the Internet could be used by citizens to watch their government as an instrument of control, information, participation, and even decision-making, from the bottom up.With regards to the role of citizens in counter-surveillance we can draw on Jay Rosen’s view of Internet users as ‘the people formerly known as the audience’. In counter-surveillance it can be said that passive citizens (formerly the audience) have turned into active citizens. And this change was becoming impossible without mobile and social media platforms. These new techniques and technologies have empowered people and given them the opportunity to have new identities. When Thompson wrote ‘the exercise of power in modern societies remains in many ways shrouded in secrecy and hidden from the public gaze’ (Media 125), perhaps he could not imagine that one day people can gaze at the politicians, security forces and the police through the use of the Internet and mobile devices.Furthermore, while access to mobile media allows people to hold authorities accountable for their uses and abuses of power (Breen 183), social media can be used as a means of representation, organization of collective action, mobilization, and drawing attention to police brutality and reasons for political action (Gerbaudo).There is no doubt that having creativity and using alternative platforms are important aspects in counter-surveillance. For example, images of Lt. Pike “Pepper Spray Cop” from the University of California became the symbol of the senselessness of police brutality during the Occupy Movement (Shaw). Iranians’ Counter-Surveillance on Social and Mobile Media, 2009 Iran’s Green movement (2009) triggered a lot of discussions about the role of technology in social movements. In this regard, there are two notable attitudes about the role of technology: techno-optimistic (Shriky and Castells) and techno-pessimistic (Morozov and Gladwell) views should be taken into account. While techno-optimists overrated the role of social media, techno-pessimists underestimated its role. However, there is no doubt that technology has played a great role as a counter-surveillance tool amongst Iranian people in Iran’s contemporary politics.Apart from the academic discussions between techno-optimists and techno-pessimists, there have been numerous debates about the role of new technologies in Iran during the Green Movement. This subject has received interest from different corners of the world, including Western countries, Iranian authorities, opposition groups, and also some NGOs. However, its role as a means of counter-surveillance has not received adequate attention.As the tools of counter-surveillance are more or less the tools of surveillance, protesters learned from the government to use the same techniques to challenge authority on social media.Establishing new websites (such as JARAS, RASA, Kalemeh, and Iran green voice) or strengthening some previous ones (such as Saham, Emrooz, Norooz), also activating different platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube accounts to broadcast the voice of the Iranian Green Movement and neutralize the government’s propaganda were the most important ways to empower supporters of Iran’s Green Movement in counter-surveillance.‘Reporters Without Borders issued a statement, saying that ‘the new media, and particularly social networks, have given populations collaborative tools with which they can change the social order’. It is also mentioned that despite efforts by the Iranian government to prevent any reporting of the protests and due to considerable pressure placed on foreign journalists inside Iran, social media played a significant role in sending the messages and images of the movement to the outside world (Axworthy). However, at that moment, many thought that Twitter performed a liberating role for Iranian dissenters. For example, Western media heralded the Green Movement in Iran as a “Twitter revolution” fuelled by information and communication technologies (ICTs) and social media tools (Carrieri et al. 4). “The Revolution Will Be Twittered” was the first in a series of blog posts published by Andrew Sullivan a few hours after the news of the protests was released.According to the researcher’s observation the numbers of Twitter users inside Iran who tweeted was very limited in 2009 and social media was most useful in the dissemination of information, especially from those inside Iran to outsiders. Mobile phones were mostly influential as an instrument firstly used for producing contents (images and videos) and secondly for the organisation of protests. There were many photos and videos that were filmed by very simple mobile cell phones, uploaded by ordinary people onto YouTube and other platforms. The links were shared many times on Twitter and Facebook and released by mainstream media. The most frequently circulated story from the Iranian protests was a video of Neda Agha-Sultan. Her final moments were captured by some bystanders with mobile phone cameras and rapidly spread across the global media and the Internet. It showed that the camera-phone had provided citizens with a powerful means, allowing for the creation and instant sharing of persuasive personalised eyewitness records with mobile and globalised target populations (Anden-Papadopoulos).Protesters used another technique, DDOS (distributed denial of service attacks), for political protest in cyber space. Anonymous people used DDOS to overload a website with fake requests, making it unavailable for users and disrupting the sites set as targets (McMillan) in effect, shutting down the site. DDOS is an important counter-surveillance activity by grassroots activists or hackers. It was a cyber protest that knocked the main Iranian governmental websites off-line and caused crowdsourcing and false trafficking. Amongst them were Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Iran's supreme leader’s websites and those which belong to or are close to the government or security forces, including news agencies (Fars, IRNA, Press TV…), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, the Police, and the Ministry of the Interior.Moreover, as authorities uploaded the pictures of protesters onto different platforms to find and arrest them, in some cities people started to put the pictures, phone numbers and addresses of members of security forces and plain clothes police officers who attacked them during the protests and asked people to identify and report the others. They also wanted people to send information about suspects who infringed human rights. Conclusion To sum up, visibility, surveillance and counter-surveillance are not new phenomena. What is new is the technology, which increased their complexity. As Foucault (Discipline 200) mentioned ‘visibility is a trap’, so being visible would be the weakness of those who are being surveilled in the power struggle. In the convergent era, in order to be more powerful, both surveillance and counter-surveillance activities aim for more visibility. Although both attempt to use the same means (technology) to trap the other side, the differences are in their subjects, objects, goals and results.While in surveillance, visibility of the many by the few is mostly for the purpose of control and influence in undemocratic ways, in counter-surveillance, the visibility of the few by the many is mostly through democratic ways to secure more accountability and transparency from the governments.As mentioned in the case of Iran’s Green Movement, the scale and scope of visibility are different in surveillance and counter-surveillance. The importance of what Shaw wrote about Sydney occupy counter-surveillance, applies to other places, such as Iran. She has stressed that ‘protesters and police engaged in a dance of technology and surveillance with one another. Both had access to technology, but there were uncertainties about the extent of technology and its proficient use…’In Iran (2009), both sides (government and activists) used technology and benefited from digital networked platforms, but their levels of access and domains of influence were different, which was because the sources of power, information and wealth were divided asymmetrically between them. Creativity was important for both sides to make others more visible, and make themselves invisible. Also, sharing information to make the other side visible played an important role in these two areas. References Alen, David. “The Trouble with Transparency: The Challenge of Doing Journalism Ethics in a Surveillance Society.” Journalism Studies 9.3 (2008): 323-40. 8 Dec. 2013 ‹http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14616700801997224#.UqRFSuIZsqN›. 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IntroductionI work at a regional campus of La Trobe University, Australia. More precisely, I work at the Bendigo campus of La Trobe University. At Bendigo, we are often annoyed when referred to and addressed as ‘regional’ students and staff. Really, we should not be. After all, Bendigo campus is an outpost of La Trobe’s metropolitan base. It is funded, run, and directed from Bundoora (Melbourne). The word ‘regional’ simply describes the situation. A region is an “administrative division of a city or a district [… or …] a country” (Brown 2528). And the Latin etymology of region (regio, regere) includes “direction, line”, and “rule” (Kidd 208, 589). Just as the Bendigo campus of La Trobe is a satellite of the metropolitan campus, the town of Bendigo is an outpost of Melbourne. So, when we are addressed and interpellated (Althusser 48) as regional, it is a reminder of the ongoing fact that Australia is (still) a colony, an outpost of empire, a country organised on the colonial model. From central administrative hubs, spokes of communication, and transportation spread to the outposts. When Bendigo students and staff are addressed as regional, in a way we are also being addressed as colonial.In this article, the terms ‘region’ and ‘regional’ are deployed as inextricably associated with the Australian version of colonialism. In Australia, in the central metropolitan hubs, where the colonial project is at its most comprehensive, it is hard to see what remains, to see what has escaped that project. The aim of this article is to explore how different aspects of the country escape the totalising project of Australian colonialism. This exploration is undertaken primarily through a discussion of the ways in which some places on this continent remain not regional (and thus, not colonial) how they keep the metropolis at bay, and how they, thus, keep Europe at bay. This discussion includes a general overview of the Australian colonial project, particularly as it pertains to First Nations Peoples, their knowledge and philosophies, and the continent’s unique ecologies. Then the article becomes more speculative, imagining different ways of seeing and experiencing time and place in this country, ways of seeing the remains and refuges of pre-1788, not-regional, and not-colonial Australia. In these remains and refuges, there persist the flourishing and radical difference of this continent’s ecologies and, not surprisingly, the radical suitedness of tens of thousands of years of First Nations Peoples’ culture and thinking to that ecology, as Country. In what remains not regional, I argue, are answers to the question: How will we live here in the Anthropocene?A Totalising ProjectSince 1788, in the face of the ongoing presence and resistance of First Nations cultures, and the continent’s radically unique ecologies, the Australian colonial project has been to convert the continent into a region of Europe. As such, the imposed political, administrative, scientific, and economic institutions are largely European. This is also so, to a lesser extent, of social and cultural institutions. While the continent is not Europe geologically, the notion of the Anthropocene suggests that this is changing (Crutzen and Stoermer). This article does not resummarise the vast body of scholarship on the effects of colonisation, from genocide to missionary charity, to the creation of bureaucratic and comprador classes, and so on. Suffice to say that the different valences of colonisation—from outright malevolence to misguided benevolence–produce similar and common effects. As such, what we experience in metropolitan and regional Australia, is chillingly similar to what people experience in London. Chilling, because this experience demonstrates how the effects of the project tend towards the total.To clarify, when I use the name ‘Australia’ I understand it as the continent’s European name. When I use the term ‘Europe’ or ‘European’, I refer to both the European continent and to the reach and scope of the various colonial and imperial projects of European nations. I take this approach because I think it is necessary to recognise their global effects and loads. In Australia, this load has been evident and present for more than two centuries. On one hand, it is evident in the social, cultural, and political institutions that come with colonisation. On another, it is evident in the environmental impacts of colonisation: impacts that are severely compounded in Australia. In relation to this, there is vital, ongoing scholarship that explores the fact that, ecologically, Australia is a radically different place, and which discusses the ways in which European scientific, aesthetic, and agricultural assumptions, and the associated naturalised and generic understandings of ‘nature’, have grounded activities that have radically transformed the continent’s biosphere. To name but a few, Tim Flannery (Eaters, “Ecosystems”) and Stephen Pyne, respectively, examine the radical difference of this continent’s ecology, geology, climate, and fire regimes. Sylvia Hallam, Bill Gammage, and Bruce Pascoe (“Bolt”, Emu) explore the relationships of First Nations Peoples with that ecology, climate, and fire before 1788, and the European blindness to the complexity of these relationships. For instance, William Lines quotes the strikingly contradictory observations of the colonial surveyor, Thomas Mitchell, where the land is simultaneously “populous” and “without inhabitants” and “ready for the immediate reception of civilised man” and European pastoralism (Mitchell qtd. in Lines 71). Flannery (Eaters) and Tim Low (Feral, New) discuss the impacts of introduced agricultural practices, exotic animals, and plants. Tom Griffiths tells the story of ‘Improving’ and ‘Acclimatisation Societies’, whose explicit aims were to convert Australian lands into European lands (32–48). The notion of ‘keeping Europe at bay’ is a response to the colonial assumptions, practices, and impositions highlighted by these writers.The project of converting this continent and hundreds of First Nations Countries into a region of Europe, ‘Australia’, is, in ambition, a totalising one. From the strange flag-plantings, invocations and incantations claiming ownership and dominion, to legalistic conceptions such as terra nullius, the aim has been to speak, to declare, to interpellate the country as European. What is not European, must be made European. What cannot be made European is either (un)seen in a way which diminishes or denies its existence, or must be made not to exist. These are difficult things to do: to not see, to unsee, or to eradicate.One of the first acts of administrative division (direction and rule) in the Port Phillip colony (now known as Victoria) was that of designating four regional Aboriginal Protectorates. Edward Stone Parker was appointed Assistant Protector of Aborigines for the Loddon District, a district which persists today for many state and local government instrumentalities as the Loddon-Mallee region. In the 1840s, Parker experienced the difficulty described above, in attempting to ‘make European’ the Dja Dja Wurrung people. As part of Parker’s goal of Christianising Dja Dja Wurrung people, he sought to learn their language. Bain Attwood records his frustration:[Parker] remarked in July 1842. ‘For physical objects and their attributes, the language readily supplies equivalent terms, but for the metaphysical, so far I have been able to discover scarcely any’. A few years later Parker simply despaired that this work of translation could be undertaken. ‘What can be done’, he complained, ‘with a people whose language knows no such terms as holiness, justice, righteousness, sin, guilt, repentance, redemption, pardon, peace, and c., and to whose minds the ideas conveyed by those words are utterly foreign and inexplicable?’ (Attwood 125)The assumption here is that values and concepts that are ‘untranslatable’ into European understandings mark an absence of such value and concept. Such assumptions are evident in attempts to convince, cajole, or coerce First Nations Peoples into abandoning traditional cultural and custodial relationships with Country in favour of individual private property ownership. The desire to maintain relationships with Country are described by conservative political figures such as Tony Abbott as “lifestyle choices” (Medhora), effectively declaring them non-existent. In addition, processes designed to recognise First Nations relationships to Country are procedurally frustrated. Examples of this are the bizarre decisions made in 2018 and 2019 by Nigel Scullion, the then Indigenous Affairs Minister, to fund objections to land claims from funds designated to alleviate Indigenous disadvantage and to refuse to grant land rights claims even when procedural obstacles have been cleared (Allam). In Australia, given that First Nations social, cultural, and political life is seamlessly interwoven with the environment, ecology, the land–Country, and that the colonial project has always been, and still is, a totalising one, it is a project which aims to sever the connections to place of First Nations Peoples. Concomitantly, when the connections cannot be severed, the people must be either converted, dismissed, or erased.This project, no matter how brutal and relentless, however, has not achieved totality.What Remains Not Regional? If colonisation is a totalising project, and regional Australia stands as evidence of this project’s ongoing push, then what remains not regional, or untouched by the colonial? What escapes the administrative, the institutional, the ecological, the incantatory, and the interpellative reach of the regional? I think that despite this reach, there are such remains. The frustration, the anger, and antipathy of Parker, Abbott, and Scullion bear this out. Their project is unfinished and the resistance to it infuriates. I think that, in Australia, the different ways in which pre-1788 modes of life persist are modes of life which can be said to be ‘keeping Europe at bay’.In Reports from a Wild Country: Ethics for Decolonisation, Deborah Bird Rose compares Western/European conceptualisations of time, with those of the people living in the communities around the Victoria River in the Northern Territory. Rose describes Western constructions of time as characterised by disjunction (for example, the ‘birth’ of philosophy, the beginnings of Christianity) and by irreversible sequence (for example, concepts of telos, apocalypse, and progress). These constructions have become so naturalised as to carry a “seemingly commonsensical orientation toward the future” (15). Orientation, in an Australian society “built on destruction, enables regimes of violence to continue their work while claiming the moral ground of making a better future” (15). Such an orientation “enables us to turn our backs on the current social facts of pain, damage, destruction and despair which exist in the present, but which we will only acknowledge as our past” (17).In contrast to this ‘future vision’, Rose describes what she calls the ‘canonical’ time-space conceptualisation of the Victoria River people (55). Here, rather than a temporal extension into an empty future, orientation is towards living, peopled, and grounded origins, with the emphasis on the plural, rather than a single point of origin or disjunction:We here now, meaning we here in a shared present, are distinct from the people of the early days by the fact that they preceded us and made our lives possible. We are the ‘behind mob’—those who come after. The future is the domain of those who come after us. They are referred to as […] those ‘behind us’. (55)By way of illustration, when we walk into a sheep paddock, even if we are going somewhere (even the future), we are also irrevocably walking behind ancestors, predecessor ecologies, previous effects. The paddock, is how it is, after about 65,000 years of occupation, custodianship, and management, after European surveyors, squatters, frontier conflict and violence, the radical transformation of the country, the destruction of the systems that came before. Everything there, as Freya Mathews would put it, is of “the given” (“Becoming” 254, “Old” 127). We are coming up behind. That paddock is the past and present, and what happens next is irrevocably shaped by it. We cannot walk away from it.What remains not regional is there in front of us. Country, language, and knowledge remain in the sheep paddock, coexisting with everyone and everything else that everyone in this country follows (including the colonial and the regional). It is not gone. We have to learn how to see it.By the Fox or the Little EagleFigure 1: A Scatter of Sulphur-Crested Cockatoo Feathers at Wehla. Image Credit: Terry Eyssens.As a way of elaborating on this, I will tell you about a small, eight hectare, patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country. Depending on the day, or the season, or your reason, it could take fifteen minutes to walk from one end to the other or it might take four hours, from the time you start walking, to the time when you get back to where you started. At this place, I found a scatter of White Cockatoo feathers (Sulphur-Crested Cockatoo—Cacatua galerita). There was no body, just the feathers, but it was clear that the Cockatoo had died, had been caught by something, for food. The scatter was beautiful. The feathers, their sulphur highlights, were lying on yellow-brown, creamy, dry grass. I dwelled on the scatter. I looked. I looked around. I walked around. I scanned the horizon and squinted at the sky. And I wondered, what happened.This small patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country is in an area now known as Wehla. In the Dja Dja Wurrung and many other Victorian languages, ‘Wehla’ (and variants of this word) is a name for the Brushtail Possum (Trichosurus vulpecula). In the time I spend there/here, I see all kinds of animals. Of these, two are particularly involved in this story. One is the Fox (Vulpes vulpes), which I usually see just the back of, going away. They are never surprised. They know, or seem to know, where everyone is. They have a trot, a purposeful, cocky trot, whether they are going away because of me or whether they are going somewhere for their own good reasons. Another animal I see often is the Little Eagle (Hieraaetus morphnoides). It is a half to two-thirds the size of a Wedge-tailed Eagle (Aquila audax). It soars impressively. Sometimes I mistake a Little Eagle for a Wedge-tail, until I get a better look and realise that it is not quite that big. I am not sure where the Little Eagle’s nest is but it must be close by.I wondered about this scatter of White Cockatoo feathers. I wondered, was the scatter of White Cockatoo feathers by the Fox or by the Little Eagle? This could be just a cute thought experiment. But I think the question matters because it provokes thinking about what is regional and what remains not regional. The Fox is absolutely imperial. It is introduced and widespread. Low describes it as among Australia’s “greatest agent[s] of extinction” (124). It is part of the colonisation of this place, down to this small patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country. Where the Fox is, colonisation, and everything that goes with it, remains, and maintains. So, that scatter of feathers could be a colonial, regional happening. Or maybe it is something that remains not regional, not colonial. Maybe the scatter is something that escapes the regional. The Little Eagles and the Cockatoos, who were here before colonisation, and their dance (a dance of death for the Cockatoo, a dance of life for the Little Eagle), is maybe something that remains not regional.But, so what if the scatter of White Cockatoo feathers, this few square metres of wind-blown matter, is not regional? Well, if it is ‘not regional’, then, if Australia is to become something other than a colony, we have to look for these things that are not regional, that are not colonial, that are not imperial. Maybe if we start with a scatter of White Cockatoo feathers that was by the Little Eagle, and then build outwards again, we might start to notice more things that are not regional, that still somehow escape. For example, the persistence of First Nations modes of land custodianship and First Nations understandings of time. Then, taking care not to fetishise First Nations philosophies and cultures, take the time and care to recognise the associations of all of those things with simply, the places themselves, like a patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country, which is now known as Wehla. Instead of understanding that place as something that is just part of the former Aboriginal Protectorate of Loddon or of the Loddon Mallee region of Victoria, it is Wehla.The beginning of decolonisation is deregionalisation. Every time we recognise the not regional (which is hopefully, eventually, articulated in a more positive sense than ‘not regional’), and just say something like ‘Wehla’, we can start to keep Europe at bay. Europe’s done enough.seeing and SeeingChina Miéville’s The City and The City (2009) is set in a place, in which the citizens of two cities live. The cities, Besźel and Ul Qoma, occupy the same space, are culturally and politically different. Their relationship to each other is similar to that of border-sharing Cold War states. Citizens of the two cities are forbidden to interact with each other. This prohibition is radically policed. Even though the citizens of Besźel and Ul Qoma live in adjoining buildings, share roads, and walk the same streets, they are forbidden to see each other. The populations of each city grow up learning how to see what is permitted and to not see, or unsee, the forbidden other (14).I think that seeing a scatter of White Cockatoo feathers and wondering if it was by the Fox or by the Little Eagle is akin to the different practices of seeing and not seeing in Besźel and Ul Qoma. The scatter of feathers is regional and colonial and, equally, it is not. Two countries occupy the same space. Australia and a continent with its hundreds of Countries. What remains not regional is what is given and Seen as such. Understanding ourselves as walking behind everything that has gone before us enables this. As such, it is possible to see the scatter of White Cockatoo feathers as by the Fox, as happening in ‘regional Australia’, as thus characterised by around 200 years of carnage, where the success of one species comes at the expense of countless others. On the other hand, it is possible to See the feathers as by the Little Eagles, and as happening on a small patch of land in Dja Dja Wurrung Country, as a dance that has been happening for hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of years. It is a way of keeping Europe at bay.I think these Cockatoo feathers are a form of address. They are capable of interpellating something other than the regional, the colonial, and the imperial. A story of feathers, Foxes, and Little Eagles can remind us of our ‘behindness’, and evoke, and invoke, and exemplify ways of seeing and engaging with where we live that are tens of thousands of years old. This is both an act of the imagination and a practice of Seeing what is really there. When we learn to see the remains and refuges, the persistence of the not regional, we might also begin to learn how to live here in the Anthropocene. But, Anthropocene or no Anthropocene, we have to learn how to live here anyway.References Allam, Lorena. “Aboriginal Land Rights Claims Unresolved Despite All-Clear from Independent Review.” The Guardian 29 Mar. 2019. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2019/mar/29/aboriginal-land-rights-claims-unresolved-despite-all-clear-from-independent-review>.Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation).” On Ideology. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: Verso, [1971] 2008.Attwood, Bain. The Good Country: The Djadja Wurrung, the Settlers and the Protectors. Clayton: Monash UP, 2017.Brown, Lesley. The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary: On Historical Principles: Volume 2. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993.Crutzen, Paul, J., and Eugene F. Stoermer. “The ‘Anthropocene’.” Global Change Newsletter 41 (May 2000): 17–18.Flannery, Timothy F. “The Fate of Empire in Low- and High-Energy Ecosystems.” Ecology and Empire: Environmental History of Settler Societies. Eds. Tom Griffiths and Libby Robin. Edinburgh: Keele UP, 1997. 46–59.———. The Future Eaters. Sydney: Reed New Holland, 1994.Gammage, Bill. The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2012.Griffiths, Tom. Forests of Ash. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001.Hallam, Sylvia. Fire and Hearth: A Study of Aboriginal Usage and European Usurpation in South-Western Australia. Rev. ed. Crawley: U of Western Australia P, 2014.Kidd, D.A. Collins Gem Latin-English, English-Latin Dictionary. London: Collins, 1980.Lines, William. Taming the Great South Land: A History of the Conquest of Nature in Australia. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 1991.Low, Tim. The New Nature: Winners and Losers in Wild Australia. Camberwell: Penguin Books, 2003.———. Feral Future: The Untold Story of Australia’s Exotic Invaders. Ringwood: Penguin Books, 1999.Mathews, Freya. “Becoming Native: An Ethos of Countermodernity II.” Worldviews: Environment, Culture, Religion 3 (1999): 243–71.———. “Letting the World Grow Old: An Ethos of Countermodernity.” Worldviews: Environment, Culture, Religion 3 (1999): 119–37.Medhora, Shalailah. “Remote Communities Are Lifestyle Choices, Says Tony Abbott.” The Guardian 10 Mar. 2015. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2015/mar/10/remote-communities-are-lifestyle-choices-says-tony-abbott>.Miéville, China. The City and the City. London: Pan MacMillan, 2009.Pascoe, Bruce. Dark Emu, Black Seeds: Agriculture or Accident? Broome: Magabala Books, 2014.———. “Andrew Bolt’s Disappointment.” Griffith Review 36 (Winter 2012): 226–33.Pyne, Stephen. Burning Bush: A Fire History of Australia. North Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1992.Rose, Deborah Bird. Reports from a Wild Country: Ethics for Decolonisation. Sydney: U of New South Wales P, 2004.

Introduction Many destinations promote culinary encounters. Foods and beverages, and especially how these will taste in situ, are being marketed as niche travel motivators and used in destination brand building across the globe. While initial usage of the term culinary tourism focused on experiencing exotic cultures of foreign destinations by sampling unfamiliar food and drinks, the term has expanded to embrace a range of leisure travel experiences where the aim is to locate and taste local specialities as part of a pleasurable, and hopefully notable, culinary encounter (Wolf). Long’s foundational work was central in developing the idea of culinary tourism as an active endeavor, suggesting that via consumption, individuals construct unique experiences. Ignatov and Smith’s literature review-inspired definition confirms the nature of activity as participatory, and adds consuming food production skills—from observing agriculture and local processors to visiting food markets and attending cooking schools—to culinary purchases. Despite importing almost all of its foodstuffs and beverages, including some of its water, Singapore is an acknowledged global leader in culinary tourism. Horng and Tsai note that culinary tourism conceptually implies that a transferal of “local or special knowledge and information that represent local culture and identities” (41) occurs via these experiences. This article adds the act of reading to these participatory activities and suggests that, because food writing forms an important component of Singapore’s suite of culinary tourism offerings, taste contributes to the cultural experience offered to both visitors and locals. While Singapore foodways have attracted significant scholarship (see, for instance, work by Bishop; Duruz; Huat & Rajah; Tarulevicz, Eating), Singapore food writing, like many artefacts of popular culture, has attracted less notice. Yet, this writing is an increasingly visible component of cultural production of, and about, Singapore, and performs a range of functions for locals, tourists and visitors before they arrive. Although many languages are spoken in Singapore, English is the national language (Alsagoff) and this study focuses on food writing in English. Background Tourism comprises a major part of Singapore’s economy, with recent figures detailing that food and beverage sales contribute over 10 per cent of this revenue, with spend on culinary tours and cookery classes, home wares such as tea-sets and cookbooks, food magazines and food memoirs additional to this (Singapore Government). This may be related to the fact that Singapore not only promotes food as a tourist attraction, but also actively promotes itself as an exceptional culinary destination. The Singapore Tourism Board (STB) includes food in its general information brochures and websites, and its print, television and cinema commercials (Huat and Rajah). It also mounts information-rich campaigns both abroad and inside Singapore. The 2007 ‘Singapore Seasons’ campaign, for instance, promoted Singaporean cuisine alongside films, design, books and other cultural products in London, New York and Beijing. Touring cities identified as key tourist markets in 2011, the ‘Singapore Takeout’ pop-up restaurant brought the taste of Singaporean foods into closer focus. Singaporean chefs worked with high profile locals in its kitchen in a custom-fabricated shipping container to create and demonstrate Singaporean dishes, attracting public and media interest. In country, the STB similarly actively promotes the tastes of Singaporean foods, hosting the annual World Gourmet Summit (Chaney and Ryan) and Pacific Food Expo, both attracting international culinary professionals to work alongside local leaders. The Singapore Food Festival each July is marketed to both locals and visitors. In these ways, the STB, as well as providing events for visitors, is actively urging Singaporeans to proud of their food culture and heritage, so that each Singaporean becomes a proactive ambassador of their cuisine. Singapore Food Writing Popular print guidebooks and online guides to Singapore pay significantly more attention to Singaporean food than they do for many other destinations. Sections on food in such publications discuss at relative length the taste of Singaporean food (always delicious) as well as how varied, authentic, hygienic and suited-to-all-budgets it is. These texts also recommend hawker stalls and food courts alongside cafés and restaurants (Henderson et al.), and a range of other culinary experiences such as city and farm food tours and cookery classes. This writing describes not only what can be seen or learned during these experiences, but also what foods can be sampled, and how these might taste. This focus on taste is reflected in the printed materials that greet the in-bound tourist at the airport. On a visit in October 2013, arrival banners featuring mouth-watering images of local specialities such as chicken rice and chilli crab marked the route from arrival to immigration and baggage collection. Even advertising for a bank was illustrated with photographs of luscious-looking fruits. The free maps and guidebooks available featured food-focused tours and restaurant locations, and there were also substantial free booklets dedicated solely to discussing local delicacies and their flavours, plus recommended locations to sample them. A website and free mobile app were available that contain practical information about dishes, ingredients, cookery methods, and places to eat, as well as historical and cultural information. These resources are also freely distributed to many hotels and popular tourist destinations. Alongside organising food walks, bus tours and cookery classes, the STB also recommends the work of a number of Singaporean food writers—principally prominent Singapore food bloggers, reviewers and a number of memoirists—as authentic guides to what are described as unique Singaporean flavours. The strategies at the heart of this promotion are linking advertising to useful information. At a number of food centres, for instance, STB information panels provide details about both specific dishes and Singapore’s food culture more generally (Henderson et al.). This focus is apparent at many tourist destinations, many of which are also popular local attractions. In historic Fort Canning Park, for instance, there is a recreation of Raffles’ experimental garden, established in 1822, where he grew the nutmeg, clove and other plants that were intended to form the foundation for spice plantations but were largely unsuccessful (Reisz). Today, information panels not only indicate the food plants’ names and how to grow them, but also their culinary and medicinal uses, recipes featuring them and the related food memories of famous Singaporeans. The Singapore Botanic Gardens similarly houses the Ginger Garden displaying several hundred species of ginger and information, and an Eco(-nomic/logical) Garden featuring many food plants and their stories. In Chinatown, panels mounted outside prominent heritage brands (often still quite small shops) add content to the shopping experience. A number of museums profile Singapore’s food culture in more depth. The National Museum of Singapore has a permanent Living History gallery that focuses on Singapore’s street food from the 1950s to 1970s. This display includes food-related artefacts, interactive aromatic displays of spices, films of dishes being made and eaten, and oral histories about food vendors, all supported by text panels and booklets. Here food is used to convey messages about the value of Singapore’s ethnic diversity and cross-cultural exchanges. Versions of some of these dishes can then be sampled in the museum café (Time Out Singapore). The Peranakan Museum—which profiles the unique hybrid culture of the descendants of the Chinese and South Indian traders who married local Malay women—shares this focus, with reconstructed kitchens and dining rooms, exhibits of cooking and eating utensils and displays on food’s ceremonial role in weddings and funerals all supported with significant textual information. The Chinatown Heritage Centre not only recreates food preparation areas as a vivid indicator of poor Chinese immigrants’ living conditions, but also houses The National Restaurant of Singapore, which translates this research directly into meals that recreate the heritage kopi tiam (traditional coffee shop) cuisine of Singapore in the 1930s, purposefully bringing taste into the service of education, as its descriptive menu states, “educationally delighting the palate” (Chinatown Heritage Centre). These museums recognise that shopping is a core tourist activity in Singapore (Chang; Yeung et al.). Their gift- and bookshops cater to the culinary tourist by featuring quality culinary products for sale (including, for instance, teapots and cups, teas, spices and traditional sweets, and other foods) many of which are accompanied by informative tags or brochures. At the centre of these curated, purchasable collections are a range written materials: culinary magazines, cookbooks, food histories and memoirs, as well as postcards and stationery printed with recipes. Food Magazines Locally produced food magazines cater to a range of readerships and serve to extend the culinary experience both in, and outside, Singapore. These include high-end gourmet, luxury lifestyle publications like venerable monthly Wine & Dine: The Art of Good Living, which, in in print for almost thirty years, targets an affluent readership (Wine & Dine). The magazine runs features on local dining, gourmet products and trends, as well as international epicurean locations and products. Beautifully illustrated recipes also feature, as the magazine declares, “we’ve recognised that sharing more recipes should be in the DNA of Wine & Dine’s editorial” (Wine & Dine). Appetite magazine, launched in 2006, targets the “new and emerging generation of gourmets—foodies with a discerning and cosmopolitan outlook, broad horizons and a insatiable appetite” (Edipresse Asia) and is reminiscent in much of its styling of New Zealand’s award-winning Cuisine magazine. Its focus is to present a fresh approach to both cooking at home and dining out, as readers are invited to “Whip up the perfect soufflé or feast with us at the finest restaurants in Singapore and around the region” (Edipresse Asia). Chefs from leading local restaurants are interviewed, and the voices of “fellow foodies and industry watchers” offer an “insider track” on food-related news: “what’s good and what’s new” (Edipresse Asia). In between these publications sits Epicure: Life’s Refinements, which features local dishes, chefs, and restaurants as well as an overseas travel section and a food memories column by a featured author. Locally available ingredients are also highlighted, such as abalone (Cheng) and an interesting range of mushrooms (Epicure). While there is a focus on an epicurean experience, this is presented slightly more casually than in Wine & Dine. Food & Travel focuses more on home cookery, but each issue also includes reviews of Singapore restaurants. The bimonthly bilingual (Chinese and English) Gourmet Living features recipes alongside a notable focus on food culture—with food history columns, restaurant reviews and profiles of celebrated chefs. An extensive range of imported international food magazines are also available, with those from nearby Malaysia and Indonesia regularly including articles on Singapore. Cookbooks These magazines all include reviews of cookery books including Singaporean examples – and some feature other food writing such as food histories, memoirs and blogs. These reviews draw attention to how many Singaporean cookbooks include a focus on food history alongside recipes. Cookery teacher Yee Soo Leong’s 1976 Singaporean Cooking was an early example of cookbook as heritage preservation. This 1976 book takes an unusual view of ‘Singaporean’ flavours. Beginning with sweet foods—Nonya/Singaporean and western cakes, biscuits, pies, pastries, bread, desserts and icings—it also focuses on both Singaporean and Western dishes. This text is also unusual as there are only 6 lines of direct authorial address in the author’s acknowledgements section. Expatriate food writer Wendy Hutton’s Singapore Food, first published in 1979, reprinted many times after and revised in 2007, has long been recognised as one of the most authoritative titles on Singapore’s food heritage. Providing an socio-historical map of Singapore’s culinary traditions, some one third of the first edition was devoted to information about Singaporean multi-cultural food history, including detailed profiles of a number of home cooks alongside its recipes. Published in 1980, Kenneth Mitchell’s A Taste of Singapore is clearly aimed at a foreign readership, noting the variety of foods available due to the racial origins of its inhabitants. The more modest, but equally educational in intent, Hawkers Flavour: A Guide to Hawkers Gourmet in Malaysia and Singapore (in its fourth printing in 1998) contains a detailed introductory essay outlining local food culture, favourite foods and drinks and times these might be served, festivals and festive foods, Indian, Indian Muslim, Chinese, Nyonya (Chinese-Malay), Malay and Halal foods and customs, followed with a selection of recipes from each. More contemporary examples of such information-rich cookbooks, such as those published in the frequently reprinted Periplus Mini Cookbook series, are sold at tourist attractions. Each of these modestly priced, 64-page, mouthwateringly illustrated booklets offer framing information, such as about a specific food culture as in the Nonya kitchen in Nonya Favourites (Boi), and explanatory glossaries of ingredients, as in Homestyle Malay Cooking (Jelani). Most recipes include a boxed paragraph detailing cookery or ingredient information that adds cultural nuance, as well as trying to describe tastes that the (obviously foreign) intended reader may not have encountered. Malaysian-born Violet Oon, who has been called the Julia Child of Singapore (Bergman), writes for both local and visiting readers. The FOOD Paper, published monthly for a decade from January 1987 was, she has stated, then “Singapore’s only monthly publication dedicated to the CSF—Certified Singapore Foodie” (Oon, Violet Oon Cooks 7). Under its auspices, Oon promoted her version of Singaporean cuisine to both locals and visitors, as well as running cookery classes and culinary events, hosting her own television cooking series on the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation, and touring internationally for the STB as a ‘Singapore Food Ambassador’ (Ahmad; Kraal). Taking this representation of flavor further, Oon has also produced a branded range of curry powders, spices, and biscuits, and set up a number of food outlets. Her first cookbook, World Peranakan Cookbook, was published in 1978. Her Singapore: 101 Meals of 1986 was commissioned by the STB, then known as the Singapore Tourist Promotion Board. Violet Oon Cooks, a compilation of recipes from The FOOD Paper, published in 1992, attracted a range of major international as well as Singaporean food sponsors, and her Timeless Recipes, published in 1997, similarly aimed to show how manufactured products could be incorporated into classic Singaporean dishes cooked at home. In 1998, Oon produced A Singapore Family Cookbook featuring 100 dishes. Many were from Nonya cuisine and her following books continued to focus on preserving heritage Singaporean recipes, as do a number of other nationally-cuisine focused collections such as Joyceline Tully and Christopher Tan’s Heritage Feasts: A Collection of Singapore Family Recipes. Sylvia Tan’s Singapore Heritage Food: Yesterday’s Recipes for Today’s Cooks, published in 2004, provides “a tentative account of Singapore’s food history” (5). It does this by mapping the various taste profiles of six thematically-arranged chronologically-overlapping sections, from the heritage of British colonialism, to the uptake of American and Russia foods in the Snackbar era of the 1960s and the use of convenience flavoring ingredients such as curry pastes, sauces, dried and frozen supermarket products from the 1970s. Other Volumes Other food-themed volumes focus on specific historical periods. Cecilia Leong-Salobir’s Food Culture in Colonial Asia: A Taste of Empire discusses the “unique hybrid” (1) cuisine of British expatriates in Singapore from 1858 to 1963. In 2009, the National Museum of Singapore produced the moving Wong Hong Suen’s Wartime Kitchen: Food and Eating in Singapore 1942–1950. This details the resilience and adaptability of both diners and cooks during the Japanese Occupation and in post-war Singapore, when shortages stimulated creativity. There is a centenary history of the Cold Storage company which shipped frozen foods all over south east Asia (Boon) and location-based studies such as Annette Tan’s Savour Chinatown: Stories Memories & Recipes. Tan interviewed hawkers, chefs and restaurant owners, working from this information to write both the book’s recipes and reflect on Chinatown’s culinary history. Food culture also features in (although it is not the main focus) more general book-length studies such as educational texts such as Chew Yen Fook’s The Magic of Singapore and Melanie Guile’s Culture in Singapore (2000). Works that navigate both spaces (of Singaporean culture more generally and its foodways) such Lily Kong’s Singapore Hawker Centres: People, Places, Food, provide an consistent narrative of food in Singapore, stressing its multicultural flavours that can be enjoyed from eateries ranging from hawker stalls to high-end restaurants that, interestingly, that agrees with that promulgated in the food writing discussed above. Food Memoirs and Blogs Many of these narratives include personal material, drawing on the author’s own food experiences and taste memories. This approach is fully developed in the food memoir, a growing sub-genre of Singapore food writing. While memoirs by expatriate Singaporeans such as Cheryl Lu-Lien Tan’s A Tiger in the Kitchen: A Memoir of Food and Family, produced by major publisher Hyperion in New York, has attracted considerable international attention, it presents a story of Singapore cuisine that agrees with such locally produced texts as television chef and food writer Terry Tan’s Stir-fried and Not Shaken: A Nostalgic Trip Down Singapore’s Memory Lane and the food memoir of the Singaporean chef credited with introducing fine Malay dining to Singapore, Aziza Ali’s Sambal Days, Kampong Cuisine, published in Singapore in 2013 with the support of the National Heritage Board. All these memoirs are currently available in Singapore in both bookshops and a number of museums and other attractions. While underscoring the historical and cultural value of these foods, all describe the unique flavours of Singaporean cuisine and its deliciousness. A number of prominent Singapore food bloggers are featured in general guidebooks and promoted by the STB as useful resources to dining out in Singapore. One of the most prominent of these is Leslie Tay, a medical doctor and “passionate foodie” (Knipp) whose awardwinning ieatŸishootŸipost is currently attracting some 90,000 unique visitors every month and has had over 20,000 million hits since its launch in 2006. An online diary of Tay’s visits to hundreds of Singaporean hawker stalls, it includes descriptions and photographs of meals consumed, creating accumulative oral culinary histories of these dishes and those who prepared them. These narratives have been reorganised and reshaped in Tay’s first book The End of Char Kway Teow and Other Hawker Mysteries, where each chapter tells the story of one particular dish, including recommended hawker stalls where it can be enjoyed. Ladyironchef.com is a popular food and travel site that began as a blog in 2007. An edited collection of reviews of eateries and travel information, many by the editor himself, the site features lists of, for example, the best cafes (LadyIronChef “Best Cafes”), eateries at the airport (LadyIronChef “Guide to Dining”), and hawker stalls (Lim). While attesting to the cultural value of these foods, many articles also discuss flavour, as in Lim’s musings on: ‘how good can chicken on rice taste? … The glistening grains of rice perfumed by fresh chicken stock and a whiff of ginger is so good you can even eat it on its own’. Conclusion Recent Singapore food publishing reflects this focus on taste. Tay’s publisher, Epigram, growing Singaporean food list includes the recently released Heritage Cookbooks Series. This highlights specialist Singaporean recipes and cookery techniques, with the stated aim of preserving tastes and foodways that continue to influence Singaporean food culture today. Volumes published to date on Peranakan, South Indian, Cantonese, Eurasian, and Teochew (from the Chaoshan region in the east of China’s Guangdong province) cuisines offer both cultural and practical guides to the quintessential dishes and flavours of each cuisine, featuring simple family dishes alongside more elaborate special occasion meals. In common with the food writing discussed above, the books in this series, although dealing with very different styles of cookery, contribute to an overall impression of the taste of Singapore food that is highly consistent and extremely persuasive. This food writing narrates that Singapore has a delicious as well as distinctive and interesting food culture that plays a significant role in Singaporean life both currently and historically. It also posits that this food culture is, at the same time, easily accessible and also worthy of detailed consideration and discussion. 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Acknowledgements Research to complete this article was supported by Central Queensland University, Australia, under its Outside Studies Program (OSPRO) and Learning and Teaching Education Research Centre (LTERC). An earlier version of part of this article was presented at the 2nd Australasian Regional Food Networks and Cultures Conference, in the Barossa Valley in South Australia, Australia, 11–14 November 2012. The delegates of that conference and expert reviewers of this article offered some excellent suggestions regarding strengthening this article and their advice was much appreciated. All errors are, of course, my own.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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