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Journal articles on the topic 'China Cambodia China'

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1

Pheakdey, Heng. "Cambodia-China Relations: A Positive-Sum Game?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100203.

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China has re-emerged to become a dominant foreign player in Cambodia. Politically, Cambodia is one of China's oldest and closest allies. Economically, China is Cambodia's top foreign investor, a major donor, and an increasingly important trading partner. Culturally, Chinese values are deeply embedded in many aspects of Cambodian society. However, China's dominance is surrounded by renewed controversies. While the government warmly welcomes Chinese aid, saying that it comes with no strings attached, many experts are concerned that China is providing aid for more nefarious reasons. Critics also accuse Chinese investment and aid of having exacerbated corruption, weakened governance and harmed human rights, and of ruining Cambodia's natural resources and environment. With such controversies, it is relevant and significant to assess the roles that China has played and continues to play in Cambodia's socio-economic development. Using expert interviews, media analysis and an extensive literature review, this paper uniquely contributes to the existing discussion on China–Cambodia relations by closely examining the controversies of China's investment and aid, critically analysing China's interests in Cambodia, and asking if the relationship between the two nations is a positive-sum game.
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2

Bektimirova, Nadezhda N. "Prospects of Cambodia-USA Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-155-165.

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The article evaluates the prospects of Cambodia-USA relations under President Joe Biden’s administration. The author shows that traditionally relations have been developing unevenly. Over the past decade the shape of bilateral relations has been strongly influenced by a third party – China. Cambodia’s close cooperation with China is viewed negatively by US officials. Since Cambodia’s foreign policy agenda for the next three years is highly likely to be determined by the country’s electoral cycles, Hun Sen has little room for manoeuvre, given the USA’s support of Cambodian opposition parties and harsh criticism of human rights in Cambodia. Under these circumstances Hun Sen feels compelled to increasingly lean towards China.
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3

Po, Sovinda, and Christopher B. Primiano. "It’s All about the Coalition." European Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (December 4, 2020): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01902004.

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Abstract Since its creation in 2013, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has received ample attention in the media and from government officials and scholars. Many different, and often polarising, views exist on BRI. While some view it as China’s grand strategic goal of remaking the world in its own image, others perceive it as consistent with the international system. Using interviews conducted in Cambodia and an examination of press sources, this article draws from the selectorate theory to examine both why the Cambodian government is siding with China regarding economic ties, specifically regarding BRI, and the impact that is having on popular perception in Cambodia. The small coalition in Cambodia that Hun Sen seeks to placate results in a negative view among a significant segment of the Cambodian populace regarding Cambodia’s relations with China, and Chinese investments in particular.
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4

Po, Sovinda, and Christopher B. Primiano. "An “Ironclad Friend”: Explaining Cambodia’s Bandwagoning Policy towards China." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 3 (February 14, 2020): 444–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420901879.

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In this article, drawing from both interviews and secondary sources, we examine why Cambodia welcomes the rise of China when other states appear to be less enthusiastic. Despite the alarm in the region at China’s assertiveness, Cambodia, unlike some other nation states, has chosen to bandwagon with China. While some states in the region are pursuing a mixed strategy of economic engagement with China on the one hand and security alignment with the United States on the other (i.e. hedging), which allows such states to be on good terms with both the United States and China, Cambodia has embraced China almost exclusively. Situating the issue within the IR literature of bandwagoning, balancing, and hedging, this article presents four variables explaining the motivations behind Cambodia’s bandwagoning policy towards China. Towards the end, we offer some suggestions for Cambodia to move forward.
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5

Croissant, Aurel. "Cambodia in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 194–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.194.

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After local elections in 2017, the Cambodian People’s Party intensified its attacks on free media, NGOs, and the Cambodian National Rescue Party. Meanwhile, stronger links to China and waning Western leverage are enabling Prime Minister Hun Sen to transform the post-1993 multiparty system into a patrimonial dictatorship. Cambodia enjoyed strong economic growth but saw little improvement in its weak institutional framework, in social justice, or in economic competitiveness.
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6

Connolly, Chris. "Kissinger, China, Congress, and the Lost Chance for Cambodia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 3 (2010): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x542022.

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AbstractHenry Kissinger has been persistent in his claim that the U.S. Congress's failure to adequately supply South Vietnam was the ultimate cause of its collapse in 1975 – a claim many historians dispute. An incident that has received less attention is the role of Congress in terminating a potential negotiated settlement of the civil war in Cambodia by imposing a halt of U.S. bombing there in the summer of 1973. This article demonstrates that in this case, Kissinger's claims are not without foundation. Although the conclusions are tentative without the full Chinese record, the evidence suggests that terminating U.S. military operations in Cambodia fatally undermined Chinese efforts to negotiate the removal of Lon Nol as Cambodian head of state and the establishment of a coalition government involving the Khmer Rouge but with Sihanouk at its head.
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7

Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.
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8

Erlingsdóttir, Irma. "La politique de neutralité. L’Histoire terrible mais inachevée de Norodom Sihanouk." Milli mála 10, no. 1 (2018): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/millimala.10.3.

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The article explores Hélène Cixous’s 1985 play The Terrible Unfinished Story of Norodom Sihanouk, King of Cambodia (L´Histoire terrible mais inachevée de Norodom Sihanouk roi du Cambodge) by focusing on Cixous’s portrayal of Sihanouk and her interpretation of Cambodia’s history with references to the country’s civil conflict, the Cold War, and the Vietnam War. The article seeks to historicize the play by placing it within the context of contemporary political works on Cambodian history. As embedded in the play’s metanarrative and its contemporary metaphor of human suffering, special attention is paid to Cambodia’s power struggles, both internationally and within its own borders. The emphasis is on the tension between Cixous’s portrayal of Sihanouk as the paternal protector of Cambodia’s “eternal cultural heritage” and his political compromises with internal (the Khmer Rouge) and external (the United States, China, North Vietnam) actors. From a broader perspective, an additional focus is on the conflict between traditionalism and modernization, imperialism and resistance, and territoriality and exile.
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9

Un, Kheang. "Cambodia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.202.

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Abstract Cambodia's economy in 2011 recovered from the global economic downturn with a rise in garment exports. Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People's Party further consolidated power via the exercise of rule by law and patronage politics. Relations with Thailand returned to normal; ties with China strengthened with increased assistance and trade. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal proceeded amid allegations of political interference by the Cambodian government, making the further expansion of indictments unlikely.
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10

Ciorciari, John D. "Cambodia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.123.

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In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.
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11

Lim, Pierre-Mong. "Research on the Beginnings of Cambodian Sinophone Literature." Journal of Chinese Overseas 16, no. 1 (May 12, 2020): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341415.

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Abstract Based on research done in the National Archives of Cambodia on the Sino-Cambodian newspaper Mekong Yat Pao and its literary supplements, this report has two main objectives: firstly, since the field of Sinophone literature in the Cambodian Kingdom has seldom been researched, to write a general introduction to the history of the newspaper and its historical context; and then to describe in detail the contents of the literary supplements, trying to understand their development according to a periodization through which one can follow the evolution of the dominant literary genres and the parallel political events of the 1950–60s in Cambodia and mainland China.
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12

Klintworth, Gary. "The outlook for Cambodia: The China factor." Pacific Review 3, no. 1 (January 1990): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749008718847.

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13

Hul, S. "TWO NEW SPECIES OF GENTIANACEAE FROM INDO-CHINA." Edinburgh Journal of Botany 67, no. 1 (February 9, 2010): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096042860999028x.

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14

Heder, Steve. "Cambodia in 2010." Asian Survey 51, no. 1 (January 2011): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.208.

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Prime Minister Hun Sen's power became more concentrated. The economy expanded but was said to need diversification. Inequality intensified conflicts, but development generated legitimacy, while the political opposition and civil society were attacked. A U.N.-assisted court convicted five ex-Khmer Rouge leaders. Ties with China, the U.S., and Thailand improved.
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15

Chanda, Nayan. "China and Cambodia: In the Mirror of History." Asia-Pacific Review 9, no. 2 (November 2002): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1343900022000036043.

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16

Ciorciari, John D. "Cambodia in 2019." Asian Survey 60, no. 1 (January 2020): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.1.125.

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In 2019, Cambodia saw long-ruling Prime Minister Hun Sen tighten his grip on power. Economic growth continued, but with rising risks related to a real estate bubble, mounting debt, and yawning social inequality. Externally, Cambodia deepened its dependency on China, insulating the Hun Sen regime in some respects but contributing to new vulnerabilities.
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17

Sandy, Kevin Ramadhan. "Solving the South China Sea Crisis: A Recommendation for Indonesia." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2015): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.3.1.34-50.2014.

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The main purpose of this paper is to recommend to Indonesia to maintain its national interest of a unified ASEAN on the South China Sea disputes with four policy recommendations. The failure of the 2012 ASEAN Ministerial Meeting was observed as many analysts as the start of a crack in ASEAN as a regional group. With Cambodia’s acting as China’s proxy in the meeting, ASEAN failed to address the issue and to put it in the Joint Communique, although Vietnam and Philippines have insisted the chair to do so. This event led to the rise of suspicions from ASEAN claimant states towards Cambodia and China’s intention. Furthermore, this becomes a proof that ASEAN could no longer be independent as a regional group as China has increased its economic leverage on Cambodia. At the same time, Philippines and Vietnam have increased their bilateral ties with the United States, hoping to increase their leverage and capability vis-à-vis China. Thus, ASEAN is in an unstable state with high possibility of it to be divided into two blocs with the South China Sea still unresolved. One of Indonesia’s main foreign policy interests is a unified, centralized and independent ASEAN as a regional bloc. President Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Natalegawa reflected this by underscoring the importance of ASEAN and the need to resolve the dispute as soon as possible before further tension occurred. In this case, Indonesia should try to act as the mediator to solve this issue as a neutral player.
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18

Chenyang, LI. "China–Myanmar Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership: A Regional Threat?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100104.

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This paper analyses the China-Myanmar ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ in the framework of China's diplomacy in the post-Cold War era and concludes that the partnership has no ‘significant negative impact’ on regional relations. China pursues its partnerships with Myanmar and other states to create a ‘stable’ and ‘harmonious’ surrounding environment, itself a ‘major’ prerequisite for China's peaceful development. The author argues that China has not focused its diplomacy on Myanmar at the expense of other states; rather, he notes that in fact China established a ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ with three other ASEAN states (Vietnam in 2008, Laos in 2009, and Cambodia in 2010) before it did so with Myanmar in May 2011. The article argues that the scope and depth of China's partnerships with states such as Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia are actually above that of its partnership with Myanmar. It also argues that Myanmar's strong nationalism will prevent China from, for example, building a base on Myanmar's soil. The author also asserts that China does not seek to use Myanmar as an ally to weaken or dilute ASEAN or its unity on the South China Sea issue.
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19

Bektimirova, N. N. "The policies of the Cambodian authorities during the COVID-19 pandemic." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-037-044.

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The article considers the policies of the Cambodian authorities during the COVID-9 pandemic. It analyses the actions of the authorities to prevent mass COVID-19 infection and the reasons for their refusal to introduce mass quarantine. The author demonstrates the negative repercussions of the pandemic for Cambodian economy, which have been felt since the first days of the spread of the disease in China. The author also examines social support measures for the Cambodian population, as well as the declaration of the state of national emergency and its potential consequences for internal political life in Cambodia.
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20

JIA, FENGLONG, RENCHAO LIN, ERIC CHAN, ANDRE SKALE, and MARTIN FIKÁČEK. "Two new species of Coelostoma Brullé, 1835 from China and additional faunistic records of the genus from the Oriental Region (Coleoptera: Hydrophilidae: Sphaeridiinae: Coelostomatini)." Zootaxa 4232, no. 1 (February 15, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4232.1.8.

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Two new species of Coelostoma Brullé, 1835 are described from China: C. (Lachnocoelostoma) jaechi sp. nov. (Hong Kong) and C. (Lachnocoelostoma) tangliangi sp. nov. (Hainan). Coelostoma (s. str.) subditum Orchymont, 1936 is reported for the first time from continental Asia (China: Hong Kong, Yunnan). The first country or province records are provided for an additional 10 species: C. (s. str.) vividum Orchymont, 1936 from Cambodia and Pakistan, C. (s. str.) vitalisi Orchymont, 1923 from Cambodia and Thailand; C. (Holocoelostoma) stultum (Walker, 1858) from Myanmar and China: Hainan, Chongqing; C. (Lachnocoelostoma) coomani Orchymont, 1932 from China: Guizhou, Sichuan; C. (L.) hongkongense Jia, Aston & Fikáček, 2014 from Thailand and China: Yunnan; C. (L.) horni (Régimbart, 1902) from Thailand; C. (L.) huangi Jia, Aston & Fikáček, 2014 from Thailand; C. (L.) phallicum Orchymont, 1940 from China: Yunnan; C. (L.) vagum Orchymont, 1940 from China: Fujian; and C. (L.) wui Orchymont, 1940 from China: Fujian, Henan. Coelostoma coomani diversum Orchymont, 1932 is elevated to species rank (as C. diversum stat. nov.) based on the study of its type specimens and comparison with species treated here. An updated key to the species of Chinese Coelostoma is provided.
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21

Croissant, Aurel. "Cambodia in 2018." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (January 2019): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.170.

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In 2018, ever-incumbent Prime Minister Hun Sen scored a landslide victory in the Cambodian general elections. Three factors in particular explain this outcome. First, the elimination of the main opposition party, whose strategy of a peaceful election boycott failed. Second, favorable economic conditions and government handouts of spoils to constituencies that traditionally supported the opposition. Third, the weak leverage of the United States and the EU, and the Hun Sen regime’s strong links with China.
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Quinn-Judge, Sophie. "China, Cambodia, and the five principles of peaceful coexistence." Cold War History 11, no. 4 (October 17, 2011): 684–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2011.617445.

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23

ROSS, ROBERT S. "China and Post-Cambodia Southeast Asia: Coping with Success." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 519, no. 1 (January 1992): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716292519001005.

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24

Maimaiti, Rena, Zhang Yuexin, Pan Kejun, Maimaitaili Wubili, Christophe Lalanne, Martin Duracinsky, and Rune Andersson. "Assessment of Health-Related Quality of Life among People Living with HIV in Xinjiang, West China." Journal of the International Association of Providers of AIDS Care (JIAPAC) 16, no. 6 (September 6, 2017): 588–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2325957417729752.

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In total, 679 HIV-positive patients from 4 clinics in Urumqi city were given structured questionnaires by the doctors or nurses treating them. Health-related quality of life (HRQL) was assessed using the Chinese Patient-Reported Outcome Quality of Life-HIV questionnaire versions in Mandarin and Uyghur. This tool has been used in other parts of China and several countries. Compared to France, Australia, United States, Brazil, Thailand, Cambodia, Senegal, and Central-Southern China (CS China), the HRQL was significantly lower among HIV-positive patients in Xinjiang, with regard to the dimension of treatment impact and general health score. The health concern was similar to Brazil and Cambodia but lower than other countries and CS China. Our findings showed high stigmatization: 86% of the patients were afraid to tell others they were HIV positive and 69% often felt or always felt depressed. Only 1% of the patients were on antidepressant treatment.
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25

Hein, Patrick. "Riding with the Devils: China’s Role in the Cambodian and Sri Lankan Conflicts." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928416683059.

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Cambodia and Sri Lanka are two tiny states where China has no major strategic stakes. Yet China has been a key regime ally to both regimes at a critical moment during the alleged genocides of 1975–1979 in Cambodia and of 2009 in Sri Lanka. While the failure of Western interventionist peace-building models has been widely discussed, the patterns and outcomes of Chinese non-intervention have not. How did China’s scrupulous respect for non-intervention affect the alleged genocides? The article supports the viewpoint that Chinese non-interference in both states was built on the notion that the building of an independent nation was a top priority in securing sovereignty, order and unity. Hence, China focused on bilateral military aid and economic development, whilst shielding both governments from external scrutiny and international accountability during and after the alleged genocides. China has since made efforts to address and resolve national conflicts through concerted United Nations (UN) procedures and mechanisms.
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Hein, Patrick. "The patterns of Chinese authoritarian patronage and implications for foreign policy: Lessons from Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Cambodia." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 4 (January 9, 2020): 385–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119878517.

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This study compares Chinese autocracy promotion in Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Cambodia from the perspective of mass atrocities. Theory posits that foreign powers influence the thinking and behaviour of domestic elites through external incentives. It is the purpose of the article to identify the incentives that link Chinese foreign policy to repressive outcomes as they unintentionally and indirectly reinforce domestic ethno-nationalist narratives and therefore the likelihood and risk of mass atrocities. What are the implications? The so-called “black knight” is not as powerful as some scholars wish to portray: China has become hostage to its own incentives and this will ultimately threaten to undermine its foreign policy goals as the reorientation of foreign policy in Sri Lanka, opposition against Chinese projects in Myanmar and public discontent of the Cambodian opposition with China have demonstrated.
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YE, XING-ER, JANA LEONG-ŠKORNIČKOVÁ, LIN BAI, and NIAN-HE XIA. "Taxonomic studies on Amomum (Zingiberaceae) in China III: Amomum fangdingii, a new species from Guangxi." Phytotaxa 490, no. 3 (March 16, 2021): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.490.3.4.

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A plant formerly misidentified as Amomum maximum in Guangxi, China, is described here as a new species, namely A. fangdingii. A detailed description, distribution map and illustrations are provided together with a taxonomic key distinguishing A. fangdingii from eight morphologically similar species characterised by cincinnate inflorescences occurring in Cambodia, China, Laos and Vietnam.
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Chandler, David P. "The Kingdom of Kampuchea, March–October 1945: Japanese–sponsored Independence in Cambodia in World War II." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 17, no. 1 (March 1986): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000521x.

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On 12 March 1945, three days after Japanese forces had swept the French from power in Indo-China, Cambodia's young king, Norodom Sihanouk, declared his country's independence, noting as he did so that it would now be known in French as “Kampuchea” rather than as “Cambodge”. The proclamation, made on Japanese advice, ushered in a seven–month interregnum between periods of French control.
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Galway, Matthew. "Red service-intellectual: Phouk Chhay, Maoist China, and the Cultural Revolution in Cambodia, 1964–67." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (June 2021): 275–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000436.

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This article examines the phenomenon of Cambodian intellectual curiosity about China through the social experiences of Phouk Chhay, a prominent leftist activist-critic and Pol Pot's one-time secretary. Amid Phnom Penh's urban radical culture, Phouk transformed from rural student to Communist guerrilla. He associated with Communists, formed pro-China student associations, and through his networks, went on trips that left lasting impressions. This study draws from issues of the Cambodian-Chinese newspaper Mianhua ribao (Sino-Khmer Daily) and several forced confessions to tell a story of becoming that examines community and network in charting the course of ‘China-curiosity’ as intertwined with Phouk's life trajectory.
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Kucherenko, G. N. "Features of Cultural Interaction between Cambodia and China in the Context of Soft Power Policy." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 370–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-370-378.

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The article is devoted to the study of the problem of Chinese "soft power" in relations with Cambodia, namely, its cultural component. Chinese culture in Cambodia is gaining more and more popularity, and the language is becoming an instrument of communication in many areas, among which it is worth highlighting the economy and cooperation in the field of security. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the penetration of Chinese culture has negative sides, which are also discussed in the article.
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LAN, TIANQI, PETER JÄGER, WENHUI ZHU, and SHUQIANG LI. "Pholcid spiders (Araneae: Pholcidae) from Southeast Asia, with descriptions of five new species." Zootaxa 4963, no. 3 (April 20, 2021): 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4963.3.8.

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Five new pholcid species belonging to Holocneminus Berland, 1942, Khorata Huber, 2005 and Pholcus Walckenaer, 1805 are newly described from Southeast Asia: Holocneminus samanggi Lan & Li sp. nov. (Indonesia, male and female), Khorata kep Lan, Jäger & Li sp. nov. (Cambodia, male), Khorata musee Lan & Li sp. nov. (Thailand, male and female), Pholcus bat Lan & Li sp. nov. (China, male and female), and Pholcus phnombak Lan, Jäger & Li sp. nov. (Cambodia, male and female). Species from the genera Khorata and Pholcus are reported from Cambodia for the first time.
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HAN, HUI LIN, and VLADIMIR S. KONONENKO. "Two new species of Stenoloba Staudinger, 1892 and one Victrix Staudinger, 1879 from East Asia and China (Lepidoptera, Noctuidae, Bryophlilinae)." Zootaxa 4951, no. 2 (April 6, 2021): 342–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4951.2.7.

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Two new species of the genus Stenoloba Staudinger, 1892 (S. mediana, sp. n. and S. fuscobrunnea, sp. n.) are described from Cambodia and Laos respectively, and a new species of the genus Victrix Staudinger, 1879 (V. noloides, sp. n.) from China is described. Stenoloba chlorographa Kononenko & Ronkay, 2001 is reported for the first time from China (Xizang), and new distributional data for recently described Stenoloba species from Malaysia are presented.
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WOOD, CHRIS, HIROSHI TOMIDA, KIM JIN-HAN, KI-SUP LEE, HYONG JU CHO, SHIN NISHIDA, JAMALUDDIN IBRAHIM, et al. "New perspectives on habitat selection by the Black-faced Spoonbill Platalea minor based upon satellite telemetry." Bird Conservation International 23, no. 4 (March 28, 2013): 495–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270913000105.

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SummaryIn 2011 the Black-faced Spoonbill Platalea minor census recorded a 22% drop in numbers from 2010, particularly at the known large coastal wintering sites. During this period, we discovered two new inland wintering sites for the species using satellite telemetry data, one located in China, where the individual followed the Yangtze river as far as Wuhan (500 km inland), and the other across the Vietnam-Cambodia border (70–200 km inland). Long periods of concentrated use of various freshwater habitats were in evidence for these two tagged individuals (China: 79 days, Vietnam/Cambodia: 91 Days) and in the latter case visual confirmation indicated a larger group of at least five individuals. The importance and potential of inland freshwater environments is highlighted towards the further conservation of the recovering population.
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34

Brown, Kerry. "China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Sophie Richardson." China Journal 64 (July 2010): 277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/tcj.64.20749287.

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Womack, Brantly. "Asymmetry and systemic misperception: China, Vietnam and Cambodia during the 1970s." Journal of Strategic Studies 26, no. 2 (June 2003): 92–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390412331302995.

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36

Hoa, N. B., C. Sokun, C. Wei, J. M. Lauritsen, and H. L. Rieder. "Time to unsuccessful tuberculosis treatment outcome, Cambodia, China, and Viet Nam." Public Health Action 2, no. 1 (March 21, 2012): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5588/pha.11.0024.

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37

Jun, Zhuo, Phan Chanvicheka, and Gao Shuai. "Financial risk analysis of Cambodia Kamchay hydropower BOT project." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 3, no. 8 (December 13, 2013): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-07-2013-0152.

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Subject area Management science, operational and financial risk of overseas enterprises. Study level/applicability This case is mainly applicable to international business course and project management course. Case overview Since 1992, the Great Mekong sub-regional economic cooperation between China and ASEAN countries was officially launched and set free economic zone. Hydropower is starting to develop in recent years in Cambodia, and it is a good significance to Cambodia's industry. Furthermore, most of hydropower plants in Cambodia are built by Chinese companies. Thus, this paper will analyze the current risk and condition of Kamchay hydropower, as well as the development of Chinese enterprise for Cambodia economic and social development. Expected learning outcomes This case study provides students concepts on international business, project management, and operational risk of overseas enterprises. The principle of project contracting, labor cooperation, and project financial in international process are considered together with the implications they have for advancing understanding of the problem of the host country's government interests and the various risk of enterprises in international BOT projects. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.
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38

Hongsuwan, Pathom. "Sacralization of the Mekong River Through Folk Narratives." MANUSYA 14, no. 3 (2011): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01403003.

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This paper aims to identify the construction of the sacredness of the Mekong River through folk narratives created by the communities of Tibet, China, Burma, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam, located along the banks of the Mekong River.
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JIANG, WEI, GUOQUAN WANG, and XINGYUE LIU. "New fishfly species of the Neochauliodes bowringi group (Megaloptera: Corydalidae: Chauliodinae)." Zootaxa 3230, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.3230.1.3.

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Two new species of the fishfly genus Neochauliodes from Cambodia and China are described and both of them belong to the Neochauliodes bowringi species group. A key to the males of the N. bowringi group is also given.
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Gamas, John Harvey Divino. "The Tragedy of the Southeast Asian Commons." European Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 1 (2014): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01301004.

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The South China Sea disputes have proven to be the most divisive issue in ASEAN. The collective decision-making of the ten member states towards the issue remains ineffective and this has often been attributed to their disunity. However, disunity in the ASEAN maritime commons is symptomatic of the underlying political culture in Southeast Asia. Using Lucian Pye’s analysis of power as ritual in Southeast Asian political culture, we can surmise that the disjuncture between the hopes for a definitive Code of Conduct and the resulting lack of consensus in the 2012 biannual ASEAN summit chaired by Cambodia concretised ritualism. This paper’s analysis focuses on how intra-ASEAN disagreement in resolving the South China Sea maritime dispute was compounded by Cambodia’s 2012 ASEAN chairmanship. It revealed that power as ritual reduces ASEAN integration into a temple in support of the secularised version of the cosmic order and thus tolerating its lack of pragmatic utility and efficiency.
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41

Shao, Kuo-kang. "Zhou Enlai's Diplomacy and the Neutralization of Indo-China, 1954–55." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 483–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039874.

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A vital key to Zhou Enlai's diplomacy in Indo-China during 1954 and 1955 was his systematic effort to “neutralize” the region. Zhou, as Chinese premier and foreign minister, laid the foundations of China's approach to Indo-China. Subsequently, his policy of neutralization and its application to Indo-China focused on the enlargement of the “area of collective peace” along China's southern frontiers. This general formula reflected Zhou's primary concern for China's territorial security and economic development. In Zhou's estimation the immediate western military threat to China's security could be curbed effectively if Indo-China became a “neutralized” region in which the three local states, that is, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, were not allowed to enter into alliances with any outside major powers. Only by terminating French colonial domination in Indo-China and restraining major-power interference in the internal affairs of these three states could the peace and stability of Indo-China be secured.
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42

HAN, HUI LIN, and VLADIMIR S. KONONENKO. "Six new species of the genus Bellulia Fibiger, 2008 from China and Cambodia (Lepidoptera, Erebidae, Hypenodinae). Taxonomic study of Micronoctuini. Contribution III." Zootaxa 4938, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4938.1.6.

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Six species of the genus Bellulia Fibiger, 2008: B. tenebrosa sp. n., B. clara sp. n., B. jiaxuanae sp. n., B. jiayiae sp. n., B. fuscis sp. n. and B. diannana sp. n. are described from China and Cambodia. Two species, Bellulia suffusa Fibiger, 2008 and B. basalia Fibiger, 2010 are reported for the first time from Cambodia. Keys for identifying species in the kareni, bella and suffusa species-groups and a complete checklist of the genus Bellulia are presented.
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JAŁOSZYŃSKI, PAWEŁ. "New species and new records of Syndicus Motschulsky (Coleoptera, Staphylinidae, Scydmaeninae) PAWEŁ JAŁOSZYŃSKI (Poland)." Zootaxa 2991, no. 1 (August 10, 2011): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.2991.1.3.

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Three new species of Syndicus Motschulsky, 1851 are described: S. (s. str.) phangngaensis sp. n. (Thailand: Phang Nga), S. (s. str.) kampucheanus sp. n. (Cambodia: Mondol Kiri), and S. (Semisyndicus) schuelkei sp. n. (China: Yunnan). New distributional records are presented for S. paeninsularis bilobatus Jałoszyński, 2004 (from Laos: Bolikhamsai and Cambodia: Mondol Kiri), S. (s. str.) echinatus Jałoszyński, 2004 (from W Malaysia: Selangor), S. (s. str.) difficilis Jałoszyński, 2004 (from Thailand: Chiang Mai), S. (s. str.) himalayanus Franz, 1975 (from Nepal: Chitwan), and S. (Semisyndicus) leai leai Franz, 1971 (from W Malaysia: Selangor). The female of S. paeninsularis bilobatus is described for the first time; this species and S. kampucheanus are the first Scydmaeninae reported to occur in Cambodia.
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Zhang, Huiyu. "Does English Help You Accomplish More? Exploring the Instrumentality of English Learning in East and Southeast Asia." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 3 (May 8, 2019): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n3p279.

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This study empirically investigates the relationship between English proficiency and personal accomplishment in East and Southeast Asia. With the database of AsiaBarometer Survey 2006 and 2007, 15082 questionnaire respondents from China, Hong Kong of China, Japan, Korea, Singapore, Taiwan of China, Vietnam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines and Thailand formed the sample. We present the following findings with correlation and regression analysis: a) English proficiency positively influences personal accomplishment; b) the focal relationship is partly mediated by income, career and quality of life; and c) the focal relationship is positively moderated by international involvement. Such findings disclose and confirm the instrumentality of English learning in globalization. Theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.
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Han, Xiaorong. "China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (review)." China Review International 17, no. 3 (2010): 372–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2010.0081.

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46

Fryatt, Robert J. "Tuberculosis control in South East Asia: vignettes from China, Cambodia and Myanmar." Health Policy and Planning 32, suppl_2 (October 1, 2017): ii1—ii2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czx094.

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47

Tan, Kok Weng, and Eu Han Khaw. "Environmental Health Risk Assessment of Fe, Zn, As, Cd and Pb Concentration in Selected Asian Rice Grain (Oryza sativa)." Environmental Management and Sustainable Development 9, no. 4 (November 19, 2020): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/emsd.v9i4.17952.

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This study was carried out to determine the concentration of chemical elements in food grains (Oryza Sativa). A total of eight brands of rice grains was selected which are commonly sold in major hypermarkets in Malaysia. The selection was based on the countries of origin (COO) namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam, China, Japan and Taiwan. A total of 16 rice grain samples included both polished and unpolished rice grains in order to determine the concentration of Fe, Zn, As, Cd and Pb. From the laboratory result, it was found that the concentration of Fe, Zn, As, Cd and Pb was ranged from 0.067-14.446 mgkg‑1, 0.308-12.335 mgkg‑1, 0.000-0.048 mgkg‑1, 0.000-0.604 mgkg‑1 and 0.000-0.418 mgkg‑1 respectively. The rice grains samples from Vietnam, China and Cambodia showed that carcinogenic cancer risk for both adults and infants’ group (Cumulative lifetime cancer risk, CLCR >1x10-4).
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48

Cotillon, Hannah. "Territorial Disputes and Nationalism: A Comparative Case Study of China and Vietnam." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 1 (April 2017): 51–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600103.

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In autocracies, nationalism appears to have merged with geopolitical thinking. In light of this geopoliticisation of nationalism, it is surprising that the literature has paid virtually no attention to the role of territorial disputes as a conditioning factor. The present study seeks to further enhance the field by factoring in the role of territorial disputes in triggering different expressions of nationalism. It develops an analytical framework for typologies of nationalism according to four territorial disputes: China's dispute with Vietnam over maritime territory in the South China Sea, China's dispute with Japan over maritime territory in the East China Sea, Vietnam's dispute with Cambodia over territorial border demarcations, and Vietnam's dispute with China over maritime territory in the South China Sea. The respective disputes of China and Vietnam are analysed and tested against criteria of expressions of nationalism in autocracies. We find that territorial disputes and therefore external context are important conditioning factors of nationalism in autocracies.
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49

Ku, Samuel C. Y. "Laos in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.148.

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Laos’ economy declined slightly in 2015, but its political and economic integration with neighboring countries gradually deepened. While China continued to be a key actor in Vientiane’s foreign relations, Laos’ ties with neighboring Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, and even Japan and South Korea also strengthened in 2015.
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Kataev, B. M., and D. W. Wrase. "Two new species of the subgenus Egadroma (genus Stenolophus) from South Asia, with redescription of Stenolophus (Egadroma) ovatulus (Bates, 1889) (Coleoptera: Carabidae)." Zoosystematica Rossica 22, no. 2 (December 25, 2013): 258–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31610/zsr/2013.22.2.258.

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Two new species of the subgenus Egadroma Motschulsky, 1855 of the genus Stenolophus Dejean, 1821 are described: S. (Egadroma) melniki sp. nov. from Thailand and S. (Egadroma) ovchinnikovi sp. nov. from Pakistan and India. Stenolophus (E.) ovatulus (Bates, 1889), comb. nov., which was originally described within Acupalpus Latreille, 1829, is redescribed on the basis of material from China (Hainan and Fujiang provinces), Vietnam, Thailand, and Cambodia (first records from Thailand and Cambodia). The following new synonym is proposed: Stenolophus (E.) ovatulus (Bates, 1889) = Egadroma fukiensis Jedlička, 1953, syn. nov.
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