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Journal articles on the topic 'China Civil War'
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1
Varriale, Francesco. "La politica estera italiana e la Cina durante la guerra civile fra Kuomintang e comunisti (1945-1949)." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001001.
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- According to the author, after the Second World War, Italy was too weak to build an autonomous foreign policy in China or to influence the conflict between Communists and Nationalists. However, Italian diplomacy, especially the Italian ambassador in China Sergio Fenoaltea, tried to have his own vision of the Chinese Civil War and to take advantage of the weakness of Italy to establish a good relationship with the Kuomintang government: China was a great power, especially at the United Nations, and it could be very important for the future of Italy. Furthermore, Fenoaltea criticized Marshall's mediation between the Communists and the Nationalists along with the American endorsement of Jiang Jieshi. From the perspective of the Italian ambassador, the USA was not able to understand the situation in China or to support a really democratic force. Finally, Italian diplomats in China tried to be equidistant between the two parties acting during the Civil War to protect the little Italian community in China and to not impair the possibility of a pacific and positive relationship with the future winner of the Civil War. Key words: Italy-China relationship, Italian foreign policy, ambassador Fenoaltea, Chinese Civil War, international politics, Communists and Kuomintang.
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Destradi, Sandra. "India and Sri Lanka's Civil War." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (May 2012): 595–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.595.
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Abstract This article focuses on India's relationship with Sri Lanka in examining why a regional power failed to manage a conflict in its immediate neighborhood. Historical and domestic factors help explain India's largely hands-off policy (1991–2006). In contrast, regional and international factors underpin its support of Colombo's military campaign against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, including New Delhi's concerns about China.
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Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. "Prisoner Number 600,001: Rethinking Japan, China, and the Korean War 1950–1953." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002253.
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Among more than 100,000 prisoners captured by United Nations forces in the Korean War, there was just one Japanese prisoner of war (POW). Matsushita Kazutoshi, Prisoner Number 600,001, had served in the Japanese army in China, both Nationalist and Communist armies in the Chinese Civil War, and in the Chinese People's Volunteers in North Korea, and was to end his military career in the ranks of the South Korean army. Using his forgotten story as a prism, this article explores neglected transborder dimensions of the Korean War. It argues the need to pay closer attention to the historical continuities linking the Asia-Pacific War and Chinese Civil War to the Korean War; it reconsiders the nature of Japan's connections to the conflict in Korea and reconceptualizes the UN POW camps as sites of ongoing Chinese and Korean civil wars.
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O'Kane, Rosemary H. T. "The National Causes of State Construction in France, Russia and China." Political Studies 43, no. 1 (March 1995): 2–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01697.x.
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General lessons about state construction are drawn from concentration on the ‘Terror’ years of three post-revolutionary regimes: the Jacobin in France, 1793–4; the Bolshevik in Russia, 1918–21; and the Chinese, 1950–3. These three cases are chosen in order to develop a direct challenge to Skocpol's claims about state building in States and Social Revolutions. The findings show that early state building is not, primarily, a rational, centralizing, mobilizing, response to war and foreign war in particular. It is civil war which is of greater importance to an understanding of the development of revolutionary states and it is only after civil war is over that permanent state construction can begin. Comparison for differences, as well as similarity, at this crucial point at the end of civil war shows that, along with the importance of practical domestic policies as a basis for support, the essential foundation for the post-revolutionary state is central control over the revolutionary forces of internal coercion.
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Lee, Kan. "The “China Lobby” in Tokyo: The Struggle of China’s Mission in Japan for General Douglas MacArthur’s Military Assistance in the Chinese Civil War, 1946-1949." Journal of Chinese Military History 8, no. 1 (May 17, 2019): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341338.
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Abstract The Chinese Mission in Japan, which existed from 1946 until Japan regained its sovereignty as a result of the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952, represented the Republic of China in working with the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) in reconstructing postwar Japan. The original objective of the Chinese Mission was to serve as the government’s agency to carry out the repatriation of Japanese troops and civilians from China in coordination with the Allies, secure war reparations from Japan, and try war criminals. However, as President Harry S. Truman terminated US aid to China in 1947 and Guomindang (GMD) military fortunes in the Chinese Civil War declined under the command of Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese Mission was given an additional assignment: to lobby General Douglas MacArthur to secure military assistance from SCAP. This essay discusses the interaction between the Chinese Mission and General MacArthur during the Chinese Civil War from 1946 to 1949 and examines the way in which the Chinese Mission persuaded him to play a role in the Civil War. This study argues that although it was in opposition to Washington, MacArthur’s determination to assist Chiang Kai-shek was in great part due to the strenuous lobbying of the Chinese Mission in Tokyo. Although MacArthur’s intervention could not reverse the final outcome of the Chinese Civil War, his anti-Communist outlook was formed and played a significant role during the Korean War a year later.
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Anwar, Sajad, and Inayat Kalim. "The Complexity of Intra-Afghan Dialogue Civil War Looms in Afghanistan." University of Wah Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 8, 2022): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.56220/uwjss2022/0501/09.
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The US and NATO through a peace deal got a safe exit from Afghanistan. In this backdrop, the economic future of Afghanistan is more important. On the other hand, Pakistan has a short period to format its policies because after the US withdraws, there are serious threats of civil war and chaos in Afghanistan. India, Pakistan, Russia, and China are the rival states in the regions, which have strategic interests in Afghanistan. Regional, religious, ethnic, political, social, and economic complexities are the major obstacles to the Intra-Afghan peace deal. All these factors are indicating more complexes in the intra-Afghan peace process, which may lead to civil war. The possible solutions are the traditional Pashtuns Loya Jirga. This work attempts to analyze the stakeholders and trends in the Intra-Afghan peace process, and the complexities of the peace process. Keywords: Civil War, Peace Deal, NATO, Loya Jirga, Shura, Tribal system, Taliban
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Chen, John. "Two Chinas, Two Chinese Islams?" Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 43, no. 3 (December 1, 2023): 442–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-10892790.
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Abstract Muslim leaders in China experienced political and social fracture and intellectual reorientation as a result of the Chinese Civil War (1945–49) and the early Cold War. Influential Chinese Muslim and Uyghur imams and officials who were once allies and friends found themselves on opposite sides of several conflicts: the bitter struggle between Nationalists (KMT) and Communists (CCP), the formation of opposing states on the mainland and Taiwan, and the broader US-Soviet rivalry. The first section of this article shows how Muslims from China catalyzed multiple inter-Asian linkages in the early Cold War. The second and third sections explore the intellectual impact of the Chinese Civil War and Cold War on discourses of Chinese Muslim identity and inter-Asian connections, focusing on ethnicization and racialization.
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Walder, Andrew G. "Anatomy of a Regional Civil War: Guangxi, China, 1967–1968." Social Science History 46, no. 1 (December 10, 2021): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.42.
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AbstractDuring the violent early years of China’s Cultural Revolution, the province of Guangxi experienced by far the largest death toll of any comparable region. One explanation for the extreme violence emphasizes a process of collective killings focused on households in rural communities that were long categorized as class enemies by the regime. From this perspective, the high death tolls were generated by a form of collective behavior reminiscent of genocidal intergroup violence in Bosnia, Rwanda, and similar settings. Evidence from investigations conducted in China in the 1980s reveals the extent to which the killings were part of a province-wide suppression of rebel insurgents, carried out by village militia, who also targeted large numbers of noncombatants. Guangxi’s death tolls were the product of a counterinsurgency campaign that more closely resembled the massacres of communists and suspected sympathizers coordinated by Indonesia’s army in wake of the coup that deposed Sukarno in 1965.
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Zhang, Weizhen, and Tao Peng. "The Qingdao Pattern and U.S.-Chinese Crisis Management: The KMT, the CCP, and the U.S. Marines in Qingdao during the Chinese Civil War (1945–1949)." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01145.
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Abstract After the Second World War ended in 1945, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tried to seize Qingdao, a major port city on the Shandong Peninsula. The landing of U.S. Marines there foiled the CCP's attempt. With the support of the Kuomintang (KMT)—the CCP's main enemy—the U.S. Marines stayed in Qingdao throughout the civil war in China, from late 1945 to mid-1949. Drawing on archival sources from China, the United States, the former Soviet Union, Great Britain, and Japan, this article explores CCP-KMT-U.S. interactions regarding the presence of U.S. Marines in Qingdao. The KMT-CCP civil war influenced—and was influenced by—the presence of the Marines in Qingdao. The KMT government depended on the U.S. Marines for security, whereas the CCP, opposing the U.S. presence, took a tough propaganda stance but remained cautious in its actions. The United States ultimately decided to withdraw the Marines to avoid overt involvement in the Chinese civil war. This type of triangular engagement influenced the future pattern of Cold War confrontations among the three parties.
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Medzihorsky, Juraj, Milos Popovic, and Erin K. Jenne. "Rhetoric of civil conflict management: United Nations Security Council debates over the Syrian civil war." Research & Politics 4, no. 2 (April 2017): 205316801770298. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017702982.
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This paper introduces a spatial model of civil conflict management rhetoric to explore how the emerging norm of responsibility to protect shapes major power rhetorical responses to civil war. Using framing theory, we argue that responsibility to protect functions like a prescriptive norm, such that representing a conflict as one of (1) human rights violations (problem definition), implies rhetorical support for (2) coercive outside intervention (solution identification). These dimensions reflect the problem-solution form of a prescriptive norm. Using dictionary scaling with a dynamic model, we analyze the positions of UN Security Council members in debates over the Syrian Civil War separately for each dimension. We find that the permanent members who emphasized human rights violations also used intervention rhetoric (UK, France, and the US), and those who did not used non-intervention rhetoric (Russia and China). We conclude that, while not a fully consolidated norm, responsibility to protect appears to have structured major power rhetorical responses to the Syrian Civil War.
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Paltiel, Jeremy T. "PLA Allegiance on Parade: Civil-Military Relations in Transition." China Quarterly 143 (September 1995): 784–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000015046.
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Civil-military relations in China demonstrate a unique fusion of military and political leadership within the Communist Party. Variously described as a “symbiosis,” “dual-role elite” or “the Party in uniform,” this feature rooted in the guerrilla experience of the Chinese Communist Party was sustained over six decades by the political longevity of the Long March generation. The civil war experience formed political leaders skilled in both civil affairs and military command. Analysts of civil-military relations in China must therefore define the scope of “civil” in relation to the Chinese Communist Party.
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Cheng, Isabelle. "Saving the Nation by Sacrificing Your Life: Authoritarianism and Chiang Kai-shek's War for the Retaking of China." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 47, no. 2 (August 2018): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261804700203.
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This article examines the role assigned to citizens by the ideology of authoritarianism in the relationship between Chiang Kai-shek's war to retake mainland China and the wartime regime constructed for fighting that war. Viewing Chiang's ambition of retaking China by force as an anti-communist nationalist war, this paper considers this prolonged civil war as Chiang's attempt at restoring the impaired sovereignty of the Republic of China. Adopting the concept of “necropolitics,” this paper argues that what underlay the planning for war was the manipulation of the life and death of the citizenry and a distinction drawn between the Chinese nation to be saved and the condemned communist Other. This manipulation and demarcation was institutionally enforced by an authoritarian government that violated citizens' human rights for the sake of winning the nationalist war.
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Henriot, Christian. "Shanghai Industries in the Civil War (1945-1947)." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 5 (April 2, 2015): 744–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144214566977.
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This article examines the fate of Shanghai industries during the Civil War period in China. It argues that in spite of extreme difficulties in the later part of the war, Shanghai industries bounced back very quickly and reached early wartime levels within a year. Thereafter, a series of economic and political restrictions led to a slowdown, then a paralysis. The article is based on a large and unique survey of Shanghai industries published in October 1947, probably the peak of the economic recovery after the war. The data were processed in geographic information systems that the author implemented to examine what industry represented in the urban space, what its impact was, and how it defined the city of Shanghai. The author contends that issues of security more than economic factors determined the particular industrial geography in the city.
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Li, Danke. "Joshua H. Howard,Workers At War: Labor in China'sArsenals, 1937–1953. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2004. viii + 452 pp. $70.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905240231.
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Joshua H. Howard's fascinating book examines the experiences of Chinese arsenal workers in Chongqing, China's wartime capital in three wars: the Anti-Japanese War, the Civil War, and class war from 1937 to 1953. Several clear and compelling arguments presented in Professor Howard's study have brought new approaches to the field of Chinese labor and new ways of seeing twentieth century China.
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Pyo, Kwangmin. "On the Concept of Global Civil War and US-China Conflict - Current Implications of Carl Schmitt’s Concept of Global Civil War." Korean Journal of International Relations 63, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2023.09.63.3.7.
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Van De Ven, Hans J. "War in the Making of Modern China." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 737–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016784.
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No one even with only a casual interest in Chinese history can be unaware that China's capacity for war in the last few centuries has proved truly awesome. In the middle of the eighteenth century Qing armies numbering some 150,000 troops marched into central Asia. After many campaigns some of which continued for nearly two years, they rid China finally of the menace from the desert that had caused so much havoc in the past. In the process they exterminated the Zunghars as a people. In the nineteenth century, China fought wars with nearly all the major powers: England in the Opium War of 1839–42 and several times thereafter; France in the 1880s; and Japan in the 1890s. In 1900 it took on all of them at the same time. Civil war too was a frequent occurrence. The Taiping Rebellion of 1852–64 exacted casualties that should be counted in the tens of millions, and this was merely the most devastating of a series of rebellions. The scale of war in the twentieth century has proved even more spectacular. Warlord wars, fighting between the nationalists and communists, and the War of Resistance against Japan ravaged China until the communist victory in 1949.
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Nisimov, Tomer. "The Role of North Korea in China’s Civil War: The Soviet-led North Korean Assistance to the CPC in the Northeast Theater, 1946-1948." Journal of Chinese Military History 9, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10002.
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Abstract Previous studies of China’s civil war have concentrated on different aspects and causes leading to the Communist victory and focused on political, economic, and military explanations. Few studies, however, have examined the features of foreign intervention and assistance to the Communist Party of China and their contribution to the latter’s success. Sino-Soviet relations and cooperation during the war have received the attention of several studies, but the role of North Korea in the war has remained obscure. As information regarding North Korea’s actions during China’s civil war remains largely inaccessible, few studies have debated the question of whether North Korea had ever deployed its forces in China’s Northeast in order to assist their Chinese comrades. Relying on military and intelligence documents from the Republic of China, this article shows how by the time of the Soviet withdrawal from China’s Northeast, the USSR had become resolute about turning North Korea into a militarized state in order to protect its own interests in the region and assist the Chinese Communists.
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Chen, Lizhen. "Literature for Children and Beyond: Historicising the Fantastic Utopia in ‘The Country of the Red Heart’." International Research in Children's Literature 15, no. 1 (February 2022): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2022.0427.
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As a major voice in children's literature in China, Feng Zikai uses his own life experience and the historical context of contemporary wars to negotiate the Chinese cultural myth of ‘The Peach Blossom Spring’ [Tao Hua Yuan]. ‘The Country of the Red Heart’ [Chi Xin Guo] is a fantastic utopia that exists parallel to our world, revealing his efforts to depict a pastoral dreamland and his subsequent disillusion in the face of the horrors of war and political strife. It is a story of fantasy as well as a political move on the part of Feng Zikai to address the historical milieu of China during the time of World War II, the Civil War, and the Korean War. Feng Zikai goes beyond the combination of Chinese-style cartoon [manhua] drawings and grotesquely fanciful plot as a war story for children. It is a modern political parable that demonstrates the vulnerability of his utopia in the first part of twentieth-century China.
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Chen, Xuancheng. "Will the US and China Go to War over Taiwan?" Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 17, no. 1 (October 26, 2023): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/17/20231202.
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The Taiwan issue has always been the most controversial topic in US-China relations. Moreover, the Taiwan Strait is often considered the most likely site of a military confrontation between the United States and China. The issue of Taiwans sovereignty has been the subject of questions and controversy regarding the ownership of Taiwans regime and sovereignty in the aftermath of the Second World War and the Communist Civil War. This paper analyses the political, economic, and cultural reasons for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the US and China. From the perspective of the construct of international relations, although the Taiwan issue is a dispute, the current analytical perspective suggests that whether China and the US will go to war in Taiwan will always exist, but to a greater extent it will be resolved through economic warfare, political approaches, and other means.
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Korobitsyna, Anna K. "Hans Bielenstein on the civil war in Ancient China in 23-36 AD. A review of Hans Bielenstein’s book “The restoration of the Han Dynasty, with prolegomena on the historiography of the Hou Han Shu; Volume II”." China: society and culture 1, no. 2 (March 5, 2023): 85–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/ch112057.
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Subject of this review is the second volume of fundamental work of american sinologist H. Bielenstein on war for restoration of Han empire (Bielenstein H. The Restoration of the Han Dynasty: The Civil War: II // Bulletin of the Musum of Far Eastern Antiquities,. 1959. Vol. 31 P. 1287). Authors research purpose was reconstruction of the military actions of the civil war in the first century AD in Ancient China. Highlighting the period of civil war in early history of Eastern Han empire became a big step forward in study of history of this empire. This book and other books of H. Bielenstein become classical for the foreign scientists, but it is little known in our country. This review also seeks to determine the nature of the sources (the types of the texts contained within Hou han shu) he used for his research and it is clear, that the majority of these sources are plot-driving narratives, rather than annals.
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Zhang, Yang. "Why Elites Rebel: Elite Insurrections during the Taiping Civil War in China." American Journal of Sociology 127, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 60–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/715151.
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McCord, Edward A. "Civil War and the Emergence of Warlordism in Early Twentieth Century China." War & Society 10, no. 2 (October 1992): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/072924792791198940.
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Guo, Weiting. "What Remains: Coming to Terms with Civil War in 19th Century China." Civil Wars 16, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 373–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2014.987470.
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Watson, Robert. "Britain, the United States and the civil war in China, 1946–47." Civil Wars 1, no. 2 (June 1998): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249808402374.
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Lubkov, Alexey, and Mikhail Novikov. "Soviet aid to the Communist Party of China (1920–1937)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2024, no. 2 (February 1, 2024): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202402statyi11.
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The issues related to the provision of political, financial and organizational assistance by the Soviet Russia (the Soviet Union) to the Communist Party of China during its formation and in the first ten years of the civil war with the Kuomintang are considered in this article.
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Cheng, Victor Shiu Chiang. "Rethinking the Chongqing Negotiations of 1945: Concession-making, the Trust/distrust Paradox, and the Biased Mediator in China’s Post-war Transitions." Journal of Chinese Military History 9, no. 2 (September 8, 2020): 168–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10004.
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Abstract This article rethinks what are perhaps the most important attempts at making peace in modern Chinese history: the first post-World War II peace talks convened in Chongqing, between the two old foes of the Chinese Civil War. Previous studies treat the peace conference as a sideshow to the subsequent full-scale civil war. Examining the political and military situation in China toward the end of World War II, this article argues that a peace agreement was needed for both parties. The core of the article examines the hitherto unexplored aspects around the negotiating table: the debate, disagreements, and compromises, and the American mediator’s attempt to alter the dynamics of the peace talks from an inherently biased position. It finds that the history of the Chongqing negotiations is more important to our understanding of China’s struggle between peace and war in the modern era than previously acknowledged.
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Compton, James R. "Marines and Mothers: Agency, Activism, and Resistance to the American North China Intervention, 1945–46." Marine Corps History 8, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35318/mch.2022080102.
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At the culmination of the Second World War, the Marines of the III Amphibious Corps (III AC) were preparing to assault the Japanese homeland. With the abrupt conclusion of hostilities in September 1945, they were ordered instead to war-ravaged North China. The mission in North China was amorphous—protecting infrastructure and key terrain during the reemergent Chinese Civil War. As Marines labored to resist the expansion of their mission, the lifting of wartime censorship protocols enabled them to voice concern to their families and Congress. Mothers and citizen groups also challenged the young Harry S. Truman administration on the merits and morality of the North China intervention. Set at the dawn of the Cold War, this article investigates the role of unlikely political actors—Marines and mothers—in shaping American policy in North China from 1945 to 1946. Combating narratives of inevitable quagmire, the Marines in North China are examined as important agents in the restraint of American power at contingent moments. This piece argues that the Truman administration failed to make an affirmative case for intervention and was, in part, constrained by popular opinion.
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Niu, Xingqi. "Sino-US Cooperation and Conflict During Nanjing National Government of the Republic of China (1927-1949)." Communications in Humanities Research 15, no. 1 (November 20, 2023): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/15/20230684.
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The relations between China and the U.S. have a long history and are different in different periods, as the Chinese central government has changed many times in the past 200 years. The cooperation and the conflict between the two countries during the Nanjing National Government period had characteristics that differed from other periods. The U.S. gave the Nanjing National Government lots of economic and military support in various forms, especially during and after World War II, such as setting up the American Volunteer Group during the war and providing loans and military materials during and even after the war. However, some incidents and treaties, like the Shen Chong incident and the Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation Treaty between the United States and China, hurt the interests of different groups in China and were seen as atrocities and exploitation of many people, intellectuals, and political parties. The conflict could be controlled during World War II but quickly broke out during the civil war because the willingness of the Chinese people become different.
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González (高鸣), Fredy. "Situ Meitang, Patriotic Overseas Chinese?" Journal of Chinese Overseas 19, no. 1 (April 17, 2023): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341481.
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Abstract The article recounts the transnational political activities of Situ Meitang, who led the Hongmen Chee Kung Tong in the Americas in support of the Nationalist government during the Second World War. At the end of the Chinese Civil War, he endorsed the People’s Republic of China and settled in Beijing. The article shows that current biographies of Situ ignore the complexity of his political ideas, including a desire for democracy in China and the economic development of southern China. Through the lens of Situ Meitang, the article also considers the complicated political loyalties and sense of belonging among Chinese overseas who supported Situ Meitang’s political actions, as well as the transnational circulation of information, resources, and ideas.
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Kulneva, Р. V. "The “War of Resistance against Japan”: Shaping the Image of the Aggressor by the Chinese Communist Party." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, no. 10 (December 23, 2023): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-10-101-112.
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The Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945, known in China as the “War of Resistance against Japan”, remains an integral part of the official rhetoric of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Considering the key role of the War of Resistance in understanding the perception of Japan by China today, this article studies the formation of Japan’s image by the CCP during and after the war. The research is based on official publications of the CCP, statements of party leaders, and works by Russian and foreign researchers. The first part deals with the perception of Japan by the communists during the war. Particular attention here is paid to the importance of the context of the Chinese Civil War and the global revolutionary and class struggle in shaping of the image of the aggressor. The second part traces the evolution of Japan’s image following the changes in political priorities of the CCP after the war and the increasing prominence of the “victimization narrative” in China in recent decades. The third part illustrates the connection of historical memory to the current problems of Sino-Japanese relations and reveals the role of Japan’s image in contemporary political rhetoric of the CCP. The analysis clearly demonstrates the influence of political and ideological factors on the formation of the image of the aggressor. At the same time, it is obvious that the complexity of Japan's perception intrinsic to the war period in China remains up to the present day.
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Guo, Xixiao. "Paradise or Hell Hole?: U.S. Marines in Post–World War II China." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 7, no. 3-4 (1998): 157–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656198793646059.
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AbstractAmong the many U.S. servicemen stationed in China after World War II were the marines of the U.S. Third Amphibious Corps (IIIAC), sailors from the U.S. Seventh Fleet, and U.S. army personnel.1 Transported to the seaports of coastal China like Shanghai, as well as placed on the main communication lines between the major cities of the interior, these Americans encountered Chinese of all kinds—students, soldiers, merchants, bandits, politicians, and prostitutes. But whereas the Americans were done with their fighting in 1945, China was quickly convulsed into civil war between the Nationalist government of the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The fighting between the two dated to the 1920s. There was a brief period of uneasy unity before fighting erupted again, leading to Kuomintang successes and the Communists’ Long March of 1934–36. Japan’s brutal aggression after 1937 put an end to most of the fighting between the KMT and CCP, but once it became clear after 1941 that the United States would defeat Japan, it was only a question of time before the two started at each other. Given the longevity, magnitude, intensity, and complexity of the Chinese Civil War, the interaction between American soldiers and the Chinese people during this critical period in history was bound to be calamatous for all those involved.
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Chan, Julia. "Shangri-La on the Popular Front: ‘China’, the Global Left, and Auden and Isherwood’s Journey to a War." Modernist Cultures 17, no. 3-4 (November 2022): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2022.0376.
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This article examines W. H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood’s co-authored travelogue, Journey to a War (1939), as a product of the interwar global left culture, exemplified by the Popular Front campaign that spanned Europe and Asia (1936–1939). Set out to observe and report on the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945), a less popular but more exotic alternative to the contemporaneous Spanish Civil War, the two writers found themselves caught in the impossible task of reconciling the ravages of war with images of Shangri-La that mediated Popular Front discourses on wartime China. Nonetheless, Auden and Isherwood’s difficult negotiations with Orientalist discourses also made the text a generative site for translations, exchanges and appropriations. This essay offers an account of the travelogue’s composition and contemporary reception in China, how it became a composite, mobile text.
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Schechner, Richard. "Postpone the Great Game." TDR: The Drama Review 66, no. 4 (December 2022): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s105420432200051x.
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The Great Game of the 19th century was the struggle between Russia and the British in Afghanistan to control India. The Ukraine war is a new version of the Great Game. In the 1930s to defeat the Japanese, an existential threat to China, Mao Zedong and Chiang Kai-shek postponed their civil war. Climate change is the world’s existential threat. Let’s postpone all wars to deal with climate change.
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Buranok, Sergey O., and Dmitriy A. Nesterov. "The Chinese Civil War based on «Foreign Affairs» magazine." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 224–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202093208.
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In this paper the authors consider the materials of one of the leading American analytical magazines Foreign Affairs, devoted to the Chinese Civil War in 19291950. The novelty of this study lies in the analysis of assessments of key actors and assessments of the situation in the country as well as a possible outcome of the conflict which were made by American journalists. The authors provide the results of the analysis of Foreign Affairs articles for the formation of Mao Zedong image in connection with the events of that time. The authors reviewed the main arguments of the American press, which revealed that the problem of the civil war was one of the components of the complex problem of planning a post-war reconstruction of the world. The United States was primarily interested in changes in the balance of power in the Far East, tried to assess the possible outcomes of the conflict and how they would affect the United States itself (mainly in the economic sphere). But as the victory of the Chinese Communist Party, headed by Mao Zedong, approached the Kuomintang support from American experts weakened. The study of this information phenomenon will allow researchers to understand what impact on Sino-American relations was made by an influential American analytical magazine through the formation of ideas about China, the Chinese people and their political elites.
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Subir Bhaumik. "Myanmar’s escalating civil war : Implications for India’s ‘Act East’ policy." ijpmonline 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/ijpm.2.8.
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Since the February 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar, the nation has descended into a relentless cycle of armed conflict, insurgency, and anarchy, diminishing hopes for an immediate cessation of hostilities or a return to democracy. Despite calls from regional bodies such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the United Nations to halt violence and respect democratic processes, the Burmese military junta has shown no willingness for political concessions or negotiations with the resistance movement. This situation raises concerns about Myanmar becoming a potential flashpoint in Asia, as Western and Chinese involvement supporting rival stakeholders intensifies. While China and Russia seem committed to sustaining the military junta, Western powers advocate for an end to military rule, emphasizing a return to democracy and restructuring Myanmar's federal system to grant autonomy to minority-dominated provinces. The unfolding scenario aligns with Bertil Lintner's concept of the "Great Game East," signifying an increased geopolitical struggle in the region.
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Huebner, Jon W. "The Abortive Liberation of Taiwan." China Quarterly 110 (June 1987): 256–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019901.
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On 1 October 1949 the People's Republic of China was formally established in Beijing. On 7 December Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi), who had earlier moved to Taiwan to secure a final base of resistance in the civil war, ordered the Kuomintang (KMT) regime to withdraw to the island from Chengdu, Sichuan, its last seat on the mainland. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared its commitment to the goal of unifying the nation under the People's Republic, and thus called for the “liberation” of Taiwan. Although Taiwan represented the final phase of the still unfinished civil war, it was the strategic significance of the island that became of paramount concern to the CCP, the KMT and the United States.
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Han, Enze. "The Chinese Civil War and Implications for Borderland State Consolidation in Mainland South-East Asia." China Quarterly 241 (June 6, 2019): 214–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019000729.
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AbstractFew studies on the legacies of the Chinese Civil War have examined its effects on state consolidation in the borderland area between China and mainland South-East Asia. This paper empirically examines the impact of the intrusion of the defeated Kuomingtang (KMT) into the borderland area between China, Burma and Thailand. In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the presence of the US-supported KMT across its Yunnan border increased the new communist government's threat perceptions. In response, Beijing used a carrot-and-stick approach towards consolidating its control by co-opting local elites while ruthlessly eliminating any opposition deemed to be in collusion with the KMT. In the case of Burma, the KMT presence posed a significant challenge to Burmese national territorial integrity and effectively led to the fragmentation of the Burmese Shan State. Finally, in Thailand, Bangkok collaborated with the Americans in support of the KMT to solidify its alliance relations. Later, Thailand used the KMT as a buffer force for its own border defence purposes against a perceived communist infiltration from the north. This paper contextualizes the spill-over effects of the Chinese Civil War in terms of the literature on how external threats can potentially facilitate state consolidation.
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Radchenko, Sergey. "Lost Chance for Peace: The 1945 CCP-Kuomintang Peace Talks Revisited." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 2 (April 2017): 84–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00742.
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This article reconsiders the 1945 Chongqing peace talks between the Kuo-mintang and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), a key turning point on the road to the Chinese civil war. The article shows that the talks represented a lost opportunity to avert the slide into fratricidal warfare. The CCP leader, Mao Zedong, under pressure from Iosif Stalin, was prepared to compromise with his rival Chiang Kai-shek on the basis of dividing China into two separately administered territories (roughly, north and south). Chiang was unwilling to consider such a step, which from his perspective was unpatriotic. His resistance to the division of China doomed the talks and precipitated the outbreak of war.
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Richardson-Little, Ned. "Arms intervention: Weimar Germany, post-imperial influence and weapons trafficking in warlord China." Journal of Modern European History 19, no. 4 (November 2021): 510–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944211051858.
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The Treaty of Versailles aimed to strip Germany of both its colonial empire and the global reach of its arms industry. Yet the conflicts in warlord-era China led to the reestablishment of German influence on the other side of the world via the arms trade. Weimar Germany had declared a policy of neutrality and refused to take sides in the Chinese civil war in an effort to demonstrate that as a post-colonial power, it could now act as an honest broker. From below, however, traffickers based in Germany and German merchants in China worked to evade Versailles restrictions and an international arms embargo to supply warlords with weapons of war. Although the German state officially aimed to remain neutral, criminal elements, rogue diplomats, black marketeers and eventually military adventurers re-established German influence in the region by becoming key advisors and suppliers to the victorious Guomindang. Illicit actors in Germany and China proved to be crucial in linking the two countries and in eventually overturning the arms control regimes that were imposed in the wake of World War I.
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Chin, Low Choo. "The repatriation of the Chinese as a counter-insurgency policy during the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (September 3, 2014): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463414000332.
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During the Malayan Emergency, British High Commissioner Henry Gurney pushed the policy of repatriating to China thousands of ‘alien’ Chinese detainees suspected of supporting the Malayan Communist Party's guerrilla war. This article traces the stages of this controversial policy, which, despite obstacles, remained a key counter-insurgency strategy until 1953. But the policy ignored the civil war in China and risked jeopardising Sino–British relations. When China closed its ports, the British administration put forth more desperate proposals to continue repatriation, often in the face of Foreign Office objections, ranging from negotiations with the PRC, to dumping deportees on the coast of China, and even approaching the Formosan government. Yet, while the Chinese were the target of both harsh early counter-insurgency techniques and communist violence, when the faltering repatriation policy was replaced by the mass resettlement of ‘squatters’ in Malaya itself, the Chinese were given a path to citizenship, changing their political future and that of the nation.
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Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Vimalasiri Kamalasiri. "State Reluctance towards Inclusive Policies in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 17, 2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p109.
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This study aims to identify the factors preventing the state from responding in a manner that will avoid future conflict in post-civil war Sri Lanka. After the government ended the separatist struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by bringing the civil war to an end in May 2009, the protracted and destructive 30-year war presented an opportunity for both state and society to learn many useful lessons from the long war. These lessons could have enabled the government to reconstitute the state as an inclusive institution, one in which minorities could also participate to ensure just and equitable development for all Sri Lankans. This study uses a qualitative research approach that involves analysis of critical categories. Findings of this study offer some crucial insights about Sri Lanka’s ethnic politics, particularly, the various factors have influenced the state to avoid inclusive policies. The key factor is the dilemma of post-independent political culture or traditions amongst ruling elites resulted in the avoidance of inclusive policies. This study also reveals some other factors that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society still prevail in Sri Lanka, hampering the institution of inclusive policies. Further, the paper highlights the failure of India and the International Community to pressurize the state of Sri Lanka to introduce inclusive mechanisms due to international power balance (China factor).
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Radchenko, Sergey. "Sino-Soviet Relations and the Emergence of the Chinese Communist Regime, 1946–1950: New Documents, Old Story." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 4 (October 2007): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.4.115.
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Andrei Ledovskii, a long-time Soviet diplomat with a particular expertise on East Asian affairs, and several other Russian specialists on Soviet policy in the Far East have published a massive collection of declassified documents about Soviet policy vis-à-vis China in the first five years after World War II. The authors seek to show that the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war was attributable to Soviet fraternal help, that Josif Stalin wholeheartedly embraced the Chinese Communists' struggle for power, and that the Sino-Soviet alliance from beginning to end enjoyed unstinting Soviet support. But in fact the documents reveal that Stalin's policy toward the Chinese Communists was opportunistic and utilitarian, that he refrained from decisively supporting the Communists in the Civil War until almost the end, and that all the talk of proletarian internationalism in the Sino-Soviet alliance was but a cloak for Soviet expansionist ambitions in East Asia.
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Kovalchuk, Anton M., Mikhail A. Kovalchuk, and Evgenia M. Samsonova. "THE MECHANISM FOR PRESERVING THE RUSSIAN IDENTITY IN THE ÉMIGRÉ ENVIRONMENT OF NORTHEAST CHINA." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 20, no. 2 (2023): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2023-20-2-38-42.
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In this article, the authors tried to identify the mechanism for preserving the ethno-cultural identity of Russian emigrants who found themselves in China, more precisely in Manchuria after the revolution and civil war. The article is based an advertisement published on the pages of the newspapers "Zarya" and "Rupor" which were the most popular among the émigrés in the 1920s and 1930s.
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Fu, Poshek. "Japanese Occupation, Shanghai Exiles, and Postwar Hong Kong Cinema." China Quarterly 194 (June 2008): 380–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100800043x.
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AbstractThis article explores a little-explored subject in a critical period of the history of Hong Kong and China. Shortly after the surrender of Japan in 1945, China was in the throes of civil war between the Nationalists and Communists while British colonial rule was restored in Hong Kong, The communist victory in 1949 deepened the Cold War in Asia. In this chaotic and highly volatile context, the flows and linkages between Shanghai and Hong Kong intensified as many Chinese sought refuge in the British colony. This Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus played a significant role in the rebuilding of the post-war Hong Kong film industry and paved the way for its transformation into the capital of a global pan-Chinese cinema in the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on a study of the cultural, political and business history of post-war Hong Kong cinema, this article aims to open up new avenues to understand 20th-century Chinese history and culture through the translocal and regional perspective of the Shanghai–Hong Kong nexus.
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JOHNSON, MATTHEW D. "Propaganda and Sovereignty in Wartime China: Morale Operations and Psychological Warfare under the Office of War Information." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 14, 2011): 303–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000023.
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AbstractDuring the later years of the War of Resistance to Japan (1937–1945), United States (US) propaganda activities intensified in both Japanese military-occupied and ‘free’ regions of China. One of the most important organizations behind these activities was the Office of War Information (OWI). This paper examines the OWI, and particularly its Overseas Office, as key institutional actors within a broader US total war effort which touched the lives of civilian populations in East Asia as well as combatants, arguing that: •US propaganda institutions and propagandists played demonstrable roles in representing and shaping the experience of war in China;•these institutions, which included Asians and individuals of Asian descent, simultaneously acted to advance US goals in the wartime ‘Far East’;•while cooperation between US and Chinese governments was sporadic in the area of psychological warfare, conflicts over control often undermined or limited operations;•despite these shortcomings, US propaganda institutions (which included both the OWI and offices within the Department of State) had developed comparatively wide-ranging capabilities by the end of the war, and continued operations into the Civil War of 1945–1949.By 1945 propaganda had become an activity which regularly targeted allied populations as well as enemies. This process was facilitated by the early twentieth-century communications revolution, but was planned and controlled by the new engineers of the post-war order.
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Zhang, Xinping, and Jiawei Dai. "China’s Involvement in Syria’s Postwar Reconstruction." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 03 (January 2020): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500165.
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After years of war and chaos, the situation in Syria has stabilized with the active intervention of external forces, providing necessary conditions for national reconstruction. Security reconstruction, economic recovery, and political reconciliation will be the three key areas in post-civil war rebuilding. As an important node country along the Belt and Road Initiative, Syria’s urgent need for reconstruction makes it possible for China to play a larger role. Deeper Chinese involvement in postwar reconstruction will not only help restore political and economic order in a war-torn country and its neighborhood, but also improve Beijing’s image as a responsible stakeholder. At the same time, Beijing may find a bumpy road ahead as great power rivalry, Syria’s factional politics and weak economic foundation, and regional terrorism will pose significant challenges. While economic reconstruction should be the focus of Beijing’s efforts, China should also not lose sight of the role it can play in facilitating national political reconciliation in Syria.
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Blagoder, Yuliya. "Russian Emigrants in China in the 1920–1930s: Two Civil Wars on the Same Life Route." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2022): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.16.
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Introduction. The purpose of this study is to present a picture of the life path of Russians (military, cossacks) who witnessed and participated in two civil wars: in Russia and in China. This topic is relevant, since its research allows us to analyze the ways of adaptation of people who have experienced severe forms of transformation in various spheres of life of the two states. Methods and materials. The source base of the study is represented by narrative sources (personal diaries of Russian emigrants A.P. Budberg, G.P. Larin, E.N. Pastukhin, A.A. Tikhobrazova, I.I. Shtina) and periodicals published in Russian by Russian emigrants in China in the 1920 (newspapers “Molva”, “Zarya”, “Russian Voice”, “Gun-Bao”). To present a multifaceted picture of the life of Russian emigrants in China, the following methods were used: dialectical, systemic, analytical-synthetic, historical-comparative, historicalanthropological. Analysis. This study examines the unique history of various categories of emigrants who survived the collapse of spiritual values, ideology, political and economic systems, and the breakdown of the social structure during the civil wars. Against the background of political games, battles, the formation and destruction of military alliances, the story of former Russian military and civilians unfolds, who, in search of earnings and / or for ideological reasons, fought in the ranks of the military units of the Chinese militarists in the 1920–1930. The presented study reflects the struggle between Soviet and anti-Soviet ideology in the Far East, in China: the participation of Russians in the civil war in China, condemnation of Soviet policy on the pages of personal diaries and Russian-language newspapers published in China, support by some public organizations of fascist ideology and the occupation policy of Japan. Results. Historical events were identified that linked the fate of a large number of representatives of the two states. Shown are the various life paths that Russians chose in a foreign land, the difficulties they faced. Their attitude to the spiritual (moral) values of Russian culture is noted. The problem of disunity between military units and their leaders, which killed the “white” army in the civil war in Russia, was not overcome in China. The modern world never ceases to accept the challenges of supporters of radical transformations. This increases public interest in the experience of adaptation of Russian emigrants in China.
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Shih, Chih-Yu. "Positioning China Watching." China Report 54, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455632717744405.
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This article divides China watching by the two dimensions of position and purpose. By position, the article asks if a narrator looks at China from an external or an internal perspective. By purpose, it asks if the narrative is to critically provide an evaluative perspective, to objectively represent an authentic China, or to practically discuss a life and identity strategy of Chinese people. Specifically, the complex sensibilities towards China among Taiwanese migrant scholars reify the genuine and yet often-unnoticed agency required to proceed with writing on China. With initially both the Chinese Civil War and later pro-independence politics in Taiwan poisoning relationships with China, the politically divided Taiwanese scholars enter a different environment in Hong Kong, which urges neither total confrontation nor complete loyalty in approaching China. How the Hong Kong circumstances have impacted upon the choices of these Taiwanese intellectuals in their presentation of the subject matter of China, in comparison with their other colleagues in Hong Kong, is the primary goal of the following discussion.
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Liu, Xiaoyuan. "The Kuomintang and the ‘Mongolian Question’ in the Chinese Civil War, 1945–1949." Inner Asia 1, no. 2 (1999): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481799793648059.
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AbstractThe essay is an historical investigation of the Chinese National Government’s policy toward Inner Mongolian nationalism during the postwar years. The study reveals that the seemingly marginal ‘Mongolian question’ was actually at the core of the KMT—CCP struggle for northern and northeastern China. Through examining the government’s rigid and Chinese-centric policies and its misconceptions about the conditions of postwar Inner Mongolia, the study contends that the KMT government’s blunders in the Inner Mongolian ethno-politics were among the reasons for its loss to the Chinese Communists in the civil war. The study is based on a solid research of archival as well as published materials.
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Ki, Se-Chan. "A Critical Analysis of the Allied Military Alliance Before and After the Cairo Conference." Korea Association of World History and Culture 68 (September 30, 2023): 157–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2023.09.68.157.
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This paper tried to critically examine the military alliance between the U.S., Britain, and China through China’s role in the Cairo talks and changes in the Allied strategy against Japan before and after the talks. Immediately after the outbreak of the Pacific War, the national government proposed a military alliance to the West, and a military alliance was signed between the United States, Britain, and China. However, each country had a different view of the Allied military alliance. As a result, the difference in strategy between the US, UK, and Chinese military leaders resulted in Burma being occupied by the Japanese military in a short period of time. Since 1943, as the war has developed in favor of the Allies on the battlefields of Europe and the Pacific, the Allies held Cairo talks for the post-war Asian initiative and the Japan-Japan strategy. Chiang Kai-shek’s participation in the Cairo conference led China to become one of the four major powers. But it was a semi-final in justification, not a real one.
In Tehran, the Allies decided to end the war in Asia after ending the war in Europe first. Of course, the strategy agreed upon by the Allies at the Tehran talks may have been a way to quickly end World War II as a whole. However, this strategy could have a huge negative impact on Eastern Europe and Asia, even if the damage to the Chinese national government was left alone. First of all, in Europe, the Soviet Union advanced to Germany and influenced post-war Eastern Europe, and then in Northeast Asia, the Soviet Union exerted influence over Manchuria rather than other powers, which had a decisive impact on the outcome of the post-war civil war.