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Journal articles on the topic 'China-EU trade relations'
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1
Jokanovic, Nikola. "Contemporary economic relations between China and European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 66, no. 1-2 (2014): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1402035j.
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This paper will discuss the economic relations between the European Union and the People?s Republic of China. The introductory part will make an insight into the position of China in the contemporary global economy. The following part of the paper will analyze China-EU trade relations. The topics included will be a general overview of these relations since their establishing in 1975 as well as the European Union?s attitude towards the Chinese WTO membership. The Sino-EU partnership and competition will also be described and it will be followed by an overview of the Sino-EU High Level Economic and Trade Dialogue (HED). The concluding topics in this part of the paper will include Sino-EU trade flows, perceived obstacles to trade and investment as well as recent trade disputes between two trading partners. The third part of the paper will deal with Sino-EU investment flows (with an emphasis on Chinese investments in EU member states). After the introductory remarks concerning the EU investments originating from China, the paper will shed light on particular EU member states which are preferred for Chinese investment as well as the industries in which Chinese companies are willing to invest. The concluding part of this paper will offer possible development of relations between the EU and China in the near future.
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Babic, Blagoje. "China-European union relations: A developing geoeconomic axis." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.
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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.
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Kuna-Marszałek, Anetta. "Perspectives of trade relations between the European Union and China." Equilibrium 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2009.013.
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Over the last two decades, ties between China and the EU have developed into one of the most dynamic bilateral relationships in the global economy. The EU is China’s important trading partner and growing amounts of European investment are pouring into the booming Chinese economy. European companies believe that more open, democratic and law-abiding China will be a better partner. On the other hand, China wants to learn from the European experience and is keen to have access to the EU’s wide market. Those are reasons why both partners try to find better ways to communicate on the global stage. The goal of the article is to identify directions of future cooperation between the EU and China and to explain their aims for the relationships. The Author also gives an impression of how they see each other policy and provides an overview of what is still the main part of bilateral relations.
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Kovačević, Slaviša, and Dijana Bojić. "THE INFLUENCE OF RAPID GROWTH OF CHINA TO EXCHANGE RELATIONS WITH THE EU." ЗБОРНИК РАДОВА ЕКОНОМСКОГ ФАКУЛТЕТА У ИСТОЧНОМ САРАЈЕВУ 1, no. 12 (May 3, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/zrefis1612057k.
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In order to overcome the disadvantages of the existing two types of economic systems - the socialism and capitalism, there was a need to find a system that will use the positive aspects of both systems. Оne country succeeds more than successfully to combine bases of the centrally planned and market system. Socialism in the Chinese style, as it is called by Gregory and Stuart proved to be a successful practical example of the market socialism. After the implementation of China's reforms, they have kept a one-party system and state ownership, but have accepted the market allocation of resources. In the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, Chinese economy is voluntarily classified as a socialist market economy. That China is more than a successful example of market socialism, is shown by the remarkable growth rates and the unprecedented progress of the country in the last thirty years.Reforms have enabled the opening of China to foreign trade, which before 1978 was almost non-existent. After the establishment of the first diplomatic relations with the EU, in 1985 the Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation EEC and China was signed, which officially begins establishing bilateral trade relations. Special importance for the progress of trade relations is China's entry into WTO in 2001, and the signing of the strategic partnership of the EU and China in 2003. The volume of trade between the two economies is growing steadily, and the main characteristics of their trade relations is a continuous deficit which the EU has realized in the exchange with China. Although the European Union is the largest trading partner of China, and China is the second trading partner of the EU, differences and difficulties in the field of trade still exist.
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Szypulewska-Porczyńska, Alina. "The Belt and Road Initiative as a tool for promoting EU-China trade. Poland’s case." Research Papers in Economics and Finance 4, no. 2 (2020): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18559/ref.2020.2.3.
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The aim of the study is to evaluate the potential role of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for promoting EU – China trade, and especially Poland – China trade. We test two hypotheses: 1) Non-tariff barriers (NTBs), particularly related to railway transport, are significant for Poland – China trade, and 2) Poland – China trade fits railway transport well. Therefore, we start with a study of the significance of tariff and non-tariff barriers in mutual trade relations, including transport-related barriers. NTBs are mainly derived from the EU Market Access database, and as for transport-related barriers – the logistics performance index (LPI) is used. As the next step, we study the composition of bilateral trade in static and dynamic terms using the OECD TiVA database. In the light of the significant increase in NTBs on EU manufacturing products exported to China and the railway transport infrastructure performance in Poland, the BRI could become an effective tool for improving the business environment for EU exporters. By contrast, the BRI project is more suitable for China and the EU as a whole than for Poland in terms of commodity structure of bilateral trade.
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Molnár, Vivien Kitty, Dechun Huang, and Md Ekram Hossain. "Europe and Central Asia in China’s Belt and Road’ Initiative: A Multidimensional Analysis of Trade Intensiveness." Applied Economics and Finance 7, no. 1 (December 24, 2019): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v7i1.4586.
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From the middle of 90’s, the bilateral trade between China and Europe and Central Asia (EU-CA) has become more important in the world trade. In 2013, the Chinese government introduced its new economic policy, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which opened a new are of the world trade’s history. This paper is attempt to measure strength and nature of bilateral trading relationship between China and EU-CA. Furthermore, we are looking for the answer how the BRI is affecting on the studied countries’ economies. Many statistical indices can be used to measure international trade relations. This paper has used one such index such as trade intensity. Trade intensity indices have been calculated for the period from 1997 to 2017. Described intensity indices of bilateral trade relations, both countries will help determine how intensively countries that trade with each other. Thus, this study found that intensity between two countries is high and the BRI did not increase the trade intensiveness between China and EU-CA as we were expecting.
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Hsieh, Pasha L. "Rethinking non-recognition: The EU’s Investment Agreement with Taiwan under the One-China Policy." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 3 (June 10, 2020): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000291.
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AbstractThis article re-examines the theories of recognition and non-recognition in the context of the evolving framework of the European Union (EU)’s trade and investment relations with Taiwan from legal and international relations perspectives. Notwithstanding its one-China policy, the EU has developed a pragmatic approach to engaging Taiwan under bilateral consultations and World Trade Organization negotiations that have built the foundation for the bilateral investment agreement (BIA). The article argues that since the 1980s, the EU has accorded diverse forms of recognition to Taiwan and the BIA will buttress the process. To substantiate the contention, the article systemically explores the political and trade policies of European states and EU institutions in line with their strategies toward cross-strait relations.By deciphering the new momentum that has galvanized the European Commission’s strategy towards the EU-Taiwan BIA, the research sheds light on the implications of European Parliament resolutions and the EU’s investment talks with China. The structure and impact of the BIA are also analysed in light of EU investment protection agreements with Singapore and Vietnam. Hence, the findings contribute to the interdisciplinary study of international law and international relations and enhance the understanding of the EU’s Asia-Pacific trade and investment agreements.
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Puslecki, Zdzislaw W. "The Need to Establish a New Format for Trade Political Relations between European Union and China." Research in Economics and Management 4, no. 3 (June 12, 2019): p133. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v4n3p133.
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In this research work, Author focus on the analysis the need to establish a new format for trade-political relations between European Union and People Republic of China. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the technical progress especially in China, the growth of economic ties with the European Union and the benefits resulting from liberalised of the China foreign trade policy under WTO. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime between EU and China. Their commercial relations are too important to become hostage to political grandstanding or airy rhetoric by politicians performing for domestic galleries. Europe is China’s largest export market, and China now ranks second on Europe’s list of key trading partners. Trade with China dwarfs any other trade relation Europe has with emerging Asia. Disturbing this relationship would have ramifications for sales, growth and employment. The Chinese government is less concerned today about Western criticisms of China’s autocratic system, but the Chinese people have grown more nationalistic and represent a potentially greater threat to commercial relations. Commercial interests in autocratic regimes cause political dilemmas. The main aim of the paper is the presentation the need to establish a new format for trade political relations between European Union and China.
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Espa, Ilaria. "Climate, energy and trade in EU–China relations: synergy or conflict?" China-EU Law Journal 6, no. 1-2 (June 6, 2017): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12689-017-0076-0.
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He, Mingjun. "China - EU: legal framework and trade cooperation at the present stage." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-1-72-82.
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Relations between the EU and China are of global importance, and these ties are likely to expand in the coming years. Analyzing the trade relations between the EU and China in 2009-2018, the author notes their activation and at the same time the growth of instability and imbalance. The main purpose of this article is to answer the question, what are the success factors and problems of cooperation in the field of mutual trade, in order to identify the conditions that can play an important role in the process of strengthening bilateral ties between China and the European Union. According to the author, China and the European Union, taken together, can become engines of a more cooperative approach to world politics, global stability and regional economic prosperity.
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Winkler, Sigrid. "Can trade make a sovereign? Taiwan–China–EU relations in the WTO." Asia Europe Journal 6, no. 3-4 (April 25, 2008): 467–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-008-0174-2.
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Levinger, Hannah, and Syetarn Hansakul. "China and the EU: Where next in bilateral trade and investment relations?" China-EU Law Journal 5, no. 1-2 (July 2016): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12689-016-0062-y.
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Dosch, Jörn. "Reconciling Trade and Environmental Protection in ASEAN-China Relations: More than Political Window Dressing?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000202.
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Has the growing pro-environment rhetoric in ASEAN-China relations resulted in the effective mainstreaming of environmental issue into trade agreements and multilateral cooperation frameworks? The article discusses the cases of the ASEAN China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) and argues that there is no shortage of national and regional policy agendas that visibly link trade growth and environmental considerations. However, this nexus is still a weak one in terms of implementation and effectiveness. The most promising initiatives towards an effective reconciliation of trade growth and environmental sustainability are promoted and often driven by foreign donors, most prominently the European Union (EU).
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Pribicevic, Ognjen. "British diplomacy of money and trade." Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 2 (2019): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902137p.
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Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy - what should be given priority - relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to, due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military, political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests. Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. III 47010: Drustvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija - multidisciplinarni pristup]
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Arezina, Sanja. "New relations of the European Union and China: Friends or frenemies?" Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 173 (2020): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2073077a.
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After the promotion of ?Made in China 2025? initiative and the beginning of US President Donald Trump?s tenure in power, in US and whole world there has been a rising negative attitude towards Chinese presence. The launch of a US-China ?trade war? and the closure of the US market for Chinese direct investment and product coincided with growing discontent of EU member states over the treatment that European companies have had at the Chinese market. As a result, there has been a change of the positive perception of the PR China by the EU member states, that was created mainly by strong inflow of Chinese investments and assistance within the ?One Belt, One Road? initiative, into a negative perception that is now forming policy changes and introduction of protectionist measures towards Chinese direct investments in European market. In this article, the author talks about the different perceptions (positive and negative) that have been formed in the PR China within the EU, the factors that have influenced the change in the perception of EU member countries towards the PR China and the consequences on the dynamics of the development of different policies at EU level. To be able to prove the basic hypothesis that Brussels, unlike the US, still shows some pragmatism by making policy changes moderate enough that the EU can remain loyal to open market principles while preventing these principles from becoming strategic vulnerability, the author uses the structural-functionalist analysis, induction, and deduction.
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Dorakh, Alena. "FDI determinants in Europe and Chinese influence." Serbian Journal of Management 16, no. 1 (2021): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sjm16-22279.
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Despite recent concerns about the increasing influence of outside investors on the European Union (EU) and Western Balkans, the developed European countries are still a dominant source of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the region, confirming the benefits of EU membership. At the same time, fast-growing connectivity and lower trade costs in accession and neighboring countries determine the FDI growth from China, particularly via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). By applying panel data over 2000-2019 for 34 countries, which form 89% of all European FDI, we first examine FDI patterns around Europe, compare the EU, NMS, and Western Balkans; verify the importance of EU membership for FDI, caused reducing trade costs and improving connectivity. Thus, the new EU member states (NMS) and Western Balkans appear both as a home country and as a pre- entry destination to the EU. Then, we calculate trade costs indices for each selected country and partners over time and find that Europe and China are closely interconnected through trade and FDI. It means that stronger ties with China can be realized for the sample countries at the cost of easing relations with the EU. Finally, incorporating trade costs indices into the FDI model; we evaluate the impact of connectivity on FDI and estimate how BRI affected FDI in Europe. Additionally, we validate that the old framework of horizontal and vertical FDI not representative well and even new complex vertical or export-oriented FDI strategies are shifting today.
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Värk, Juhan. "Russia between China and the European Union: Friends or Foes?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0003.
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AbstractFor a long time Russia has regarded the European Union and China as its main economic and trade partners, giving preference to the EU. A sudden change occurred in October 2008, when as a response to the EU’s sharp criticism of the Kremlin over the Georgian-Russian military conflict, Russia decided to re-orient its foreign economic and trade policy from the EU to China and partially also to India. At the same time Russian-Chinese military and energy cooperation started to grow. Russia sold China oil and gas at low price and supplied it with advanced weaponry, which has increased China’s aggression toward its neighbours. Russia also started to politically and militarily support China’s activities in Syria and Iran, which, in turn, worsened Russia’s relations with several EU Member States, including Germany, France and Italy, with whom Russia was planning to cooperate in the developing of the Nord Stream gas pipeline project. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin still declares a great continuing friendship and solidarity with China and is hoping to see the worsening of China’s conflict with the US, which, Putin claims, could avert China’s direct conflict with Russia. Several leading Russian military and political experts describe this hope as unrealistic. At the same time, the volume of EU-Russian mutual trade was almost 395 billion US dollars in 2011, which exceeds in volume the Chinese-Russian trade volume by more than four times. It shows that Russia’s trade reset from the EU to China has been negligible. Also, it is bad news for Russia and China that Iran today stifles cooperation with Georgia and Chinese separatist Uyghurs, and Syrian Bashar al-Assad’s regime is developing cooperation with al Qaeda, and does not explain Russia’s and China’s current similar foreign policy toward Iran and Syria.
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Tayar, Violetta M. "Latin American regionalism and trade agreements with the European Union: experiences and approaches." RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 413–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-2-413-425.
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The article deals with the issues of trade cooperation between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean region (LAC). The characteristics of interregional trade are presented, and trade interaction between the EU and the subregional blocks of the LAC is analyzed. The author shows that Latin American regionalism predetermines the EU's approaches to trade and economic cooperation with LAC. Despite the fact that Latin American integration format differs from the European model, the EU countries manage to maintain trade and economic relations with subregional associations and particular Latin American countries, despite the growing competition in this region from the United States and China.
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Lavička, Martin. "Anna Michalski, Zhongqi Pan: Unlikely Partners? China, the European Union and the Forging of a Strategic Partnership." Mezinárodní vztahy 53, no. 2 (September 14, 2018): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/1565.
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This book provides an in-depth analysis of the relations between China and the EU, tracing the development of this complex, yet intriguing, relationship between two substantially different actors. To uncover a deeper understanding of this unlikely partnership, the authors analyze the partnership through the prism of contending norms and worldviews. The China-EU strategic partnership has evolved through fits and starts but despite continuous trade disputes and severe diplomatic misunderstandings, the EU and China pledge to uphold, even deepen, the partnership. Policy experts and scholars will learn how such contending bilateral relationships can be managed and establish a better understanding of deep-seated conceptual differences between these two entities.
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Lavička, Martin. "Anna Michalski, Zhongqi Pan: Unlikely Partners? China, the European Union and the Forging of a Strategic Partnership." Mezinárodní vztahy 53, no. 2 (September 14, 2018): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1565.
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This book provides an in-depth analysis of the relations between China and the EU, tracing the development of this complex, yet intriguing, relationship between two substantially different actors. To uncover a deeper understanding of this unlikely partnership, the authors analyze the partnership through the prism of contending norms and worldviews. The China-EU strategic partnership has evolved through fits and starts but despite continuous trade disputes and severe diplomatic misunderstandings, the EU and China pledge to uphold, even deepen, the partnership. Policy experts and scholars will learn how such contending bilateral relationships can be managed and establish a better understanding of deep-seated conceptual differences between these two entities.
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Vinogradova, Elizaveta Andreevna, and Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova. "Transregionalism in relations between Latin America and the European Union." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-B (May 31, 2021): 297–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-b923p.297-304.
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Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.
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Bräuner, Oliver. "Beyond the Arms Embargo: EU Transfers of Defense and Dual-Use Technologies to China." Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 3 (December 2013): 457–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008304.
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China has largely been cut off from direct transfers of military systems and technologies since the announcement of the EU arms embargo in 1989. Nevertheless, the EU and its member states remain a major source of high technologies for China, namely, by means of trade, investment, and scientific cooperation. This is mainly because the EU-China relationship continues to be dominated by the economic interests of individual member states, both in trade and increasingly in investments. Furthermore, due to a lack of direct security interests in the Asia-Pacific, Europeans do not generally see China as a security threat or a strategic competitor. Therefore, the EU has so far failed to develop a strategic approach toward the potential security implications of transfers of European militarily sensitive technologies that goes beyond the existing arms embargo and currently lacks effective mechanisms to control the flow of such technologies to China.
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Anikina, Alexandra Mikhailovna. "Spain — China: dynamics of trade and economic relations development." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2102-05.
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Spain is a member state of the European Union, which occupies one of the leading places in the world economy. Over the past decade, this country has paid particular attention to expanding the internationalization of its economy, including by striving for geographical diversification of exports and investment activity, for taking on new target markets for products produced in the country, especially agricultural ones, since traditionally the main partners of the country in foreign economic activity are member states of the EU. A development strategy of foreign economic activities (FEA) was developed in the country to achieve these goals. China is not the main trade and economic partner of Spain, however, it is a strategic partner with a high potential for developing bilateral cooperation. The article studies the dynamics of the development of foreign economic relations between Spain and China from 2008 to 2019; main data of export-import operations, including by commodity groups, are given; principal developments in bilateral relations are mentioned. It is concluded that the growth rate of trade flow has increased by more than 65 % over 10 years, including the expansion of Spanish export supplies, in particular products of agroindustrial complex (AIC), share of which reached 30 % in 2019; intensification of interaction at the institutional level is noted, as well as expansion of the activities of Spanish transnational corporations (TNC) in China, where at least one of the corporations opened its 23rd production facility in 2019. The author used a systematic and interdisciplinary approach when working with a variety of scientific and practical materials, including Spanish legislation, annual reports and statistics of national government bodies, analytical reviews of international economic organizations, media publications, as well as economic and statistical analysis. The scientifi c novelty of the work is in a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of the development of trade and economic relations between Spain and China.
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Pelaudeix, Cécile. "China’s Interests in the Arctic and the EU’S Arctic Policy: Towards a Proactive EU Foreign Policy?" Yearbook of Polar Law Online 7, no. 1 (December 5, 2015): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211-6427_006.
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Initiated in 2008, the EU’S Arctic policy acknowledges the evolving geo-strategy of the Arctic region and intends to secure the EU’S trade and resource interests as new actors like China enter the Arctic arena. This paper shows that China’s growing assertiveness in the Arctic has impacted upon both EU Arctic policy and EU foreign policy. The new China’s trade interests in the Arctic, in particular the sensitive issue of rare earth elements, have triggered various moves in the EU in terms of trade and cooperation policies. The use of international law gives the EU some leeway to manage legal tensions with China which may still remain in some sectors, and which may also arise in connection with China’s legitimate aspirations in terms of becoming a rule maker as well. On an institutional level, engaging in an ambitious agenda with China also proves that the European External Action Service has gained in efficiency and internal coherence. Finally, this article also shows that the increasing connection of the EU’S Arctic policy with major bilateral relations calls for strengthened EU diplomatic attention in order to respect the principles guiding the EU’S action on the international scene as stated in the Treaty of the European Union, and to avoid a Eurocentric attitude that could undermine the ability of the EU to be a global actor. EU-China cooperation on Arctic issues certainly relies on a strong potential for cooperation, but it also represents additional challenges for the integrated EU Arctic policy that is expected by the end of 2015.
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Lai, Suetyi. "Just another Chinese city? Hong Kong’s post-1997 role to the European Union." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0031.
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Purpose By overviewing the role of Hong Kong to the European Union (EU), the world’s largest economic bloc and a key global actor, the purpose of this paper is to understand any change in international prominence and status of Hong Kong after two decades of its sovereignty return. Design/methodology/approach It is based on analysis of statistics, government discourses and official documents. Findings Main findings are that although the function of Hong Kong as an entrepot of China–EU trade and the ranking of the city as the EU’s trade partners have both diminished, the city sustains its roles as a platform to enter Mainland China, a regional hub in Asia, a major international capital market, a diplomatic counterpart and a partner in socio-cultural aspects to the EU. This paper agrees with the EU’s view that continuous well-functioning of Hong Kong under “One Country, Two System” serves stake of the Union which is keen on helping the SAR to ensure its high autonomy. Yet, the determinants remain Hong Kong and Beijing Governments, which have been and should continue to make use of Hong Kong’s closer tie with the mainland to promote international importance of both the city and China. Originality/value Research on relations between Hong Kong and the EU has been few, especially so in the past decades. This paper serves as a stock-take of the most recent developments in Hong Kong–EU relation.
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Radomska, Ewa. "Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne we francusko-chińskiej współpracy gospodarczej w kontekście dwustronnych relacji Unii Europejskiej z Chinami." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.13.
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The goals of the paper are: to analyse the scale and nature of foreign direct investments (FDI) in the economic cooperation between France and China; to explain the main reasons for the Chinese capital commitment in the form of FDI in the European Union (EU) and France as well as French one in China; and to identify the conditions and barriers in the flow of FDI and the main activities undertaken by France and the EU to introduce more symmetry in relations with China. The following research hypothesis has been adopted: FDI are an important element of the economic cooperation between France and China, which is developed despite barriers including differences in potentials and asymmetry in market access. In the face of China’s growing activity in the global economy, noticing the benefits, France does not question the bilateral relations but puts more emphasis on the need to create coherent and coordinated strategy towards China at the EU level. This analysis allowed formulation of a few main conclusions. The recent dynamic inflow of Chinese FDI to the EU (including France) is closely connected with China’s measures aimed at reinforcing its position in the global economy. The dynamic and nature of Chinese FDI coming to France and other EU countries, asymmetry in access to markets, the Belt and Road Initiative, changes in the US trade policy and divisions among EU member countries pose challenges to the EU. France is fully committed to creating a common EU strategy towards China and restoring the balance within the EU-China strategic partnership.
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Brown, Scott A. W. "Free Trade, Yes; Ideology, Not So Much: The UK’s Shifting China Policy 2010-16." British Journal of Chinese Studies 8, no. 1 (April 3, 2019): 92–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v8i1.21.
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Fox and Godement’s (2009) Power Audit of EU-China Relations grouped the EU’s member states into four categories based on their national approaches to relations with, as well as their preferences for, the EU’s policies towards China. In this typology, the UK, at the time governed by New Labour, was deigned an “Ideological Free Trader”—seeking to facilitate greater free trade while continuing to assert its ideological position, namely in the areas of democracy and human rights. Since the Conservative Party took the reins of power in 2010 (in coalition with the Liberal Democrats until 2015), China’s prominence on the UK’s foreign policy agenda has arguably increased. This paper examines the direction of the UK’s China policy since 2010, and asks whether the label “Ideological Free Trader” remains applicable. Through qualitative analysis of the evolving policy approach, it argues that while early policy stances appeared consistent with the descriptor, the emphasis on free trade has grown considerably whilst the normative (ideological) dimension has diminished. Consequently, the UK should be redefined as an “Accommodating Free Trader” (an amalgamation of two of Fox and Godement’s original groups—“Accommodating Mercantilist” and “Ideological Free Trader”).
At time of publication, the journal operated under the old name. When quoting please refer to the citation on the left using British Journal of Chinese Studies. The pdf of the article still reflects the old journal name; issue number and page range are consistent.
Picture credit: Georgina Coupe
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Gaenssmantel, Frank. "Chinese Diplomacy towards the EU: Grand Vision but Hard to Manage." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 5, no. 4 (2010): 379–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119110x531859.
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AbstractThis article investigates the sudden rise and subsequent slow decline of the European Union (EU) in Chinese diplomacy between 2002 and 2007. China’s decision in 2003 to consider relations with the EU as ‘strategic’ in nature does not reflect a fundamental change of mind but rather a perception of favourable circumstances. China has a long track record of high expectations towards a united Europe. After the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations had created a positive image of a united and independent EU, the transatlantic rift over the Iraq War in 2002 and 2003 seemed to present an international environment that was conducive to stronger China‐EU ties. Subsequently, however, the difficulties of engaging with a complex entity like the EU have contributed to souring diplomatic relations. This development is traced for two major cases of Chinese foreign policy towards the EU: the quest for recognition as a market economy; and the push to have the EU’s arms embargo lifted. Over time, Chinese engagement with the EU on these issues has gone through different phases, reflecting repeated attempts to improve the diplomatic approach, to eliminate unsuccessful strategies and to react to EU feedback. China has not yet reached its goal on either issue. The article concludes by pointing to the specific difficulties that have emerged from the evolution of Chinese diplomacy towards the EU on these two cases.
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Bosworth, Barry, and Susan M. Collins. "Determinants of U.S. Exports to China." Asian Economic Papers 7, no. 3 (October 2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2008.7.3.1.
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This paper examines U.S. goods trade with China, focusing on the performance of exports. Throughout the analysis, we explore whether U.S. trade is unusual by contrasting it with trade from Japan and the EU-15.1 The issue is examined from three perspectives: the commodity composition of exports, the role of multinational corporations (MNCs), and the determinants of trade as specified in a formal “gravity model.” As an initial point of departure, we show that the commodity composition of U.S. exports to China is similar to the pattern of exports to the world as a whole, and that the operations of U.S. MNCs have only minor implications for trade with China. Consequently, we emphasize the estimation of a set of “gravity equations” that explore the role of market size and distance from the United States. Distance exerts a surprisingly large effect on trade. Finally, although exports to China may be a small share of U.S. GDP, they are relatively substantial compared to U.S. exports to other countries. In other words, the measure of U.S. trade performance in China is distorted by the low level of its exports to all countries. We present evidence that the United States underperforms as an exporter relative to a peer group of high-income European countries and Japan.
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Lai, Suet-Yi, and Li Zhang. "Challenging the EU’s Economic Roles? The Impact of the Eurozone Crisis on EU Images in China." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2013): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0019.
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AbstractSince the outbreak of the 2008/2009 global financial crisis, the economic balance between the traditional developed economies and the emerging ones has changed drastically, including that between the European Union and China. While the EU and its Member States are preoccupied by the eurozone debt crisis, stagnant economic growth and high domestic unemployment, China raised as the world’s second largest economy and one of the quickest growing consumer market. This paper explores the change in perception of the EU as an economic actor in the eyes of Chinese mainstream news media and national elites under such context. It argues that the strategic partnership could improve only if the two sides understand the mutual perception clearly. It is found that China has increased its leverage for bargaining vis-à-vis the EU as well as the capacity to give some help to the EU. Although the image of the EU as an economic powerhouse has been slightly weakened, it did not turn the heavily trade-oriented EU-China relations more comprehensive.
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DONGYANG, Zhang. "DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS OF ECONOMIC AND TRADE COOPERATION BETWEEN CHINA AND UKRAINE." Economy of Ukraine 2018, no. 6 (June 15, 2018): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/economyukr.2018.06.003.
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The status and prospects of development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and China are considered. It is proved that bilateral cooperation in the trade and economic sphere has made significant progress. In 2012–2017, China was the second largest trading partner of Ukraine after Russia. However, the problem of imbalance in imports and exports between Ukraine and China has not yet been resolved. In addition, the scale and number of projects in which Ukraine attracts Chinese investment is much less than investments from European countries and the United States. It is justified that trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and China is at a new historical stage. On the one hand, Ukraine signed the Association Agreement with the European Union, and on January 1, 2016, the rules of the free trade zone between Ukraine and the EU entered into force. This helps to accelerate the integration of Ukrainian economy into European one. On the other hand, the global economic downturn requires the introduction of innovations in the model of cooperation. The Chinese initiative “One belt is one way” is one of the variants of the innovation model of cooperation. Its significance is to unite the Asia-Pacific region with the EU in order to join the Eurasian Economic Union, create a new space and opportunities for development and achieve prosperity with the Eurasian countries. All this forms unprecedented opportunities for development of bilateral economic and trade relations. It seems that to fully open the potential of Ukrainian economy and expand bilateral trade and economic cooperation, it is necessary to take into account such proposals as the establishment of the Sino-Ukrainian industrial park, the promotion of cooperation in the field of electronic commerce, the formation of the Sino-Ukrainian free trade zone and enhanced interaction within multilateral mechanisms (for example, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the interaction of China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the 16 + 1 format).
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Irwin Crookes, Paul, and John Farnell. "The UK’s Strategic Partnership with China beyond Brexit: Economic Opportunities Facing Political Constraints." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 48, no. 1 (April 2019): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868102619858783.
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This analysis examines the opportunities and challenges facing the United Kingdom (UK) government in building a closer economic partnership with China beyond Brexit. While showing how the goals of each side overlap in key areas of mutual interest, evidence is presented to explain how fundamental imbalances persist in trade and investment relations due to China’s economic management system. The authors further argue that political constraints imposed on the UK by the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) as economic partners will constrain the British government’s room for manoeuvre when negotiating with the Chinese. The analysis identifies potential modalities for achieving some improvement in UK-China bilateral links by drawing on the outcome of the Switzerland-China Free Trade Agreement but concludes that political factors will continue to limit outcomes and that a major transformation of UK-China economic relations is not a realistic prospect for the foreseeable future.
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COTULA, Lorenzo. "EU–China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment: An Appraisal of its Sustainable Development Section." Business and Human Rights Journal 6, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 360–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.16.
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In the waning days of the indelible 2020, China and the European Union (EU) clinched an ‘in-principle’ deal on their Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI).1 After seven years of negotiation, the treaty attracted widespread public scrutiny, partly due to the significant investment flows between China and the EU, although wider considerations are also at play. China’s 2001 accession to the World Trade Organization laid a major building block in the global order. Its economic rise and export growth have provided cheaper electronics, appliances and clothes for global consumers, but also prompted concerns about the environment and implications for jobs and working conditions in deindustrializing countries. This economic reconfiguration has created complex, often tense, relations between China and established powers such as the EU and the United States (US), to which multilateral arrangements have offered only partial responses.2
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Park, Sang-Chul. "Mega FTA as a Signal Against Trade Protectionism Focused on the EU and Japan FTA." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.16.
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The research questions of the paper are whether the EU Japan FTA can be a win-win approach or win-lose approach? Moreover what are reasons for the two parties to complete the FTA and which industrial sectors can be mostly profited in both parties? Last, but not least how to estimate impacts on the global economy? The hypotheses are FTA can reduce trade protectionism, and the former can generate more economic benefits to the participating countries than latter in the long term based on the trade dynamic group. The research methodology is to use cross sectional analysis based on statistic data and information collection as well as trade policy analysis. Additionally, critical analysis of literature and inference analysis are employed. The conclusion of the research is that the EU Japan FTA can generate about 0.76 percent GDP growth to the EU and about 0.29 percent GDP growth to Japan additionally per year next ten years long. Furthermore, it also creates new employment in both parties. Although the EU Japan FTA can create some looser particularly in East Asian economies such as South Korea, China, and Taiwan, their total amount is estimated as very low. In the global economy, the EU Japan FTA can generate much larger gains than lost. As a result, it is not only a win-win approach for the EU and Japan, but also for the whole global economy if it enters into force.
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MBAATYO, AKPE, and ROBERT A. BERG. "OPPORTUNITIES FOR ENTREPRENEURS: A TRADE UNION BETWEEN CHINA AND INDIA." Journal of Enterprising Culture 03, no. 03 (September 1995): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218495895000180.
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With heated debate on the benefits to business, to labour, and to governments from economic union, many nations commit their people within the European Union (EU), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Australia and New Zealand Closer Economic Relations (CER), and other trade pacts. What if two emerging giants and neighbours, India and China, were to form an economic union? This paper undertakes a preliminary discussion of the viability of a China-India economic integration and recommends further study of the subject. Using Huang and Tu's (1994) revealed comparative advantage (RCA) as a backdrop, this paper discusses areas of possible trade creation (TC) and trade diversion (TD) that will occur should a China-India economic integration take place. The role of the government and information flow as new factors of production have been examined. After considering the history, economic growth zones, economic liberalisation programs in China and India, available resources, and regional and global trade, the paper concludes that a China-India economic integration holds the key to prosperity in the so called "Asian century". This paper suggests that such integration will be economically viable and should be studied and encouraged, both by business and government.
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Quang, Thai Nguyen, and Trinh Bui. "Analysis of Inter-Country Trade Flows Based on Input - Output Model Between Vietnam - EU - China and the United States." Research in World Economy 12, no. 3 (June 23, 2021): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v12n3p88.
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In recent years, although the balance of trade in goods of Vietnam has always been surplus for many years but the real domestic economy has been also deficit. People were thrilled for that achievement. The study attempts to estimate how the trade flows between the four countries Vietnam, China, the United State (US) and the Europe (EU) induce to output and value added of each country?The research used inter - country input - output model between those countries for analyzing the effects of trade flow to the economy of each country, especially for Vietnam.
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Hopewell, Kristen. "When the hegemon goes rogue: leadership amid the US assault on the liberal trading order." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 1025–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab073.
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Abstract Under President Trump, the United States abdicated its traditional leadership role in the trading system, abandoning multilateralism for aggressive unilateralism and launching an active assault on the World Trade Organization (WTO). Most strikingly, the US blocked appointments to the Appellate Body, jeopardizing the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism. With the trade regime in crisis, a key question has been whether other states would have the will and capacity to lead system-preserving initiatives. While most attention has focused on whether China—widely seen as the chief hegemonic challenger to the US—would assume the mantle of leadership, there has been considerable scepticism about the European Union's capacity to exercise leadership amid the crisis. The EU has generally been seen as punching below its weight in terms of leadership at the WTO. In this article, however, I argue that it is the EU, rather than China, that has taken the lead in advancing concrete initiatives directed at defending and maintaining the multilateral trading system. The EU led the creation of an interim appeals arrangement to replace the defunct Appellate Body—in effect, creating an ‘Appellate Body minus the US’. Although the rules-based multilateral trading system remains under threat, it is the EU, not China, that is acting as a system-preserving power, leading efforts to defend the established order.
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Tolstov, Serhii. "The EU’s Foreign Policy Towards African Countries." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.17-44.
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The article presents a review of the EU policy towards the African states in the early 21st century. It covers the main aspects and priorities of the EU’s relations with the countries of the region, including enhanced political dialogue, development assistance, migration control, negotiations on the new type of economic agreements. The goals and principles of the EU-AU cooperation were outlined in the Joint Strategy signed in Lisbon in December 2007. The strategic partnership relations envisage the EU’s assistance to the African states aimed at the development, security cooperation, the prevention and settlement of conflicts, migration management, promotion of trans-regional projects etc. The joint EU-AU documents strengthen upon bilateral cooperation in addressing global issues, distributing burdens, mutual accountability, solidarity and mutual trust, equality and justice, respect for international law and agreements, gender equality and non-discrimination. However, the actual results of interaction in the priority areas such as peace and security, democracy, good governance and human rights, sustainable and inclusive development, economic growth, human development and continental integration remain rather low. The essential factor influencing the EU’s policy in Africa is the conflict of interests of the fluent intra-regional actors. The contradictions between the EU, China and the U.S. intensify the economic competition and political rivalry. The gradual reduction of the EU’s share in trade with Africa is marked on the background of the growing economic presence of China and expanding trade of the African states with Asia.
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Ka-Lok Chan, Kenneth. "Constructing Relations with Hong Kong under 'One Country, Two Systems'. Prospects for the European Union." European Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 2 (2007): 245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805807x256881.
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AbstractIn Hong Kong as elsewhere, the European Union (EU) is known more for its collective economic and trade powers than its political clout. Since autumn 2005, the Office of the European Commission in Hong Kong and Macao has steadily stepped up its efforts to disseminate information about the EU. It has also begun to reach out to the local community, while retaining its traditional ties with the elite circles. This study examines the image of the EU according to public opinion in order to identify areas where improvements can be made. By and large, we have found that the image of the EU is rather positive, and the significance of the EU widely recognised. Still, the EU has yet to acquire adequate means of advancing its own values, while systematic collaborations with strategic partners in the non-governmental sectors could be further strengthened to promote the EU's visibility as a global actor that is also relevant to Hong Kong. Moreover, the normative-cum-civilian approach continues to matter in three ways: in the formulation of the EU's policy towards Hong Kong, in promoting the EU as a responsible global actor while EU–China relations develop, and in promoting lesson-learning and sharing of values.
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Gottwald, Jörn-Carsten, Joachim Schild, and Dirk Schmidt. "Das Ende der Naivität gegenüber China? Die Reform des europäischen Investitionskontrollregimes." integration 42, no. 2 (2019): 134–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2019-2-134.
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The European Union (EU) has introduced measures to better screen investments from third countries, in particular by enterprises and state actors of the People’s Republic of China. These measures highlight the profound change in bilateral relations which have turned from “strategic partnership” into “systemic rivalry”. Reacting to new Chinese policies of foreign trade and investment, the EU followed a revision of investment screening policies in the US. The EU has overcome deep splits among member states and established a new legal framework at the supranational level that leaves the ultimate screening and decision-making power to the national level. This paper identifies the changes in Chinese investment and investment policies and highlights key contents of the US legislation on investment control before discussing the new EU framework. It interprets the new measures as further examples of an increased reliance on state policies instead of market forces - by all partners involved.
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Vrbka, Jaromír, Zuzana Rowland, and Petr Šuleř. "Comparison of neural networks and regression time series in estimating the development of the EU and the PRC trade balance." SHS Web of Conferences 61 (2019): 01031. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196101031.
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China, by GDP, is the second largest economic power, and hence also a key player in the field of international relations. As far as the EU is concerned, it is China's largest trading partner. From this point of view, it is clear that monitoring export and import development between these partners is essential. This paper therefore aims to compare two useful methods, namely the accuracy of time series alignment through regression analysis and artificial neural networks, to assess the evolution of the EU and the People's Republic of China trade balance. Data on the export and import trends of these two partners since 2000 have been used, and it is clear that the trade balance was completely different that year than it is now. The development over time is interesting. The most appropriate curve is selected from the linear regression, and from the neural networks three useful neural structures are selected. We also look at the prediction of future developments while taking into account seasonal fluctuations.
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Batsenko, Liudmyla, Roman Halenin, and Wang Haibo. "Current status of human resource management in China and EU." VUZF Review 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.21.2.10.
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This paper studies the situation of human resource management in the construction industry between China and the European Union. According to the analysis, it shows the importance of human resource management. It summarizes the current situation and existing problems of human resource management in China and the European Union. Corresponding measures are proposed to facilitate the sustainable and healthy development of human resource management.
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the EU, bilateral relations have developed smoothly. Later, the two parties established a strategic partnership. Subsequently, trade cooperation in various fields continued to develop. China proposes to implement the "One Belt One Road" initiative, and the European Union actively participates in the "One Belt One Road" framework agreement. The two parties' research on human resource management in the construction industry will be of great significance to promote further in-depth cooperation between the two parties in the field of construction and human resource management, and to expand and create a broader development space.
Suggested deepen the reform of teaching content and curriculum system in accordance with the modern development of human resources. Emphasized that education investment for developing human resources and improving the quality of workers is not a simple consumption, but a long-term productive investment. emphasis is placed on the personnel appraisal system establishment of its the guarantee for the stability of the management staff.
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Grant, Wyn. "Is a more multilateral trade policy possible?" Review of International Studies 30, no. 4 (September 29, 2004): 537–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006217.
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D.A. Irwin, Free Trade Under Fire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 257 pp.F. Jawara and A. Kwa, Behind the Scenes at the WTO: The Real World of International Trade Negotiations (London, Zed Books, 2003), 329 pp.Amrita Narlikar, International Trade and Developing Countries: Bargaining Coalitions in the WTO (London, Routledge, 2003), 238 pp.American actions since the collapse of the trade talks at Cancún have suggested that trade conflicts can no longer be solved simply by a bilateral bargain with the EU that is then imposed, with a few side payments, on the other members of the WTO. The emergence of the G-21 (with its fluctuating membership) has at least opened up the possibility that trade negotiations may move away from the US–EU duopoly that has characterised them for so long towards a set of bargaining arrangements that are more multilateral. It may be that the real beneficiaries of these changes will be the emerging countries such as Brazil, China and India, all prominent in the leadership of the G-21, rather than the least developed countries. Thus, for example, opening up trade in sugar could benefit Brazil and harm Mauritius.
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Pauwelyn, Joost. "The Rule of Law Without the Rule of Lawyers? Why Investment Arbitrators Are from Mars, Trade Adjudicators from Venus." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 4 (October 2015): 761–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.4.0761.
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At the twentieth anniversary of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the WTO’s dispute settlement system is celebrated as one of the organization’s biggest achievements. Although powerful members such as China, the European Union (EU), and the United States are regularly on the losing side of WTO trade disputes, overall support for the system remains high. If anything, it has increased over time, with early criticism by civil society waning. Compare this situation to investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), centered around the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). ISDS, which started in earnest around the same time that the WTO was created, is under fire not only in capital-importing countries ranging from Ecuador, Indonesia, and South Africa but also in capital-exporting nations such as Australia, Germany, and the United States. Indeed, in the ongoing EU-U.S. negotiations over a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), ISDS emerged as one of the biggest bones of contention.
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Wang, Yan. "Power of discourse in free trade agreement negotiation." Leiden Journal of International Law 32, no. 3 (May 28, 2019): 437–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156519000207.
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AbstractThis article illustrates the power of discourse in free trade agreement (FTA) negotiation, elucidating the concept from the perspective of a country’s abilities of rule control, rule assimilation and rule contestation. To enhance rule control, the G2 (the US and EU) have chosen their FTA partners, designed the FTA rules, and offered offensive-defensive exchange strategically. They have approached weak or trade-dependent parties first in FTA negotiation, innovated new rules to accelerate FTA negotiation, skillfully constructed intentional ambiguity and exemptions to remove rule discrepancies and made offensive-defensive exchange with their negotiating parties. Some of these strategies have been copied by China although in a different way. Further, a template approach for negotiating an FTA and exporting domestic laws and normative values to others contributes to the G2’s rule assimilation. A de facto FTA template has also been established by China recently, but its legal culture and political stance have led it to sign incomplete contracts and tolerate rule differences with its negotiating parties instead of transposition of domestic law. In facing the rival rules adopted by their competitors, the G2 have incorporated counteractive rules in their FTAs with their competitors’ close trading nations. China has also contested rules treating China as a non-market economy in its FTAs, but its stance toward state-owned enterprises (SOE) disciplines and rules forbidding forced technology transfer is milder due to its lack of experience in dealing with unfavourable rules.
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Natens, Bregt. "Business Lobbying and Trade Governance: The Case of EU–China Relations by Jappe Eckhardt Palgrave Macmillan, 2015." World Trade Review 15, no. 4 (September 19, 2016): 714–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745616000318.
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Suh, Jin Kyo. "U.S.–China Trade Conflict and the Changing Multilateral Trading System: Korea's Perspective." Asian Economic Papers 18, no. 3 (December 2019): 142–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00733.
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One of the biggest risks to the world economy today is the U.S.–China trade tension. Korea is said to be particularly vulnerable to the trade conflict between the two economic giants because the United States and China are its two largest trading partners. Under the scenario that both the United States and China mutually impose 25 percent of tariffs on all imports, Korea's exports are projected to be reduced by USD 13.3 billion, just 2.2 percent of total exports in 2018. This apparent low impact is because a significant portion of Korea's exports to China are used for domestic consumption in China, not for re-export to third countries, including the United States. The adverse impact of the tit-for-tat tariffs between these two countries on Korea's exports may not be fully realized yet, however, because of the efforts by individual firms to avoid pre-announced tariffs. Thus, more time is needed to properly capture the influences of the U.S.–China trade tensions on the Korean economy. On the other hand, the current World Trade Organization (WTO) reform led by developed countries such as the United States, EU, and Japan can be interpreted as another version of a bilateral trade conflict between the United States and China. In fact, it targets state-owned enterprises’ (SOEs) subsidies, which are the backbone of China's state-led economic development model. Furthermore, WTO reform is closely related to U.S. complaints that the WTO cannot effectively control the unfair trade practices of non-market economies like China. Considering the consensus-based decision-making mechanism of the WTO, it is highly unlikely that WTO members will derive a successful agreement on the current WTO reform. Again, the WTO is in danger of dichotomy; one group led by developed members and the other group composed mostly of developing members. Each group will try to make new trade norms suited to only their own taste.
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Witkowska, Janina. "The European Union’s Screening Framework for Foreign Direct Investment: Consequences for External Relations." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1508-2008.23.02.
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The Lisbon Treaty gives the European Union (EU) institutions new external competences, including foreign direct investment (FDI) in the common trade policy. Using these competences the European Commission formulated a proposal for a regulation establishing the screening framework for FDI, which entered into force in April 2019. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of FDI screening as an element of policies towards FDI applied by developed countries, to assess the justifications for its introduction, as well as the potential consequences of the screening framework for inflowing FDI into the EU. A need to protect the EU’s strategic economic interests in relations with third countries was the reason for the introduction of the new tool at the EU level. The new system of screening FDI inflows into the EU is not centralized. The right to screen remains the sole responsibility of the Member States. The co-ordination mechanism at the level of the EU which has been constructed seems to give guarantees that common interests will be protected. The economic and political consequences of the EU’s screening framework for FDI should be foreseen. Apart from administrative and compliance costs, as well as uncertainty and delays related to investment decision processes, two categories of potential consequences seem to be important. These are the expected reduced access to capital by some Member States, especially the ‘new’ ones, and the worsening of relations with external partners, especially China.
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Entina, E. G. "EEC and Yugoslav cooperation in the frames of modern international relations in Europe." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-39-55.
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Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.
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Abrenica, Maria Joy V., Ricardo Rafael S. Guzman, and Maria Socorro Gochoco-Bautista. "Trade Wars and the Disarray in the Global Trading System: Implications for the Philippines." Asian Economic Papers 18, no. 3 (December 2019): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00718.
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This study uses the Caliendo and Parro ( 2015 ) multi-sector, multi-country, general equilibrium Ricardian trade model with national and international input-output linkages to assess the impact on welfare of higher tariffs due to the U.S.–China trade war in the case of the Philippines. A sample of 65 countries including a constructed rest of the world is used, with 31 ICIO tradeable and non-tradeable sectors and 2015 as the base year. The constructed scenario is of the U.S.–China tariff tit-for-tat and retaliatory measures taken by Mexico, Canada, EU, Russia, and Turkey against the United States during 2018. The findings show that the Philippines and others in the sidelines could incur larger welfare losses than those directly involved in the conflict, in contrast with the sanguine prediction of other models.