Academic literature on the topic 'China – Foreign relations – 19th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "China – Foreign relations – 19th century"
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Dickson, Bruce J. "The United States and China: Into the Twenty-First Century (Third Edition). By Michael Schaller. [New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 242 pp. Hard cover $45.00, ISBN 0-19-513758-2; paperback $23.95, ISBN 0-19-513759-0.]." China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 523–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000944390323031x.
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This useful textbook provides an overview of US–China relations between the late 19th century and the beginning of the 21st. It gives a clear chronology of events and covers the main events and issues in the relationship. It also embeds the description of these events and issues in the larger international and domestic contexts, allowing it to mesh easily with other textbooks that focus either on China's foreign relations in general or on its domestic developments.
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Kireeva, A. A. "JAPANS’S CHINA STRATEGY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(32) (October 28, 2013): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-5-32-39-46.
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The article deals with the transformation of Japan’s strategy vis-a-vis China. China and Japan are the most powerful states in East Asia in economic, political and military dimensions. They constitute two poles which shape the regional subsystem of international relations. China’s rise presents a considerable challenge for Japan’s foreign policy alongside with immense opportunity for the state’s development, with Japan’s and China’s positions, as well stability in East Asia resting upon Japan’s strategy towards China. Japan’s China strategy in the aftermath of World War II prior to 2010-2011 can be characterized as engagement with elements of containment. Japan has to a significant degree accommodated China’s rise by facilitating the successful implementation of its grand strategy, seen as the restoration of a great power status that China lost in the 19th century opium wars. The beginning of the 21st century saw a reassessment of Japan’s foreign policy and adopting a proactive stance. There is a divergence of opinion as to Japan’s strategy towards China in 2000s: while a number of scholars believe that there was a shift to balancing, others conclude that no such trend existed and “hedging” would be a more accurate definition, as it enables a state to protect from risks with regional coalitions. The early 2010s have seen Japan’s China strategy increasingly transforming into balancing and containment influenced by Japan’s growing perception of China’s maritime activities in the East China Sea as a threat to its security. However, there is growing possibility of adopting a “dual hedging” strategy, as China is first of all regarded as the key economic partner for Japan’s successful development.
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Kozlov, L. E. "The Diplomatic Status of the Joseon Kingdom in the Context of the Competition among China, Japan and Russia on the Korean Peninsula (Late 19th Century)." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.83.
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At the end of the 19th century Korea took the first steps towards developing a modern model of diplomacy. This process was hampered by the inertia of vassal-suzerain relations with China and the uncertain status of Korea on the global arena. The author analyzed the indications of incomplete sovereignty of the Joseon Kingdom and its attempts to conduct sovereign diplomacy. The attitude of the great powers to Joseon has been considered. The uncertainty of Korea's diplomatic status at the end of the 19th century can be illustrated by the following contradiction. On the one hand, the great powers recognized Korea's sovereignty as a limited one and assigned a minister resident or consul general, which corresponds to the third and fourth level of a diplomatic representative. On the other hand, the Qing government prevented Joseon from pursuing an independent foreign policy, but could not shape it at its discretion. In 1901-1902, the diplomatic status of the Joseon Kingdom finally became fully sovereign de jure, de facto though internal problems and weaknesses did not disappear, and in 1904–1905 a Japanese protectorate over Korea was established.
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Ma, Shu-yun. "Recent Changes in China's Pure Trade Theory." China Quarterly 106 (June 1986): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000038583.
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The importance of international trade to the Chinese economy has been growing since the formal approval of the open-door policy at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978. However, trade expansion in China faces three constraints. First, there is the theoretical problem that orthodox ideology makes it illegitimate for a socialist country to have a large foreign trade sector. Secondly, there is the institutional problem that the Soviet-type foreign trade mechanism, characterized by a state monopoly of foreign trade, a centralized foreign trade plan, and insulation of domestic from foreign prices, is incapable of handling trade expansion in an efficient manner. Thirdly, there is the economic problem that the lack of competitiveness of domestic goods in the international market limits the country's export and thus import capacity. While the new Chinese leaders are making immense efforts to remove these constraints, this article will focus only on the first. The anti-trade attitude of Communist China is the combined result of China's historical heritage and Marxist ideology. The long history of self-sufficiency in “feudal” China meant that trade was never an imperative economic need. When contact with the west increased in the 19th century, international trade was associated with an influx of opium, an outflow of silver, and a series of unequal treaties. Such an unhappy, early experience of contact with the west has left China sensitive to any increase in international trade.
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Komarova, A. A., and V. P. Podolnikov. "The Reasons for the Emigration of the Korean Population to the Far East in the 60-70s 19th Century." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (206) (July 6, 2020): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-2-56-61.
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The article considers two groups of reasons that contributed to the emigration of the Korean population to the Far East in the second half of the 19th century. On the one hand, the resettlement of Koreans was facilitated by the internal problems of the Korean Peninsula, which included both the difficult socio-economic situation of the Korean peasants and a series of natural disasters that caused the majority of the population starvation. On the other hand, the migration legislation of the Russian Empire, aimed at the quickest settlement of newly acquired territories in the Far East, encouraged emigrants to choose our country with the promising benefits and desert fertile soils. The work also touches on the diplomatic relations of three countries (Russia, Korea and China), which were the prerequisites for the first Korean migration flows to territories belonging to the Russian Empire. The special relations of China and Korea are emphasized, as well as the main priorities of the foreign policy of Korea of that period, expressed in the so-called “closeness” of the country. The causes of economic and subsequent social problems of Korea are analyzed. The main stages of the annexation of the territories of the Far East to Russia are studied, and the attitude of the Russian authorities towards Korean immigrants is noted. It is concluded that there are a large number of unrelated factors that led to the subsequent migration of Koreans to the Far East.
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Park, Jung Mee, and Chun-Ping Wang. "Interpreting the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations of 1882 between Chosŏn and the Qing: How logics of appropriateness shaped Sino–Korean relations." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 1 (September 5, 2019): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919871704.
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Prior research on Qing China’s relationship towards Chosŏn Korea in the late 19th century suggested that China’s influence over Korea was a continuation of the tribute system. However, the Qing’s awareness of Westphalian laws altered Sino–Korean relations. In 1882, Qing China signed the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations with Chosŏn Korea. Unlike the previous treaties that China signed with western states, the Qing negotiated terms economically beneficial to China in the agreement. The Qing officials determined much of the terms found in the Regulations. The Qing officials had leverage over Chosŏn officials partly because China had amassed cultural capital through centuries of tributary exchanges. The logics of appropriateness (LoA) or ‘bounded rationality’ of the tribute system shaped the Qing’s and Chosŏn’s responses, even in treaty negotiations. We argued that the Regulations reflected the Qing’s attempts to ‘modernize’ tributary relations with Westphalian LoA in light of the Qing’s own domestic crisis. Domestic insurrections such as the Taiping Rebellion led members of the self-strengthening ( Ziqiang) movement to focus on foreign affairs and adopt Westphalian international laws. The Qing’s goals to self-strengthen via an unequal agreement with Chosŏn, however, failed when westerners criticized China’s perceived suzerain authority over Korea. The criticisms highlighted the cleavages between the tributary and Westphalian systems as individuals attempted to justify their roles within these institutions.
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Levin, Ya A. "Proclamation of the PRC: Reaction of the American Press." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 262–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-12-262-270.
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The article is devoted to the reaction of the American press to such an important historical event as the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The emergence of a new communist state in the East was a great shock and blow to the foreign policy ambitions of the United States, which developed in the logic of a global confrontation with the Soviet Union. China, rich in resources since the end of the 19th century, has been the scene of a constant clash of interests of various states, as a result, on the eve and, especially, after World War II, the two main political forces operating in this territory — the Communist Party of China (CCP) and the nationalist party Kuomintang — found themselves powerful patrons in the form of the USSR and the USA. The topic of the reaction of the American press to the actual failure or, as he later said, was dubbed by numerous experts and publicists who wrote about China — the “loss of China” is an interesting marker of how socio-political thought developed in the American media. American journalists are trying to predict the political consequences of the “loss”, to level the image damage caused to the population by Washington’s foreign policy, to convey the facts and at the same time assess the situation in the region. The study of US press articles will make it possible to better understand the development of American ideas about China and its place in the new paradigm of international relations, to better explore the level of media awareness of this region and the impact that ideas and assessments broadcast by journalists had on society, as well as generally to better understand the initial reaction of American society to the founding of the PRC. Many of the ideas formed at that time remain today an important component of the discursive practices of US public and political life, especially taking into account the complex relations between modern China and the United States.
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Ewertowski, Tomasz. "Northeast China as a Contact Zone in Polish and Serbian Travelogues, 1900-1939." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 6 (November 22, 2017): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2017.004.
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Northeast China as a Contact Zone in Polish and Serbian Travelogues, 1900-1939Historically, Northeast China (Manchuria) was a border zone between China and nomadic peoples, as well as between Russian and Qing empires since the 17th century. In the second half of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century, a number of factors (penetration by foreign powers, collapse of the Qing Empire, revolution in Russia, Japanese expansion and demographic changes) transformed this area into “a contact zone” in the sense given by Mary Louise Pratt. The main focus of the article is the way in which this contact zone was described by Polish and Serbian travellers. Their can provide a special outlook, because Poland and Serbia did not participate extensively in the colonial penetration into China, however, Serbs and Poles travelled there, often representing Russian institutions. Therefore they were observing China as agents of imperial force, but they did not identify themselves fully with it. Our analysis of the image of Northeast China as a contact zone will be divided into three broad sections: 1) political and military expansion, 2) economic and demographic relations, 3) transcultural phenomena of everyday life. Chiny Północno-Wschodnie jako strefa kontaktu w polskich i serbskich relacjach podróżniczych w latach 1900-1939Północno-wschodnie Chiny (Mandżuria) są historyczną granicą między Chinami a ludami wędrownymi, od siedemnastego wieku również między Rosją a imperium dynastii Qing. W drugiej połowie dziewiętnastego wieku, a zwłaszcza w pierwszej połowie dwudziestego szereg czynników (penetracja przez obce mocarstwa, upadek dynastii Qing, rewolucja w Rosji, ekspansja japońska i zmiany demograficzne) uczyniły z tego obszaru „strefę kontaktu” w rozumieniu Mary Louise Pratt. Głównym tematem artykułu jest sposób opisu strefy kontaktu przez polskich i serbskich podróżników. Ich dzieła dają bowiem szczególną perspektywę, gdyż Polska i Serbia nie uczestniczyły w kolonialnej penetracji Chin, jednakże Serbowie i Polacy podróżowali do Państwa Środka, często reprezentując rosyjskie instytucje. Z tego względu obserwowali Chiny jako reprezentanci imperium, jednak nie identyfikowali się z nim w pełni. Analiza obrazu północno-wschodnich Chin jako strefy kontaktu dzieli się na trzy sekcje: 1) ekspansja polityczna i militarna, 2) relacje ekonomiczne i demograficzne, 3) zjawiska transkulturowe w życiu codziennym.
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Mittler, Barbara. "Rhapsody in Red: How Western Classical Music Became Chinese. By SHEILA MELVIN and JINDONG CAI. [New York: Algora Publishing, 2004. x+362 pp. ISBN 0-87586-179-2.]." China Quarterly 181 (March 2005): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005380106.
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This is a delightful book. It opens up a cultural arena much neglected in scholarship on China. Nine engagingly narrated chapters take us through the history of Sino-foreign musical contact since the late 19th century, with one digression, which goes back to encounters since the 16th century (chapter two). The book follows the life story of three important institutions (the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra, the Shanghai Conservatory and the Central Conservatory) and three important men: violinist Tan Shuzhen, who was the first Chinese to join the orchestra in colonial Shanghai; conductor Li Delun, who was trained in Moscow and managed to serve the government before, during and after the Cultural Revolution; and composer He Luting, one of the most outspoken protagonists in China's music world and long-time principal at the Shanghai Conservatory. The authors' approach of choosing “white elephants” to present the history of classical music in China, although unfashionable since Jauss, brings much cohesion and structural elegance to the volume.The book is at its best when using material from interviews conducted by the authors. Based on this evidence, the book comes to one important conclusion: contact between Chinese and foreign musicians in China was generally not antagonistic, either before or after 1949. Foreign musicians did not behave in a condescending manner, as “imperialists” and Chinese musicians hardly ever perceived them to do so. For obvious reasons, few Chinese (and, surprisingly, few foreign studies) on China's classical music scene have acknowledged this fact.The authors have done a beautiful job in telling their story. They must be lauded for having gone through a great variety of sources including contemporary newspaper articles, propaganda magazines, Party documents, as well as films, recordings and some of the very recent, and mostly biographical, secondary literature on the subject published in China. Since the book is conceived as a collective biography, it lacks detailed musical and historical analysis and it would have benefited from a few closer readings. For example, what precisely is the meaning of “national style” for people as different as Tcherepnin, Mao Zedong or Guo Wenjing? Musical analysis would have provided an answer. Why do the authors not make more of the fact that Jiang Qing advised the musicians writing a model symphony to watch – and, more importantly, listen – to music in Hollywood films in order to improve their compositional skills? A more explicit engagement with the technical and musical styles of the model works (the term model opera should really be reserved for the operas in the set and not all of the pieces which also comprised ballets and symphonic compositions) would have been illuminating here, for it would have shown how indebted they were to the same principles of music-making as Hollywood film music on the one hand and the Butterfly Violin Concerto on the other – both officially condemned during the Cultural Revolution. It is sad, too, that the balanced account of the Cultural Revolution years – which describes both the pain it caused to many an intellectual and the benefits it brought for Chinese musical life generally – focuses almost entirely on the first set of eight model works and leaves out the second, equally important set of ten produced later (chapter seven). There are a number of non sequiturs in this book that are inevitable in any pioneering work of this size.
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Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.
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The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States.
Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations.
Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "China – Foreign relations – 19th century"
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Luk, Gary Chi-hung. "The Opium War, overlapping empires, and China's water borders." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7390858e-60d2-4b92-9cff-156ea7d763f8.
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This thesis explains the relationships between the British Expedition to China, the Qing state, and the Chinese maritime and river population during the Opium War (1839-1842). Drawing on scholarship on borderlands and frontiers as well as a variety of textual and visual sources, the thesis argues that the Opium War transformed vast coastal and waterway regions in Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang, and Jiangsu provinces into what can be conceptualized as "water borders." These water borders were initially characterized by the existence of the Qing Empire's sea frontier, where the Qing rulers, with the "inner-outer paradigm" in mind, strove to maintain control over those labeled as "outer barbarians," "Han evildoers," "villainous fishers," and the "Dan." The rise of a British wartime frontier in China and its adverse effects on local transportation as well as Chinese regional and international trade, however, destabilized southeast China's socioeconomic order. With the Qing forces weakened, Chinese piracy was unleashed, and given limited British naval power, there was an absence of any militarily hegemonic power in southeast China's waters. The British occupation and naval blockade, moreover, resulted in the emergence of overlaps and interstices of the Qing and British empires. On the one hand, the British Expedition and the Qing state conflicted over managing Chinese merchant craft and their trade. On the other hand, subject to neither Qing nor British control, many Chinese people living along the coast and rivers took advantage of the wartime opportunities and expanded their activities and networks to fissures of Qing control and the newly opened interstitial space. The thesis engages with Opium War studies by 're-reorienting' the war toward the coast and revealing the war's three "inner" aspects, namely the Qing efforts to "tame" the sea frontier, British rule in wartime China, and the Qing-British conflicts over controlling Chinese littoral people. The thesis, moreover, contributes to scholarship on late imperial and modern Chinese littoral societies. It argues that while the war marked the beginning of an unprecedented-scale interaction of Chinese coastal and riverine people with Westerners in China, the evolution of Chinese littoral societies during the war was in fact a continuation of the preceding centuries. The Opium War, the thesis argues, brought about one of the most dramatic political-social upheavals in late imperial littoral China. Furthermore, the thesis revisits British imperialism in late imperial and modern China by looking at the origins of the British "formal empire," limitations of British power, and wartime aids of the "indigenous" population for the British. The thesis also reassesses the significance of the Opium War in the history of the Qing Empire. It argues that for the Qing state, its anti-opium campaign and anti-British war in 1839-1842 constituted one of the recurrent threats on the maritime frontier for the empire's first two centuries. It also highlights some aspects of similarities and linkage of the Qing Empire's maritime and inland borders. Furthermore, the thesis reevaluates the Qing's state capacity during the Opium War and in the following years, highlighting its partial ability to control the empire's littorals. Last but not least, the water border framework constructed in the thesis serves to underscore some aspects of continuity in the political and socioeconomic development of late imperial southeast China, and to facilitate comparison between different frontiers in the Qing Empire, Southeast Asia, and beyond.
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Ma, Guang. "Conflicts of interest : the opium problem in Guangdong, 1858-1917." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2536990.
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Lu, Jia Jin. "Chinese Soul in British colony :the traditional village life in the New Territories, 1898-1941." Thesis, University of Macau, 2016. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3537104.
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Song, Lin Feng. "The neutral policies of the Portuguese government of Macao during the Opium Wars." Thesis, University of Macau, 2000. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636592.
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Söylemez, Mehmet. "Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.
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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.
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Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
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Wang, Pan-yeung, and 王濱洋. "The role of the National People's Congress in Chinese foreign affairs in the reform era." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29773672.
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Silove, Nina. "Do great powers plan grand strategies? : the effects of strategic plans on the formation of grand strategy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711731.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. "Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
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Kokkinos, Stephanie Helen. "China in Africa: The use of soft power and its implications for a global peaceful rise." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20172.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.
Books on the topic "China – Foreign relations – 19th century"
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The commercial revolution in nineteenth-century China: The rise of Sino-Western mercantile capitalism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986.
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Deadly dreams: Opium, imperialism, and the Arrow War (1856-1860) in China. Cambridge [U.K.]: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
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The inner Opium War. Cambridge, Mass: Council on East Asian Studies/Harvard University, 1992.
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Imperial rivals: China, Russia, and their disputed frontier. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1996.
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Donghui, Xu, and Tan Ping, eds. Shi jiu shi ji qian de E Zhong wai jiao ji mao yi guan xi: The pre-19th century Russia-China diplomatic and trade relations. Changsha Shi: Yuelu shu she, 2010.
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Qinghua, Huang, ed. Faguo dui hua chuan jiao zheng ce: Qing mo wu kou tong shang he chuan jiao zi you (1842-1856). [China]: Zhongguo she hui ke xue Chu ban she, 1991.
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Opium, soldiers and evangelicals: Britain's 1840-42 war with China and its aftermath. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
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Sino-Japanese Transculturation: From the Late Nineteenth Century to the End of the Pacific War. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012.
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Woodhouse, Eiko. The Chinese Hsinhai revolution: G.E. Morrison and Anglo-Japanese relations, 1897-1920. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004.
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The Chinese Hsinhai revolution: G. E. Morrison and Anglo-Japanese relations, 1897-1920. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.
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Arpita Mathur. "Japan and China in India’s Foreign Policy." In China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 337–54. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_14.
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David Walton. "China and Japan in Australian Foreign Policy." In China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 355–75. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_15.
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Woodward, Jude. "Can China rise peacefully?" In The US vs China. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526121998.003.0003.
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The case that China must be contained rests on the premise that it is – or is about to – engage in a coercive expansion of its influence in ‘Central Asia, the South China Sea, the internet and outer space’ and it is only a matter of time before China tries ‘to push the United States out of the Asia-Pacific region, much the way the United States pushed the European great powers out of the Western hemisphere in the 19th century’. China’s rise is cast as dangerous for the security of its neighbours and world peace, with the only guarantee of regional and global stability the maintenance of the leading role of the US, particularly in Asia itself. This chapter examines the truth of these claims in the light of the China’s own explanation of the direction of its foreign policy. It argues that while China’s foreign policy has become more emphatic in pursuing its international interests, especially relating to trade and energy security, that there is a great deal of difference between greater confidence in pursuing China’s national interests and a new aggressive stance.
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"Christian-Muslim relations in 19th-century Japan." In Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History Volume 16 North America, South-East Asia, China, Japan, and Australasia (1800-1914), 485–506. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004429901_007.
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"14 Portuguese Foreign Relations in the 19th Century: the Role of External Threats 319." In The Representation of External Threats, 319–41. BRILL, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004392427_016.
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Cox, Michael. "15. The USA, China, and rising Asia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0015.
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This chapter examines the United States’ relations with China and other countries in Asia. It considers how a region wracked by insurgencies and wars for almost forty years was transformed from being one of the most disturbed and contested in the second half of the twentieth century, into becoming one of the more stable and prosperous by century’s end. The chapter begins with a discussion of the United States’ relations with Japan and then with China and Korea. It shows that at the end of the Cold War in Europe, hostility continued in the Korean peninsula, and that North Korea has consciously used nuclear weapons as a bargaining chip in order to ensure the survival of the regime. The chapter concludes by assessing the outlook for the Asia-Pacific region and future prospects for American hegemony in East Asia.
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"Christian missionaries and the Muslim community in China in the 19th century." In Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History Volume 16 North America, South-East Asia, China, Japan, and Australasia (1800-1914), 473–83. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004429901_006.
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"Commercial Relations Between Russia and China on the eve of the age of Imperialism (Second Half of the 19th Century)." In History of Economic Relations between Russisa & China, 75–98. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203789995-3.
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Conroy-Krutz, Emily. "Foreign Missions and Strategy, Foreign Missions as Strategy." In Rethinking American Grand Strategy, 311–28. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695668.003.0016.
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This chapter describes how thinking about American foreign missions provides an essential reminder of the sometimes hidden or overlooked role of religion in the history of foreign relations and policy. Accordingly, attention to foreign missions reveals the multiple ways that religious belief and priorities could shape political strategies. In foreign missionaries, one can see a group of early nineteenth-century Americans who had a grand plan for the role of the United States in the world. The United States was, in their view, one of the two seats of “true religion” in the world and accordingly it had a duty to lead the rest of the world toward a particular type of Christianity and “civilization.” This can be seen in the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions’ (ABCFM) general process of location selection as well as their early efforts in China, which they saw as a key strategic location in the overall project of the conversion of the world. Similar dynamics were at work in all of the board’s mission stations, but the particular interest that missionaries, merchants, and diplomats had in relations with China make it a particularly apt location for considering missionary and grand strategy.
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Greenberg, Udi. "From the League of Nations to Vietnam." In The Weimar Century. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159331.003.0006.
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This chapter focuses on theories of Hans J. Morgenthau, a German émigré specialist on foreign relations. In the years immediately after World War II, Morgenthau emerged as the highest intellectual authority on international relations in the United States. His theory, which became known as “realism,” explained why the United States had no choice but to oppose the Soviet Union and China and prevent them from expanding their power in Europe and East Asia. However, Morgenthau also opposed U.S. intervention in the Vietnam War. This dual position marked both the high point of the German–American symbiosis and the moment of its crisis.