Dissertations / Theses: 'China – Foreign relations – 19th century'

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Luk, Gary Chi-hung. "The Opium War, overlapping empires, and China's water borders." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7390858e-60d2-4b92-9cff-156ea7d763f8.

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This thesis explains the relationships between the British Expedition to China, the Qing state, and the Chinese maritime and river population during the Opium War (1839-1842). Drawing on scholarship on borderlands and frontiers as well as a variety of textual and visual sources, the thesis argues that the Opium War transformed vast coastal and waterway regions in Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang, and Jiangsu provinces into what can be conceptualized as "water borders." These water borders were initially characterized by the existence of the Qing Empire's sea frontier, where the Qing rulers, with the "inner-outer paradigm" in mind, strove to maintain control over those labeled as "outer barbarians," "Han evildoers," "villainous fishers," and the "Dan." The rise of a British wartime frontier in China and its adverse effects on local transportation as well as Chinese regional and international trade, however, destabilized southeast China's socioeconomic order. With the Qing forces weakened, Chinese piracy was unleashed, and given limited British naval power, there was an absence of any militarily hegemonic power in southeast China's waters. The British occupation and naval blockade, moreover, resulted in the emergence of overlaps and interstices of the Qing and British empires. On the one hand, the British Expedition and the Qing state conflicted over managing Chinese merchant craft and their trade. On the other hand, subject to neither Qing nor British control, many Chinese people living along the coast and rivers took advantage of the wartime opportunities and expanded their activities and networks to fissures of Qing control and the newly opened interstitial space. The thesis engages with Opium War studies by 're-reorienting' the war toward the coast and revealing the war's three "inner" aspects, namely the Qing efforts to "tame" the sea frontier, British rule in wartime China, and the Qing-British conflicts over controlling Chinese littoral people. The thesis, moreover, contributes to scholarship on late imperial and modern Chinese littoral societies. It argues that while the war marked the beginning of an unprecedented-scale interaction of Chinese coastal and riverine people with Westerners in China, the evolution of Chinese littoral societies during the war was in fact a continuation of the preceding centuries. The Opium War, the thesis argues, brought about one of the most dramatic political-social upheavals in late imperial littoral China. Furthermore, the thesis revisits British imperialism in late imperial and modern China by looking at the origins of the British "formal empire," limitations of British power, and wartime aids of the "indigenous" population for the British. The thesis also reassesses the significance of the Opium War in the history of the Qing Empire. It argues that for the Qing state, its anti-opium campaign and anti-British war in 1839-1842 constituted one of the recurrent threats on the maritime frontier for the empire's first two centuries. It also highlights some aspects of similarities and linkage of the Qing Empire's maritime and inland borders. Furthermore, the thesis reevaluates the Qing's state capacity during the Opium War and in the following years, highlighting its partial ability to control the empire's littorals. Last but not least, the water border framework constructed in the thesis serves to underscore some aspects of continuity in the political and socioeconomic development of late imperial southeast China, and to facilitate comparison between different frontiers in the Qing Empire, Southeast Asia, and beyond.

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Ma, Guang. "Conflicts of interest : the opium problem in Guangdong, 1858-1917." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2536990.

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Lu, Jia Jin. "Chinese Soul in British colony :the traditional village life in the New Territories, 1898-1941." Thesis, University of Macau, 2016. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3537104.

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Song, Lin Feng. "The neutral policies of the Portuguese government of Macao during the Opium Wars." Thesis, University of Macau, 2000. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636592.

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Söylemez, Mehmet. "Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.

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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.

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Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

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Wang, Pan-yeung, and 王濱洋. "The role of the National People's Congress in Chinese foreign affairs in the reform era." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29773672.

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Silove, Nina. "Do great powers plan grand strategies? : the effects of strategic plans on the formation of grand strategy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711731.

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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. "Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.

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Kokkinos, Stephanie Helen. "China in Africa: The use of soft power and its implications for a global peaceful rise." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20172.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.

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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.

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Chan, Seng In. "The discursive engineering of Chinese foreign policy in Xi Jinping's era :the case of the "One belt, one road" initiative." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953861.

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Sewell, William Shaw. "Japanese imperialism and civic construction in Manchuria, Changchun, 1905--1945." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ48709.pdf.

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Li, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.

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Leong, Chi Ian. "National power, international interdependence and state socialization : explaining China's diplomatic behaviour in climate change politics." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554612.

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Brundage, Mathew Thomas. "“Where We Would Extend the Moral Power of Our Civilization”: American Cultural and Political Foreign Relations with China, 1843-1856." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1448395090.

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Murayama-Cain, Yumi. "The Bible in imperial Japan, 1850-1950." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1717.

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This thesis undertakes to apply some of the insights from postcolonial criticism to understand the history of Christianity in Japan, focusing on key Christian thinkers in the period since Japan’s national isolation ended in the mid 19th century. It studies these theologians' interaction with the the Bible as a “canonical”text in the Western civilisation, arguing for a two-way connection between Japan’s reception of Christianity and reaction to the West. In particular, it considers the process through which Christianity was employed to support or criticise Japan’s colonial discourse against neighbouring Asian countries. In this process, I argue that interpretation of the Bible was a political act, informed not simply by the text itself, but also by the interpreter’s positionality in the society. The thesis starts by reviewing the history of Christianity in Japan. The core of the thesis consists of three chapters, each of which considers the thought of two contemporaries. Ebina Danjo (1866-1937) and Uchimura Kanzo (1861-1930) were two first-generation Christians who converted to Christianity through missionaries from the United States, and responded to Japan’s westernisation and military expansion from opposite perspectives. Kagawa Toyohiko (1888-1960) and Yanaihara Tadao (1893-1961) spoke about the country’s situation in the years preceding the Asia-Pacific War (1941-1945), and again reached two different conclusions. Nagai Takashi (1908-1951) and Kitamori Kazo (1916-1998) were Christian voices immediately after the war, and both dealt with the issue of suffering. Each chapter explores how the formation of their thoughts was driven by their particular historical, economic, and social backgrounds. The concluding chapter outlines Christian thought in Japan today and deals with the major issue facing Japanese theology: cultural essentialism.

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Schickerling, Elizabeth Jane. "The role of the China Africa Development Fund in China's Africa policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71761.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.

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Larson, Emily. "Negotiating Interpersonal Relations in 21st Century China: The Practices of China's Post-90s Generation and Their Implications to Teaching Chinese as a Foreign Language." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595514673748373.

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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.

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Zhang, Xiaotong. "The EU's trade relations with China, 1975-2008: a linkage power at work ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210151.

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The EU’s Trade Relations with China (1975-2008):

A Linkage Power at Work?

(Summary)

The central aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the EU’s power, in particular in its external trade relations/negotiations. Our hypothesis is that the EU is a distinctive kind of linkage power, defined as an actor relying on linkage as a crucial modus operandi in its external relations. We explored how, to what extent and in which distinctive ways the EU is such a linkage power.

Our analysis was based on three logically interrelated concepts – power resources, linkage and linkage power. Linkage refers to a leveraging strategy, with an aim of packaging relevant power resources, so as to increase leverage in bargaining, or more generally attain a policy objective. I identified seven types of linkages that the EU used: political-economic issue linkage, economic-economic issue linkage, conditionality, contextual linkage, linkage with a third party, cognitive linkage and synergistic linkage. Linkage can hardly work without proper power resources. The latter, as Dahl (1970) defined, refers to all the resources-opportunities, acts, objects etc – that an actor can exploit in order to affect the behaviour of another. So, linkage is a bridge between power resources and impacts – meaning affecting or changing the behaviour of another party. By putting linkage and power together, we created a new term – “linkage power”, referring to a power based on linkages. The EU, the US, China or any other power can all be such labelled, though these actors may diverge in power resources, linkage strategies and the variables affecting linkage effectiveness. When applying such an analytical framework to the EU, we gave particular attention to the implications of the EU’s sui generis nature on its linkage power.

Our case study is the EU’s trade relations with China (1975-2008), which were punctuated by two critical historical junctures – the Tian’anmen Square Incident in 1989 and the EU-China Textile Crisis in 2005. In 1975, The EEC’s successful strategy by linking political issues (Europe-China balancing the Soviet Union and recognising China’s sovereignty over Taiwan) with economic issues (signing the EEC-China Trade Agreement) played a crucial role in securing the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EEC and China. Different types of linkages were then applied to the EEC’s negotiations with Beijing on the 1978 Trade Agreement and the 1979 textile agreement, which effectively prompted the Chinese side to agree to the EU’s terms.

Immediately after the 1989 Tian’anmen Square Incident, the EC imposed economic sanctions with an aim of coercing China to accept Western world’s human rights conditions. This linkage did not last long or pay off due to divergent political and economic interests among the Member States and the EC’s institutional handicaps (foreign policy competence was largely in the hands of Member States, collective foreign policy action was non-binding), and soon de-linked.

Having realised that confrontational approach did not work well, the EC/EU and its Member States started to change their China policies in 1993-95. The period of 1993-2004 witnessed the EC/EU’s power through partnership. The strategic partnership was seen as a complex of different pairs of issue linkages, ranging from political-strategic issues to economic and human rights issues. The partnership, once established, had fostered new linkages and consolidated old ones. China’s WTO accession was seen as a once-in-a-century opportunity for the EU to exercise linkage through conditionality, so as to extract market access concessions from the Chinese side. Moreover, by linking with China could the European Commission garnered international support for advancing the Galileo project within the Union and ward off some of the US pressure in 2003.

The Year 2005 was singled out since an unprecedented trade row on textiles broke out, confronting the EU against China’s export prowess resulting from globalisation and China’s WTO accession. Linkages were used as a predominant strategy to help the EU to persuade and press the Chinese side firstly accept voluntary export restrictions and then share the burden of allowing the blocked textiles in European ports to be released. In 2006-08, the trade deficit problem emerged, coupled with a series political spats between Europe (France and Germany) and Beijing on the Tibet issue. As the EU-China honeymoon was over, the Commission toughened its approach towards China. Although linkage was again used to redress the trade deficit, its effects were not satisfactory, as the EU power resources were eroded.

Our conclusions are (1) linkage is a crucial modus operandi in the EU’s internal bargain and its external relations with China; (2) Linkage was generally effective vis-à-vis China, but with variations, either over time or across different linkage types; (3) The EU is a sui generis linkage power, resulting from its institutional characteristics and heterogeneity of interests among the Commission and Member States. We find that the EU’s increased institutionalisation (both regional and bilateral) and competences generally facilitated its use of linkage strategies. The EU’s sui generis structure and its internal interest divergences have mixed implications on its linkage effectiveness. On one hand, the EU’s linkage power was weakened accordingly. But on the other, the Commission could tactically make use of some Member State government’s row with Beijing and advance its own economic agenda (such as the EU-China High-level Economic and Trade Dialogue, HED). Moreover, our research also confirmed Andrew Moravcsik’s argument that issue linkage is more easily made within an issue-area than across issue-areas. But we differ from him on the reason behind that. We find that this was largely attributable to the EU’s pillar structure and competence divisions.

The theoretical contributions include: (1) Linkage power provides a distinctive prism to look into the EU’s concrete strategies in internal bargains, and external commercial negotiations. Linkage serves as a crucial strategy for the EU to handle its relations with a far-abroad country like China, including establishing diplomatic relations, negotiating trade deals, forging strategic partnerships and holding high-level dialogue. (2) Giving some insights to the EU’s actorness. We find that the EU, though institutionally not a unitary actor, was somehow able to present its power to the extent like a sovereign state on some occasions using linkage strategies. (3) Contributing to the understanding of the EU’s means to spread its governance model. We find that the EU’s norm-setting goals have often been achieved through non-normative ways – such as interest exchange and trade-off, and other deliberate ways of persuasion and even coercion, mainly based on linkage. (4) Shedding light on the interactions between the Commission and the Member State governments and on the Commission’s autonomy in external trade relations.

Two future directions of research have been identified: (1) comparative studies: the EU’s linkage practices vis-à-vis the US, Russia and middle powers, or other actors’ linkage strategies vis-à-vis China; (2) post-Lisbon linkage strategies used by the EU.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Duan, Xiao Lin. "The evolving definition of China's core interest and its implications." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595575.

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Chu, Wai Li. "We had no urge to do away an ex-colony: the changing views of the British government over Hong Kong's future, 1967-1979." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/399.

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This thesis discusses the British government's decision to maintain colonial rule in Hong Kong beyond 1997 between 1967 and 1979. After the 1967 riots, the Labour and Conservative governments started considering the negotiation of Hong Kong's future in the 1980s. Their views on Hong Kong's future evolved from the Labour's uncertainty, to Conservative's optimism, and finally to Labour's attempts to erase the 1997 deadline and to retain Hong Kong as a colony permanently. Factors taken into their considerations included Cold War, decolonisation, China's policies on Hong Kong, and Britain-Hong Kong relations. Both Labour and Conservative insisted on preserving British sovereignty over disputed colonies such as Hong Kong, the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar regardless of the worldwide decolonisation. Besides, their eagerness to contain Communism and maintain Britain's international status, and Hong Kong's strategic and psychological value in Cold War outweighed the deficiencies of Britain-Hong Kong relations and China's unpredictable policies. Therefore, Labour and Conservative governments intended to run Hong Kong as a colony perpetually rather than decolonise it as did in other colonies. To achieve this goal, the British government adopted a reform-oriented colonialism. It empowered the Hong Kong government to deliver social reforms to improve the colony's living standard, which were used to prepare a colony's decolonisation. After the 1967 riots, although Governor David Trench implemented this colonial idea regarding Hong Kong's future, he remained as a housekeeper and only looked for the short term. Succeeding Trench in 1971, Murray MacLehose established a responsive colonial administration and delivered the Conservative's long-term strategy--to widen the living standard between Hong Kong and China--to deter China from recovering the territory. Notable reforms were on government-people relations, housing, education, social welfare and medical and health services. By 1974, the Labour government followed and modified this strategy to justify British colonial rule in Hong Kong domestically and internationally. In this process, Hong Kong was able to design its social reforms, to counter Britain's interests and to reshape its relations with Britain into a partnership. Yet Britain delegated Hong Kong to do so only to remain ultimate control rather than decolonised it. In other words, delegation of power and improvement of living standard were Britain's tools to retain its colonial rule in Hong Kong perpetually. Colonialism and decolonisation were thus interrelated.

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McElrea, Patrick D. "The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29500.pdf.

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25

Turiano, Annalaura. "De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.

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En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en Égypte
In 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt

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李綱. "意識形態在二戰後40年代美國對華政策中的影響." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554427.

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申遠. "中國外交智庫及其在政府政策過程中的角色研究." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554426.

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Montgomery, Alison Skye. "Imagined families : Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern identity, 1830-1890." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bbfb161e-513d-4c2c-9325-4e60d17b4fba.

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Anglo-American kinship, as a set of historical continuities linking the United States to Great Britain and as a reckoning of relatedness, constituted a valuable cultural resource for Southerners as they contemplated their place within the American nation and outside in the nineteenth century. Like the more conventional calculations of consanguinity and familial belonging it referenced, the Anglo-American kinship was contingent, convoluted, and, not infrequently, contested. Articulated at various times by masters and former slaves, ministers and merchants, plantation mistresses and politicians, this sense of belonging to an imagined transatlantic family transcended the boundaries of gender, race, and class as readily as it traversed national borders. Though grounded in biogenetic factors, the language of Anglo-American kinship encompassed claims of belonging predicated on confessional faith, language, and institutions as well as blood. This thesis considers the interaction between conceptions of Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern national identity, both unionist and separatist, between 1830 and 1890 by examining institutions and social rituals that both inculcated filiopietism and constructed Southerness in the Civil War era and beyond. The subjects under consideration in this study include the role of European travel in forging Southern distinctiveness before the war, ring tournaments and the ethos of medieval chivalry they promoted, the Protestant Episcopal Church and its role in managing the sectional crisis, postbellum immigration societies and their vision of the plantation South remade in the image of British manors, and the role that state historical associations played in reunion and the entrenchment of the Lost Cause mythology as the predominant historical framework for interpreting the American Civil War.

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Cowaloosur, Honita. "Re-inscribing dependency : the political economy of Mauritius JinFei Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone Co. Ltd." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6444.

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This thesis investigates the capacity of the newly introduced Chinese Special Economic Zones in Africa (CSEZAs) to deliver ‘cooperation' and ‘mutual development' to China and Africa. Referring to existing scholarship on other forms of liberal spatial economics, it addresses the conceptual, methodological and theoretical void in which the subject of CSEZAs evolves in academia. As extensive global interactive processes are identified in the schema of the CSEZA, this thesis advocates Andre Gunder Frank's Dependency Theory as the appropriate prism through which to explicate the new zone format. Empirical data about the seven CSEZAs outline the problematic and development-conducive aspects of the zone model. It is argued here that the failure to customise the SEZ model to the African context is what corrodes the developmental prospects of the CSEZAs. The Mauritius JinFei Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone is taken as an example of a problematic CSEZA. A detailed analysis of the Mauritian case allows a visualisation of the respective role of China and the African state in the CSEZA context. As the exploitative and non-developmental nature of the CSEZA model (in its current form), is established, this thesis concludes that the CSEZA gives a new interpretation to the traditional practice of dependency. This new version, nonetheless, exacerbates the dialectic development-underdevelopment processes integral to the global capitalist economy.

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Fox, Senan James. "Uncharted waters in a new era : an actor-centered constructivist liberal approach to the East China Sea disputes, 2003 - 2008." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2080.

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This thesis examines the deep bilateral tensions surrounding the East China Sea (ECS) disagreements between Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the period from August 19th 2003 to June 18th 2008 from an actor-centred constructivist liberal viewpoint. The East China Sea disputes could be described as a conflicting difference of opinion over a) the demarcation of maritime territory and Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) in which potentially significant energy deposits exist and b) the ownership of the strategically important and historically sensitive Pinnacle (Senkaku/Diaoyu) Islands. This research addresses the question of why, given the fact that China and Japan have a strong interest in co-operation and stable relations with each other, small incidents in the ECS blow up into larger problems, cause approaches to the East China Sea to wax and wane, and move the relationship in a direction that goes against preferred national objectives? In attempting to unravel this puzzle, this work argues that domestic politics and popular negative sentiment have been the major issues that have greatly amplified and politicised the ECS problems and have significantly affected positive progress in negotiations aimed at managing and stabilising these disputes. By examining these, the thesis addresses the question of why China and Japan have been so constrained in their attempts to find a workable bilateral agreement over disputed energy resources and demarcation in the East China Sea. It also indirectly deals with the question of why the conflicting legal complexities surrounding these disagreements contributed to both states so fervently maintaining and defending their claims.

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Bezerra, Gustavo Alvim de Góes. "O império, a elite e o imperador: debates sobre a Europa na política externa brasileira do século XIX." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6951.

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A independência do Brasil, bem como de parte significativa da América Latina, ocorreu concomitantemente ao reestabelecimento da realidade política europeia após a Revolução Francesa. A Constituição brasileira de 1824, apesar de aparentar similaridades com o liberalismo francês, foi feita de forma a transformar o Brasil no modelo mais bem acabado de realidade política do Antigo Regime europeu. O engessamento da estrutura política decorria da existência de uma elite coesa, situação que punha à prova um modelo que teoricamente oferecia ao monarca o poder máximo, dada sua atribuição de alternar o grupo que estava no comando do país. Esse processo resultou quase que na transformação do imperador em um chanceler das decisões tomadas pelos membros da elite homogênea. Essa dinâmica política ocorre pari passu às tensões de modernização que permeiam a realidade europeia do século XIX e que refletem o aprofundamento do capitalismo da Segunda Revolução Industrial. O Brasil, pensado a partir do modelo do Antigo Regime europeu, encontrou no segundo reinado o ponto de inflexão a partir de iniciativas de modernização defendidas por D. Pedro II. Esse conflito intraelite é a tônica da análise feita a partir da hipótese de que o Brasil era um membro efetivo da Sociedade de Estados europeia, percepção decorrente do compartilhamento de valores havido com os países da Europa. Nesse espectro, constrói-se uma narrativa histórica na qual a História da Política Externa Brasileira e a História das Relações Internacionais são desenvolvidas conjuntamente. Essa narrativa visa superar as limitações impostas por uma noção de História restrita às questões de poder e disputas fronteiriças. Para a consecução desse objetivo recorreu-se a uma análise mais detalhada das atribuições do Conselho de Estado órgão representativo da elite imperial e das atas das reuniões havidas na seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros. A essa análise contrapôs-se aquela feita dos diários de D. Pedro II escritos durante suas três viagens ao Exterior (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). É pela contraposição dessas duas fontes primárias que se conclui que havia projetos diferentes para o país decorrentes de percepções diferentes sobre a realidade da Europa: se de um lado a Europa vista pela elite brasileira era aquela do Antigo Regime, D. Pedro II reconhecia os impulsos modernizantes das duas últimas décadas do século. Alguns dos quais ele tentou implementar no país.
Brazilian independency, as well as that of almost all Latin-American countries, happened at the same time as Europes restoration that followed the French Revolution. Brazilian Imperial Constitution of 1824, despite the appearance of similarity with the French liberalism, was built in a way to make Brazil become the country that better fit the European Ancien Regime model. The inelasticity of the political structure derived from the existence of a closely knit elite, whose dynamics forged the political roles in a way in which the emperor became almost a chancellor that executed the decisions made by the elite. Hes attribution of changing the ruling party was ineffective once the homogeneity of the group was so strong. Such reality happened while, in Europe, modernizing pressure were taking place as a consequence of the Second Industrial Revolution and the deepening of the capitalism the reality of the continent. During the reign of D. Pedro II, Brazil came to a turning point when the homogeneity of the elite breaks up with the Emperor supporting modernizing projects. This intra-elite conflict is in the core of the analysis made from the hypothesis that Brazil was a effective member of the European Society of States since it shared common values with the European countries. From there, a historical narrative is built, in which the History of Brazilian Foreign Policy and the History of International Relations are written together. This narrative aims at overcoming the limitations imposed by a notion of History restricted to issues of power and boundaries disputes. In order to fulfill this goal, the Conselho de Estado structure representative of the imperial elite and the minutes of the assemblies of the seção de Justiça e Negócios Estrangeiros are studied in depth. Running together with this analysis, is another one over the journals of D. Pedro II written during the three voyages he made abroad (1871-1873 / 1876-1877 / 1887-1888). It is by the comparison of these two sources that one can conclude that there were different projects to the country, and they were originated from different perceptions over the European reality: if for Brazilian elite it was still coherent to cope with the Ancien Régime, D. Pedro II pushed for modernizing the country during the two last decades of the century.

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32

Shimooka, Erina. "Une convention oubliée : la convention franco-ryûkyû de 1855. Les relations entre la France et le royaume des Ryûkyû durant les dernières décennies de l'époque d'Edo." Thesis, Université de Paris (2019-....), 2019. https://theses.md.univ-paris-diderot.fr/SHIMOOKA_Erina_va2.pdf.

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Au XIXe siècle, le royaume des Ryûkyû (actuelle préfecture d’Okinawa au Japon) était à la fois tributaire de la Chine des Qing et sous la domination des shôgun Tokugawa (via le fief de Satsuma). Toutefois, il conservait une large autonomie politique. Cherchant un point d’appui en Extrême-Orient, et ne pouvant avoir accès aux ports japonais en raison de la politique de « sakoku », la France de la Monarchie de Juillet a fixé son attention sur ce royaume et y a envoyé à partir de 1844 des militaires ainsi que des prêtres des Missions étrangères de Paris. La situation ainsi créée dans le royaume fut aussi inédite que complexe ; d’un côté, les autorités des Ryûkyû surveillaient très étroitement les étrangers présents, qu’elles isolaient de la population locale par tous les moyens ; d’un autre côté, les Français profitaient de l’occasion qui leur était donnée pour observer de l’intérieur cette contrée encore peu connue de l’Europe et pour tenter de l’évangéliser. Ce premier contact aboutit à la conclusion d’une convention, le 24 novembre 1855, entre la France et le royaume des Ryûkyû. Si cette convention ne fut finalement jamais ratifiée, elle a eu un impact important sur la politique extérieure des Ryûkyû. Elle a également pesé sur les premières relations franco-japonaises
In the 19th century, the kingdom of Ryûkyû kingdom (now Okinawa Prefecture in Japan) was both dependent on Qing China and under the rule of Tokugawa shogun (via the Satsuma fief). However, he retained a broad political autonomy.Seeking a fulcrum on the Far East, and unable to access Japanese ports due to Sakoku’s policy, the France of the July Monarchy paid attention to this kingdom and sent military as well as priests of the Foreign Missions of Paris, as a result of which the situation in the kingdom became quite complex; on the one hand, the Ryûkyû closely monitored the foreigners by isolating them from the rest of the local population by all means. On the other hand, the French took advantage of the situation to focus on this barely known region and to try to evangelize it. This first contact led to the conclusion of a convention, on November 24, 1855, between France and the Ryûkyû kingdom. Despite the fact the convention was never ratified, it had as significant impact on the Ryûkyû’s foreign policy. It also affected the first Franco-Japanese relations
19世紀、琉球王国（現・沖縄県）は清の朝貢国であり、また薩摩藩を介し幕藩体制に組み込まれた「二重朝貢国家」であった。しかし、対外的には清（中国）との関係を前面に出すことで対日関係（薩琉関係）を隠蔽し、また国内においても一定の主体性を保持していた。同時期、東アジアにおける拠点を探していた七月王政下のフランスは琉球王国に注目し、1844年、フランス海軍籍のアルクメーヌ号を派遣、パリ外国宣教会所属の宣教師を留置した。当時、ヨーロッパにおいて琉球王国の存在こそ知られていたものの、王国の特殊性―日中両属、特に薩摩藩との関係―は未だ解明されていない中での進出であった。海洋国家ゆえ、異国船の来航や遭難はままある事態であったが、西洋人の長期滞在は異例のことであり、琉球王府はアルクメーヌ号来琉によって作り出された新たな状況への対応を余儀なくされた。王府は異国人（フランス人宣教師）を隔離、彼らの行動を厳しく監視・制限するとともに、自国民へも異国人との交流や接触を禁じた。一方、フランス人宣教師達は滞琉中に国状の観察、現地語（琉球方言ならびに日本語）の習得に励むとともに、キリスト教の布教も試みていた。1855年11月24日、琉球王国とフランスは琉仏条約を締結した。この条約は結果的に批准されることはなかったが、条約の条項は1840年代におけるフランス人宣教師の滞琉経験を反映したものとなっており、またこの条約の締結によって琉球王府は自国の対外政策に変更・修正を加えた。1840年から1850年代のフランス人宣教師達の滞琉経験は1858年の日仏修好通商条約締結から始まる最初期の日仏関係に影響を与え、また活かされることになった。

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33

Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040252.

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Officier de cavalerie originaire de la noblesse picarde, Armand de Caulaincourt (1773-1827) gravit rapidement tous les échelons de la cour consulaire puis impériale, devenant en 1804 grand-écuyer de l’Empire. Mais, malgré l’importance de ses fonctions curiales, Napoléon le destine à une carrière de diplomate. Après différentes missions, il le nomme ambassadeur de France en Russie, à la fin de l’année 1807. Fervent partisan de l’alliance de Tilsit, Caulaincourt participe à toutes les grandes négociations franco-russes mais doit assister à la lente dégradation des relations entre les deux empires. À son retour à Paris en 1811, son bilan politique est maigre. Sa défense opiniâtre du tsar Alexandre, mais surtout son opposition à la campagne militaire qui se prépare, irritent Napoléon. Elles lui permettent toutefois d’acquérir une nouvelle stature après le désastre de Russie : pour ses contemporains Caulaincourt devient l’« homme de la paix ». Une image que Napoléon réutilise lorsqu’il le charge de le représenter aux congrès de Prague (1813) et de Châtillon (1814). Le duc de Vicence, devenu ministre des Relations extérieures, ne parvient pas à faire accepter la paix ; il lui faut finalement négocier l’abdication de Napoléon et renoncer, après les Cent-Jours, à toute carrière politique. Cette étude, qui s’appuie sur les archives personnelles de Caulaincourt et ses célèbres Mémoires, entend redonner toute son importance à cette figure majeure du Premier Empire, en insistant sur son action et sa pensée dans le domaine de la diplomatie. L’exemple de ce parcours devant permettre de contribuer à reconsidérer et réévaluer le rôle du personnel diplomatique napoléonien
A cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel

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34

Leggatt, Nick. "China and France in the nineteenth century." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/33355.

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In studying Western, especially French, imperialist action in China during the nineteenth century, this thesis argues that contemporary Sino-Western relations took various forms across various social strata on both sides, and the general terms used to classify them are erroneous: in effect, there was no "Chinese" response to "the West," since there were several, and vice-versa. In the first main section of the thesis, the historiographical accepted wisdom about China's reactions to Western intrusion are repudiated or qualified. The next section of the thesis deals with French imperialism, through the eyes of the French and other Westerners. In so far as one can speak generally of French aims, it is demonstrated that the French both at home and abroad in general exploited China almost solely for national prestige. The next part looks at the variety of responses among four classes of Chinese people to Western intrusion, and the lasting legacy of Western thought as it relates to change in China. It is posited that although imperialist actions certainly served as a catalyst for Chinese nationalism, the transition between "traditional" and "modern" China was not a completely new break caused entirely by Western influence, but a series of rational changes brought about at least as much by China's domestic structure as external relations.
Graduation date: 1999

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"The circulation of foreign silver coins in southern coastal provinces of China, 1790-1890." 2006. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896464.

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Gong Yibing.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 109-121).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter Chapter I. --- Basic Monetary Terms --- p.9
Basic Functions of Money --- p.10
China´ةs Bimetallism --- p.16
The Terminology --- p.19
Chapter Chapter II. --- The Influx of Foreign Silver Coins into China --- p.22
Chapter Chapter III. --- The Circulation of Foreign Silver Coins --- p.39
The Spread of Foreign Silver Coins in China --- p.39
Case Study I: Fujian --- p.46
Case Study II: Guangdong --- p.65
Case Study III: Jiangsu and Zhejiang --- p.82
Conclusion --- p.101
Bibliography --- p.108

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Fanning, Sara. "Haiti and the U.S. : African American emigration and the recognition debate." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3874.

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My dissertation examines the cultural, political, and economic relationship between Haiti and the United States in the early nineteenth century--a key period in the development of both young nations. Most scholarship on this relationship has revolved around either the Haitian Revolution or later periods, from the mid-nineteenth century onward. Through trade, migration, and politics, the two countries had a more substantial role in one another's formative years than the literature currently suggests. Haitian leaders actively sought to attract African Americans to the island and believed they were crucial to improving Haiti's economic and political standing. African Americans became essential players in determining the nature of Haiti and U.S. relations, and the migration of thousands to Haiti in the 1820s proved to be the apogee of the two countries' interconnectedness. Drawing on a variety of materials, including emigrant letters, diary accounts, travelers' reports, newspaper editorials, the National Archives' Passenger Lists, Haitian government proclamations, Haitian newspapers, and American, British, and French consulate records, I analyze the diverse political and social motivations that fueled African American emigration. The project links Haitian nation building and Haitian struggles for recognition to American abolitionism and commercial development.
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Hoskins, Ty. "United States grand strategy and Taiwan : a case study comparison of major theories." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3792.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Many authors, critics, and policy makers question the presence of a unified grand strategy with which the United States has striven toward in recent years. This is a topic worthy of pursuit since such a strategy is responsible for identifying how this nation intends to accomplish its goals. This thesis defines what, if any, grand strategy the United States is currently pursuing. It observes several prominent theories of grand strategy, from both the realist and liberal perspectives. This analysis is set in context of historical grand strategy decisions since World War II and uses the framework of Taiwan as the case study. The thesis then compares the three theories, Selective Engagement, Offshore Balancing, and the Liberal Milieu and their recommendations to real-world activities of the United States with a focus primarily on military deployments and national objectives. The study reveals that of the three in question, the Liberal Milieu grand strategy is the only one that is supported by ongoing deployments in the East Asia region as well as by the national rhetoric which define our policy objectives.

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Callahan, Manuel. "Mexican border troubles : social war, settler colonialism and the production of frontier discourses, 1848-1880 /." Thesis, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3116266.

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Turiano, Anna-Laura. "De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970)." Thesis, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.

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En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en Égypte
In 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt

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Liu, Zhao. "Taiwanese accounts of the meaning of their national identity : a qualitative study." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3796.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The national identity of Taiwanese people has been a topic under public debate and academic inspection since Taiwan’s democratization in the 1980s and the 1990s. In this study, I interviewed fifteen Taiwanese students studying in the United States and talked with them about their national identity. Interviews with the fifteen students reveal that an independent Taiwanese identity has taken shape, while a Chinese cultural identity still remains part of the Taiwanese identity. It was also discovered that although a Taiwanese national identity has formed, a Taiwanese ethnicity has not yet taken a complete form. Discussions with the Taiwanese students also indicate that studying in the multi-cultural United States renders them more aware of their Taiwanese national identity, as well as their Chinese cultural identity.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'China – Foreign relations – 19th century'

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