To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: China – Foreign relations – 19th century.
Journal articles on the topic 'China – Foreign relations – 19th century'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'China – Foreign relations – 19th century.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Dickson, Bruce J. "The United States and China: Into the Twenty-First Century (Third Edition). By Michael Schaller. [New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 242 pp. Hard cover $45.00, ISBN 0-19-513758-2; paperback $23.95, ISBN 0-19-513759-0.]." China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 523–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000944390323031x.
Full textAbstract:
This useful textbook provides an overview of US–China relations between the late 19th century and the beginning of the 21st. It gives a clear chronology of events and covers the main events and issues in the relationship. It also embeds the description of these events and issues in the larger international and domestic contexts, allowing it to mesh easily with other textbooks that focus either on China's foreign relations in general or on its domestic developments.
2
Kireeva, A. A. "JAPANS’S CHINA STRATEGY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(32) (October 28, 2013): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-5-32-39-46.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the transformation of Japan’s strategy vis-a-vis China. China and Japan are the most powerful states in East Asia in economic, political and military dimensions. They constitute two poles which shape the regional subsystem of international relations. China’s rise presents a considerable challenge for Japan’s foreign policy alongside with immense opportunity for the state’s development, with Japan’s and China’s positions, as well stability in East Asia resting upon Japan’s strategy towards China. Japan’s China strategy in the aftermath of World War II prior to 2010-2011 can be characterized as engagement with elements of containment. Japan has to a significant degree accommodated China’s rise by facilitating the successful implementation of its grand strategy, seen as the restoration of a great power status that China lost in the 19th century opium wars. The beginning of the 21st century saw a reassessment of Japan’s foreign policy and adopting a proactive stance. There is a divergence of opinion as to Japan’s strategy towards China in 2000s: while a number of scholars believe that there was a shift to balancing, others conclude that no such trend existed and “hedging” would be a more accurate definition, as it enables a state to protect from risks with regional coalitions. The early 2010s have seen Japan’s China strategy increasingly transforming into balancing and containment influenced by Japan’s growing perception of China’s maritime activities in the East China Sea as a threat to its security. However, there is growing possibility of adopting a “dual hedging” strategy, as China is first of all regarded as the key economic partner for Japan’s successful development.
3
Kozlov, L. E. "The Diplomatic Status of the Joseon Kingdom in the Context of the Competition among China, Japan and Russia on the Korean Peninsula (Late 19th Century)." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.83.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of the 19th century Korea took the first steps towards developing a modern model of diplomacy. This process was hampered by the inertia of vassal-suzerain relations with China and the uncertain status of Korea on the global arena. The author analyzed the indications of incomplete sovereignty of the Joseon Kingdom and its attempts to conduct sovereign diplomacy. The attitude of the great powers to Joseon has been considered. The uncertainty of Korea's diplomatic status at the end of the 19th century can be illustrated by the following contradiction. On the one hand, the great powers recognized Korea's sovereignty as a limited one and assigned a minister resident or consul general, which corresponds to the third and fourth level of a diplomatic representative. On the other hand, the Qing government prevented Joseon from pursuing an independent foreign policy, but could not shape it at its discretion. In 1901-1902, the diplomatic status of the Joseon Kingdom finally became fully sovereign de jure, de facto though internal problems and weaknesses did not disappear, and in 1904–1905 a Japanese protectorate over Korea was established.
4
Ma, Shu-yun. "Recent Changes in China's Pure Trade Theory." China Quarterly 106 (June 1986): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000038583.
Full textAbstract:
The importance of international trade to the Chinese economy has been growing since the formal approval of the open-door policy at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978. However, trade expansion in China faces three constraints. First, there is the theoretical problem that orthodox ideology makes it illegitimate for a socialist country to have a large foreign trade sector. Secondly, there is the institutional problem that the Soviet-type foreign trade mechanism, characterized by a state monopoly of foreign trade, a centralized foreign trade plan, and insulation of domestic from foreign prices, is incapable of handling trade expansion in an efficient manner. Thirdly, there is the economic problem that the lack of competitiveness of domestic goods in the international market limits the country's export and thus import capacity. While the new Chinese leaders are making immense efforts to remove these constraints, this article will focus only on the first. The anti-trade attitude of Communist China is the combined result of China's historical heritage and Marxist ideology. The long history of self-sufficiency in “feudal” China meant that trade was never an imperative economic need. When contact with the west increased in the 19th century, international trade was associated with an influx of opium, an outflow of silver, and a series of unequal treaties. Such an unhappy, early experience of contact with the west has left China sensitive to any increase in international trade.
5
Komarova, A. A., and V. P. Podolnikov. "The Reasons for the Emigration of the Korean Population to the Far East in the 60-70s 19th Century." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (206) (July 6, 2020): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-2-56-61.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers two groups of reasons that contributed to the emigration of the Korean population to the Far East in the second half of the 19th century. On the one hand, the resettlement of Koreans was facilitated by the internal problems of the Korean Peninsula, which included both the difficult socio-economic situation of the Korean peasants and a series of natural disasters that caused the majority of the population starvation. On the other hand, the migration legislation of the Russian Empire, aimed at the quickest settlement of newly acquired territories in the Far East, encouraged emigrants to choose our country with the promising benefits and desert fertile soils. The work also touches on the diplomatic relations of three countries (Russia, Korea and China), which were the prerequisites for the first Korean migration flows to territories belonging to the Russian Empire. The special relations of China and Korea are emphasized, as well as the main priorities of the foreign policy of Korea of that period, expressed in the so-called “closeness” of the country. The causes of economic and subsequent social problems of Korea are analyzed. The main stages of the annexation of the territories of the Far East to Russia are studied, and the attitude of the Russian authorities towards Korean immigrants is noted. It is concluded that there are a large number of unrelated factors that led to the subsequent migration of Koreans to the Far East.
6
Park, Jung Mee, and Chun-Ping Wang. "Interpreting the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations of 1882 between Chosŏn and the Qing: How logics of appropriateness shaped Sino–Korean relations." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 1 (September 5, 2019): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919871704.
Full textAbstract:
Prior research on Qing China’s relationship towards Chosŏn Korea in the late 19th century suggested that China’s influence over Korea was a continuation of the tribute system. However, the Qing’s awareness of Westphalian laws altered Sino–Korean relations. In 1882, Qing China signed the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations with Chosŏn Korea. Unlike the previous treaties that China signed with western states, the Qing negotiated terms economically beneficial to China in the agreement. The Qing officials determined much of the terms found in the Regulations. The Qing officials had leverage over Chosŏn officials partly because China had amassed cultural capital through centuries of tributary exchanges. The logics of appropriateness (LoA) or ‘bounded rationality’ of the tribute system shaped the Qing’s and Chosŏn’s responses, even in treaty negotiations. We argued that the Regulations reflected the Qing’s attempts to ‘modernize’ tributary relations with Westphalian LoA in light of the Qing’s own domestic crisis. Domestic insurrections such as the Taiping Rebellion led members of the self-strengthening ( Ziqiang) movement to focus on foreign affairs and adopt Westphalian international laws. The Qing’s goals to self-strengthen via an unequal agreement with Chosŏn, however, failed when westerners criticized China’s perceived suzerain authority over Korea. The criticisms highlighted the cleavages between the tributary and Westphalian systems as individuals attempted to justify their roles within these institutions.
7
Levin, Ya A. "Proclamation of the PRC: Reaction of the American Press." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 262–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-12-262-270.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the reaction of the American press to such an important historical event as the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The emergence of a new communist state in the East was a great shock and blow to the foreign policy ambitions of the United States, which developed in the logic of a global confrontation with the Soviet Union. China, rich in resources since the end of the 19th century, has been the scene of a constant clash of interests of various states, as a result, on the eve and, especially, after World War II, the two main political forces operating in this territory — the Communist Party of China (CCP) and the nationalist party Kuomintang — found themselves powerful patrons in the form of the USSR and the USA. The topic of the reaction of the American press to the actual failure or, as he later said, was dubbed by numerous experts and publicists who wrote about China — the “loss of China” is an interesting marker of how socio-political thought developed in the American media. American journalists are trying to predict the political consequences of the “loss”, to level the image damage caused to the population by Washington’s foreign policy, to convey the facts and at the same time assess the situation in the region. The study of US press articles will make it possible to better understand the development of American ideas about China and its place in the new paradigm of international relations, to better explore the level of media awareness of this region and the impact that ideas and assessments broadcast by journalists had on society, as well as generally to better understand the initial reaction of American society to the founding of the PRC. Many of the ideas formed at that time remain today an important component of the discursive practices of US public and political life, especially taking into account the complex relations between modern China and the United States.
8
Ewertowski, Tomasz. "Northeast China as a Contact Zone in Polish and Serbian Travelogues, 1900-1939." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 6 (November 22, 2017): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2017.004.
Full textAbstract:
Northeast China as a Contact Zone in Polish and Serbian Travelogues, 1900-1939Historically, Northeast China (Manchuria) was a border zone between China and nomadic peoples, as well as between Russian and Qing empires since the 17th century. In the second half of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century, a number of factors (penetration by foreign powers, collapse of the Qing Empire, revolution in Russia, Japanese expansion and demographic changes) transformed this area into “a contact zone” in the sense given by Mary Louise Pratt. The main focus of the article is the way in which this contact zone was described by Polish and Serbian travellers. Their can provide a special outlook, because Poland and Serbia did not participate extensively in the colonial penetration into China, however, Serbs and Poles travelled there, often representing Russian institutions. Therefore they were observing China as agents of imperial force, but they did not identify themselves fully with it. Our analysis of the image of Northeast China as a contact zone will be divided into three broad sections: 1) political and military expansion, 2) economic and demographic relations, 3) transcultural phenomena of everyday life. Chiny Północno-Wschodnie jako strefa kontaktu w polskich i serbskich relacjach podróżniczych w latach 1900-1939Północno-wschodnie Chiny (Mandżuria) są historyczną granicą między Chinami a ludami wędrownymi, od siedemnastego wieku również między Rosją a imperium dynastii Qing. W drugiej połowie dziewiętnastego wieku, a zwłaszcza w pierwszej połowie dwudziestego szereg czynników (penetracja przez obce mocarstwa, upadek dynastii Qing, rewolucja w Rosji, ekspansja japońska i zmiany demograficzne) uczyniły z tego obszaru „strefę kontaktu” w rozumieniu Mary Louise Pratt. Głównym tematem artykułu jest sposób opisu strefy kontaktu przez polskich i serbskich podróżników. Ich dzieła dają bowiem szczególną perspektywę, gdyż Polska i Serbia nie uczestniczyły w kolonialnej penetracji Chin, jednakże Serbowie i Polacy podróżowali do Państwa Środka, często reprezentując rosyjskie instytucje. Z tego względu obserwowali Chiny jako reprezentanci imperium, jednak nie identyfikowali się z nim w pełni. Analiza obrazu północno-wschodnich Chin jako strefy kontaktu dzieli się na trzy sekcje: 1) ekspansja polityczna i militarna, 2) relacje ekonomiczne i demograficzne, 3) zjawiska transkulturowe w życiu codziennym.
9
Mittler, Barbara. "Rhapsody in Red: How Western Classical Music Became Chinese. By SHEILA MELVIN and JINDONG CAI. [New York: Algora Publishing, 2004. x+362 pp. ISBN 0-87586-179-2.]." China Quarterly 181 (March 2005): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005380106.
Full textAbstract:
This is a delightful book. It opens up a cultural arena much neglected in scholarship on China. Nine engagingly narrated chapters take us through the history of Sino-foreign musical contact since the late 19th century, with one digression, which goes back to encounters since the 16th century (chapter two). The book follows the life story of three important institutions (the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra, the Shanghai Conservatory and the Central Conservatory) and three important men: violinist Tan Shuzhen, who was the first Chinese to join the orchestra in colonial Shanghai; conductor Li Delun, who was trained in Moscow and managed to serve the government before, during and after the Cultural Revolution; and composer He Luting, one of the most outspoken protagonists in China's music world and long-time principal at the Shanghai Conservatory. The authors' approach of choosing “white elephants” to present the history of classical music in China, although unfashionable since Jauss, brings much cohesion and structural elegance to the volume.The book is at its best when using material from interviews conducted by the authors. Based on this evidence, the book comes to one important conclusion: contact between Chinese and foreign musicians in China was generally not antagonistic, either before or after 1949. Foreign musicians did not behave in a condescending manner, as “imperialists” and Chinese musicians hardly ever perceived them to do so. For obvious reasons, few Chinese (and, surprisingly, few foreign studies) on China's classical music scene have acknowledged this fact.The authors have done a beautiful job in telling their story. They must be lauded for having gone through a great variety of sources including contemporary newspaper articles, propaganda magazines, Party documents, as well as films, recordings and some of the very recent, and mostly biographical, secondary literature on the subject published in China. Since the book is conceived as a collective biography, it lacks detailed musical and historical analysis and it would have benefited from a few closer readings. For example, what precisely is the meaning of “national style” for people as different as Tcherepnin, Mao Zedong or Guo Wenjing? Musical analysis would have provided an answer. Why do the authors not make more of the fact that Jiang Qing advised the musicians writing a model symphony to watch – and, more importantly, listen – to music in Hollywood films in order to improve their compositional skills? A more explicit engagement with the technical and musical styles of the model works (the term model opera should really be reserved for the operas in the set and not all of the pieces which also comprised ballets and symphonic compositions) would have been illuminating here, for it would have shown how indebted they were to the same principles of music-making as Hollywood film music on the one hand and the Butterfly Violin Concerto on the other – both officially condemned during the Cultural Revolution. It is sad, too, that the balanced account of the Cultural Revolution years – which describes both the pain it caused to many an intellectual and the benefits it brought for Chinese musical life generally – focuses almost entirely on the first set of eight model works and leaves out the second, equally important set of ten produced later (chapter seven). There are a number of non sequiturs in this book that are inevitable in any pioneering work of this size.
10
Rosi, Bruno Gonçalves. "Brazil-USA relations from Tiradentes to Barão do Rio Branco." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (May 22, 2017): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n1.04.p37.
Full textAbstract:
The Baron of Rio Branco is popularly known as the greatest diplomat in Brazil's history. In the literature on Brazilian Foreign Policy, the Baron is seen (along with Joaquim Nabuco) as the founder of Americanism, a foreign policy paradigm in which bilateral relations with the United States were privileged within the Brazilian diplomatic agenda. This paradigm has been adopted with little opposition by the Foreign Ministry until the 1950s, when it was gradually replaced by a globalist paradigm that defines the Brazilian foreign policy since. Without completely denying this now traditional perspective, this article makes a brief assessment of relations between Brazil and the United States in the 19th century, ie before the Baron became foreign minister of Brazil. What is observed is that Brazil and the United States had peaceful, although distant, relations during most of the 19th century. This scenario, however, went through significant changes at the end of the century. Thus, it is important to note that the Baron and Nabucco have not created a new paradigm without any precedent. The analysis provided here is intended to help better consider the role of the Baron and Nabucco in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, particularly in relations between Brazil and the United States.
Keywords: Baron of Rio Branco; Joaquim Nabuco; Brazil-USA relations.
Recebido em: outubro/2016;Aprovado em: abril/2017.
11
Mamytkhanov, D. K. "FORMATION OF THE KAZAKH DIASPORA IN MONGOLIA AND CHINA." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 74, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-2.1728-8940.09.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes the border treaty between Russia and China in the 19th century, the situation with the resettlement of Kazakhs who fled for various reasons at the beginning of the last century from the partition of Mongolia during the country's independence in the early 20th century. The need to clarify the relationship between irredentists and the diaspora in these states is discussed. Indeed, in modern Kazakhstani society, raising such a topic is of great importance in the formation of a positive attitude of the people towards a foreign brother.
12
Huang, Can. "Recent Development of the Intellectual Property Rights System in China and Challenges Ahead." Management and Organization Review 13, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mor.2017.2.
Full textAbstract:
As Peng, Ahlstrom, Carraher, and Shi (2017) rightly noted, Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) protection in a country is not static. It evolves over time. Peng et al. (this issue) revealed through their historical analysis that during the 19th century, the US was not a leading IPR advocate but a leading IPR violator. It was only when indigenous inventors, authors, and organizations of the US emerged and demanded protection of their IPR in foreign countries in the late 19th century that the US passed the International Copyright Act (the Chace Act) in 1891 to extend IPR protection to foreign works. The US case illustrated that a country's IPR system as an institution evolves as its economy and society develop. If we examine this evolution over a relatively long time span, the change can be quite dramatic. Therefore, when reviewing a country's IPR system, an important question to be asked is in which direction the country's IPR system evolves.
13
GORE, Lance L. P. "Seizing the “Trump Opportunity” and Engaging the World: Chinese Foreign Policies in 2017." East Asian Policy 10, no. 01 (January 2018): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000053.
Full textAbstract:
In 2017 China took advantage of the Trump administration’s “America-first” foreign policy to reinforce the three general trends of Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping. US-China relations had a slow, hesitant start but turned out unexpectedly well. However, China botched on the Korean Peninsula and had yet to put its relationship with India on a constructive path. The 19th Party Congress’s blueprint for Chinese development requires a bigger role for China on the world stage.
14
Dequan, Z. "World Order in XXI Century: Look from China." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2013): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-6-102-109.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the experience and results of China's foreign policy in a changing world order of the XXth century. The author examines China’s foreign policy outlook and opportunities in the context of force balance between world major political players of the first decade of the XXIst century. Also the prospects of the multipolar world and possibilities of international cooperation in order to maintain peace and security in the world are estimated.
15
Hung, Eva. "The Role of the Foreign Translator in the Chinese Translation Tradition, 2nd to 19th Century." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 11, no. 2 (December 31, 1999): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.11.2.03hun.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This is the first comprehensive study of the crucial role non-Chinese translators played in China's translation history. Drawing from records of three peak periods of translation activities in China, some dating back to as early as the mid-2nd century, the author presents the case of China's traditional reliance on foreign assistance in culturally important translation work, and argues that this was a direct result of the norms within mainstream Chinese culture. The article also explains how China's translation tradition underwent a dramatic change at the turn of the 20th century, and the disruptive effects this has had on translation scholarship.
16
Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.
Full textAbstract:
In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.
17
Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044508.
Full textAbstract:
In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.
18
Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.
Full textAbstract:
For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
19
Aristizábal, Carolina. "China-Japan bilateral relations: the unforgettable result of history." Revista Digital Mundo Asia Pacífico 6, no. 11 (December 12, 2017): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/map.v6.i11.03.
Full textAbstract:
This research has the purpose of analyzing the sino-japanese bilateral relations since World War II until now, specifically from the aspects and facts that have affected it politically. In that sense, first, the Second Sino-japanese War is presented as the initial point for evaluating this relationship in the XX century; afterwards, the article evidences the main characteristics of the chinese and japanese foreign policy in the first two decades of the XXI century; finally, the text examines both countries position towards the North Korean nuclear program.
20
Kudryavtseva, E. P. "Russian-Greek Political and Ecclesiastical Relations in 20-30s of the 19th Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-26-40.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the Russian-Greek ecclesiastical and political relations before and during the Eastern Crisis of the 1820s. After the start of the Greek uprising in 1821, Russia took an ambivalent position: as a patron of all orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire, it sought to support the Greeks, but Russia also had to recognize the Greek revolution as an illegitimate rebellion. As a member of the Holy Alliance of European Powers Russia had no other choice but to adhere to the principles of legitimism. Russia had both political and economic interests in the region. After the Greek uprising, main powers in the Western Europe had no doubt that Russia would support the rebels. Nevertheless, Russia regarded the Greek rebellion as another European revolution. After a successful war of independence, Russia established its diplomatic mission in the Greek capital. The first ambassador was P.I. Rickman, who arrived with aim to provide political relations with this new Balkan state. If political support of the rebellion could find no understanding in the conservative European circles, the aid of the Orthodox Balkan Church was implied by the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca 1774. Special attention in this support, provided by the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church to the Greek monasteries, was paid to the Athos monasteries. This support was designed by a special document. It was adopted in 1735 under the Empress Anna Ivanovna and was subject to execution in subsequent years. The Archive of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has kept lists of all Orthodox monasteries on the territory of the Ottoman Empire that enjoyed material support from the Russian church; a significant part of this list are the Orthodox churches of Greece.
21
Davydova, Yulia A., Olga P. Kokoulina, and Natalia N. Denisenkova. "US FOREIGN POLICY AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURY: RELATIONS WITH CHINA." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and Political Science), no. 2 (2019): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2019-2-95-102.
Full text
22
Sirotkina, Evgenya V. "The Image of Austria in Russian Public Opinion in the XIX – Early XX Century." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-364-369.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the process of forming the image of Austria in Russian public opinion in the 19th – early 20th century. The author pays main attention to the influence that public opinion had during this period on the development of Russian-Austrian relations. The author concludes that the negative image of Austria formed in public opinion had a significant impact on the development of the Russian government’s foreign policy, hindered the search for compromises and pushed for confrontation.
23
Abdirazak, A., and T. Z. Kayirken. "Interstate relations between the Russian Empire and China in the second half of the 19th century." Bulletin of the L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 131, no. 2 (2020): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2020-131-2-56-62.
Full text
24
Suprayitno, Suprayitno, Ratna Ratna, and Handoko Handoko. "Salt Trading in Deli: Relationship between Karo and Coastal Area in 19th Century." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 7, 2019): 298–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i4.618.
Full textAbstract:
In the East Coast region of Sumatra trade patterns between inland and coastal areas have occurred since the pre-colonial period. If we pull back, the Coastal region and the interior have been trading since the 14th century; this can be seen from the archaeological findings of ancient foreign ceramics in Kabanjahe. In the 19th century, orientlists have stepped on East Sumatra. In their visits and reports, orientalists say that there has been a trade relationship between the people in the community with the coastal community. This indicates that the trade relations of the world’s deep trade with thesis continue to be continued. The role of the inland region is to supply commodities to the coastline; we can interpret that in the coastal region there are no important commodities produced. This article describes the trade relations that occur in the past. This is useful for the flexi trade system of the former with the present. How is the relationship between trade in the 19th century between the interior and the coast.
25
Zweig, David. "Seeking Modernity in China's Name: Chinese Students in the United States, 1900–1927. By Weili Ye. [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001. 330 pp. $49.50. ISBN 0-8047-3696-0.]." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 214–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903370123.
Full textAbstract:
They went to America to learn the skills to make China modern and along the way they transformed themselves. Some of the earliest pioneers, women trained in missionary schools before going to America in the late 19th century, returned to China as medical doctors and created a new profession in China.
26
Polunov, Alexander Yu. "“Old Civilized Asian States”: the Perception of Eurasian Space by Russian Public Figures and Publicists at the End of the 19th and Beginning of the 20th Centuries." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 58 (October 1, 2020): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-3-267-276.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the issue of conceptualization by Russian public leaders and publicists of the causes and goals of the turn of Russian foreign policy to the East at the end of the 19th century. In those years there took shape the idea of specific eastern mission of Russia that influenced later the configuring of Eurasian ideology. At the same time the ideological constructions of the publicists at the end of the 19th century were rather peculiar. In contrast to the Eurasians those authors paid special attention to the “old civilized states in Asia”, like Persia and China. The necessity to support the Celestial Empire and the Christian communities in Persia was determined, according to those publicists, by Russia’s duty to protect the weak. Besides, China was viewed as the state with established autocracy concept that was very important for Russia. At the beginning of the 20th century the ideas of the “orientalists” and other publicists contemplating Russia’s special mission in Asia, lost their former influence. Their distant echo can be found in the program of the prominent White movement leader baron R.F. Ungern, who brought forward the idea of establishing a Pan-Asian monarchy relying on China during Civil War.
27
Sarty, Leigh. "The fragile authoritarians: China, Russia, and Canadian foreign policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 614–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020968941.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines how China and Russia play into the opportunities and constraints that shape Canadian foreign policy. While both countries contribute significantly to the challenges of twenty-first-century world politics, neither is a juggernaut: both face serious internal difficulties and fear the West in ways that should temper our preoccupation with relative decline. The paper concludes that, by seeing these authoritarian powers as more fragile than frightening, Canada can worry less about how engagement might be seen to reward bad behaviour and more about beneficial outcomes in areas that serve Canadian interests.
28
Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
Full textAbstract:
The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
29
Yin, Zhiguang. "Heavenly Principles? The Translation of International Law in 19th-century China and the Constitution of Universality." European Journal of International Law 27, no. 4 (November 2016): 1005–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chw049.
Full text
30
Pajares, Miguel. "Foreign workers and trade unions: the challenges posed." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 14, no. 4 (January 1, 2008): 607–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890801400407.
Full textAbstract:
Trade unions have always found it difficult to get to grips with the subject of immigration. From their beginnings in the 19th century they assumed that working conditions were determined by labour supply and demand and became apprehensive in the face of any situation of surplus supply. The history of trade unionism abounds with conflicts between local workers and those from further afield. At the present time the European trade unions operate upon the assumption that immigrants are full members of the workforce, whose interests have to be defended alongside those of other workers. Even so, it remains the case that immigration prompts considerable misgivings within the trade unions and that situations of rejection continue to arise. The article identifies differences between southern Europe and central and northern Europe in trade unions' attitudes to new immigrants, differences that are reflected in the debates taking place on European legislation concerning labour immigration.
31
Buzan, Barry, and George Lawson. "China Through the Lens of Modernity." Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, no. 2 (2020): 187–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines China’s encounter with modernity from the 19th century to the present day. It builds on the historical narrative of modernity developed by Buzan and Lawson (2015), and two theoretical perspectives: uneven and combined development, and differentiation theory. The article opens with a short history of modernity, establishing that it is not a static phenomenon, but a continuously unfolding process. It then explores five periods of China’s encounter with modernity: imperial decline and resistance to modernization; civil war and Japanese invasion; Mao’s radical communist project; Deng’s market socialism; and Xi’s attempt to synthesize Confucius, Mao, and Deng. It explores both how China fits into the general trajectory of modernity, and how it has evolved from rejection of it to constructing its own distinctive version of ‘modernity with Chinese characteristics’. The article ends by reflecting on what issues remain within China’s version of modernity, and how it fits, and doesn’t fit with other forms of modernity already established within global international society.
32
Parush, Iris. "THE POLITICS OF LITERACY: WOMEN AND FOREIGN LANGUAGES IN JEWISH SOCIETY OF 19TH-CENTURY EASTERN EUROPE." Modern Judaism 15, no. 2 (1995): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/15.2.183.
Full text
33
St. André, James. "The development of British sinology and changes in translation practice." Translation and Interpreting Studies 2, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.2.2.01st.
Full textAbstract:
This study sets out to demonstrate that both foreignizing and domestication translation strategies may be used for the purpose of organizing, controlling, and disseminating knowledge of a foreign country in ways that do not necessarily "respect" the foreign. Analysis of early 19th century translations from Chinese into English and contemporary reviews reveals that a split in translation practice emerges between 1815 and 1830, whereby translators produced both foreignizing and domesticating translations for different audiences. Coupled with changing attitudes toward the Chinese on the part of the British, both types of translations fostered an orientalist discourse in the emergent discipline of sinology and had a negative impact on the image of China in the British imagination.
34
Abdrakhmanov, Konstantin A. "Caravan trade of Central Asian merchants with Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 399–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-3-399-410.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the everyday business activity of Asian entrepreneurs who participated in caravan trade with the Russian Empire through the cities of Orenburg region in the first quarter of the 19th century. The specifics of foreign trade operations of merchants from Bukhara, Khiva and Kokand during this period were almost completely ignored by Russian historians in the pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern periods. The source base of this article consists of unpublished archival documents that shed light on the details of the business activities of merchants from Asia. Letters to the regional and Imperial administration made by Asian entrepreneurs, as well as personal letters from foreign merchants are particularly valuable in this regard. Traders had to deal with a long list of tasks. Before the caravan could go along the required route, it was necessary to hire responsible guides, which was not always possible (guides often turned out to be unreliable, which led to additional expenses for the cargo owners), acquire pack animals, take care of security and prepare a considerable amount of money for various road tolls for travelling through the Kazakh steppe. The merchants who were successful in the caravan trade were characterized by moral and psychological stability, the ability to restrain themselves, not succumbing to momentary desires, and even the skills of using cold weapons and firearms. To resolve issues that were exclusively within the competence of representatives of the Russian regional or central administration, Asian merchants had to possess certain communication skills.
35
Bedrik, Anton Sergeyevich, and Roman Petrovich Ivasenko. "The Borderland Policy of the Russian Empire in the 19th Century: Essence, Trends, Results." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 10 (October 2020): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.10.14.
Full textAbstract:
The present study analyzes the essence and main trends in the development of the policy of the Rus-sian autocracy in the national question in the 19th century. The factors that influenced the complica-tion of interethnic relations in the period under con-sideration are identified. The study considers active foreign policy of the Russian Empire that resulted in the annexation of new territories which population was the traditional antagonist of Russians, the na-tion that made the core of the empire’s population. The contradictory nature of the borderland policy of the autocratic government in the 19th century is em-phasized. In this connection, the present study pro-vides analysis of the content of two radically oppo-site models of the policy implementation. In con-clusion it is substantiated that lack of foresight and wrong policy decisions of the supreme authority of the Russian Empire with regard to the acquired terri-tories and their peoples, became one of the key de-terminants of the rapid development of the revolu-tionary crisis and the collapse of the imperial state at the beginning of the 20th century.
36
Gozzi, Gustavo. "History of International Law and Western Civilization." International Community Law Review 9, no. 4 (2007): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197407x261386.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper discusses the origins 19th-century international law through the works of such scholars as Bluntschli, Lorimer, and Westlake, and then traces out its development into the 20th century. Nineteenth-century international law was forged entirely in Europe: it was the expression of a European consciousness and culture, and was geographically located within the community of European peoples, which meant a community of Christian, and hence "civilized," peoples. It was only toward the end of the 19th century that an international law emerged as the expression of a "global society," when the Ottoman Empire, China, and Japan found themselves forced to enter the regional international society revolving around Europe. Still, these nations stood on an unequal footing, forming a system based on colonial relations of domination. This changed in the post–World War II period, when a larger community of nations developed that was not based on European dominance. This led to the extended world society we have today, made up of political systems profoundly different from one another because based on culture-specific concepts. So in order for a system to qualify as universal, it must now draw not only on Western but also on non-Western forms, legacies, and concepts.
37
Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.
Full textAbstract:
This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.
38
Edmonds, Richard Louis. "Macau and Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 878–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032379.
Full textAbstract:
Macau was the first port on the China coast to come under the influence of a foreign power and will be the last to return to Chinese sovereignty. Its historical importance in the early transmission of culture between East and West is well known. After reaching its height as the centre of such contact in the second half of the 16th century Macau, like Portugal, languished in international affairs albeit with subsequent brief periods of relative importance.
39
GORDIENKO, D. V. "CHINA'S VIEWS ON THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE XXI CENTURY: USA AND RUSSIA IN PRC FOREIGN POLICY." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 4 (2021): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.04.01.020.
Full textAbstract:
China's views on the system of international relations in the XXI century. are undergoing significant changes. The PRC is close to entering the stage of transformation into a superpower. The concept of a Community of Shared Destiny for Humanity describes China's “new” approach to international relations, which replaces the outdated model. The purpose of this article is to assess the possible consequences of the implementation of the Community Concept of the common destiny of mankind for the system of international relations in the XNUMXst century. and analysis of the national security of the People's Republic of China, the United States of America and the Russian Federation. As a result, an approach to such an assessment and consideration of changes in the policy of the states of the Russia-China-USA "strategic triangle" is proposed, which allows identifying the policy priorities of China, the USA and Russia in various regions of the world. The results of assessing the impact of the possible consequences of the implementation of the Concept of the Community of the common destiny of mankind on the system of international relations in the XXI century. can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that China's views on the system of international relations in the XXI century. are of great importance for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of this country.
40
Barfield, Thomas. "JONATHAN N. LIPMAN, Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China, Studies on Ethnic Groups in China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997). Pp. 302. $22.50 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002154.
Full textAbstract:
Chinese Muslims, known today as the Hui and during the 19th century as Dungans, present a particular problem for a historian. Why should Chinese-speaking believers in Islam constitute a separate ethnic group when believers in other religions of foreign origin (Buddhism and Christianity, for example) do not? Did Chinese Muslims have a common history across China, or has one been created for them because they are now labeled an ethnic minority group (minzou) in the People's Republic of China? Jonathan Lipman begins his history by challenging the whole notion of the “Hui” as an ethnic group, which he argues in his Introduction has been taken as an unproblematic category by both Chinese and Western scholars. Lipman prefers the term “Sino-Muslim” to “Hui” to emphasize the reality that these Muslims are and have been Chinese in culture for centuries and to distinguish them from non–Chinese-speaking Muslim groups in China.
41
Waley-Cohen, Joanna. "English Lessons: The Pedagogy of Imperialism in Nineteenth-Century China. By James L. Hevia. [Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2003. xviii+387 pp. £18.50. ISBN: 0-8223-3188-8.]." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 843–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004400605.
Full textAbstract:
Cloaking its bullying of China in high morality, Britain in the 19th century and the first part of the 20th aimed to teach China how to become more tractable, and more English. In describing this project, James L. Hevia follows Deleuze and Guattari by identifying capitalist power in China as “a kind of productive apparatus that oscillates between deterritorializing and reterritorializing new zones of contact” (p. 21). In other words, Britain enforced such wide-ranging and radical changes in the meaning and value of Qing authority and power that its actions in China effectively amounted to the “violent placement of China within a colonial world” (p. 281), creating a form of colonization even without formal institutional takeover.
42
Wills, John E. "How Many Asymmetries?: Continuities, Transformations, and Puzzles in the Study of Chinese Foreign Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645689.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractI began my graduate studies at Harvard in September 1958. In the summer and fall of 1959, I started groping for ways to think about China in the seventeenth century, discovered that there had been some very interesting European eyewitnesses of the Ming-Qing wars, and wrote my first seminar paper for John King Fairbank on the first Dutch embassy, 1655.1657. The rest, shall we say, is history.
43
Santoro, M. "China in Latin America in the 21st century." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 3 (March 11, 2021): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-3-24-34.
Full textAbstract:
In the last two decades, China became a major economic force in Latin America, due to trade and investment, and it established strong links with the countries in the region, including a strategic partnership with Brazil. However, Chinese influence is also provoking concerns in the United States, while the latter is trying to curb Beijing’s role in Latin America. This paper analyzes China’s actions in the region and the American response, using Brazil as a case-study environment because of its importance for the Chinese foreign policy and its current president, who adopted a pro-Trump foreign policy and a rhetoric that is very critical of Beijing. The author begins by analyzing China’s strategy towards Latin America presenting a historical outlook of major events thereto, particularly underscoring both growth and diversification of the Chinese investments in the last decade. The author then proceeds to analyzing current position of the U.S. towards Chinese actions in Latin America, additionally highlighting major U.S. concerns thereto. The final part of the paper represents a case-study of Chinese policy towards Brazil and correspondent Brasília’s position on the subject concerned. It is noted that close-term prospects are complicated to draw due to the dynamic changes in the international scenario, with the deterioration of the Washington-Beijing relations, and the cross-pressures that these disputes will bring to Brazil.
44
Beckley, Michael. "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure." International Security 36, no. 3 (January 2012): 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00066.
Full textAbstract:
Two assumptions dominate current foreign policy debates in the United States and China. First, the United States is in decline relative to China. Second, much of this decline is the result of globalization and the hegemonic burdens the United States bears to sustain globalization. Both of these assumptions are wrong. The United States is not in decline; in fact, it is now wealthier, more innovative, and more militarily powerful compared to China than it was in 1991. Moreover, globalization and hegemony do not erode U.S. power; they reinforce it. The United States derives competitive advantages from its hegemonic position, and globalization allows it to exploit these advantages, attracting economic activity and manipulating the international system to its benefit. The United States should therefore continue to prop up the global economy and maintain a robust diplomatic and military presence abroad.
45
Yaseen, Zahid, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Muhammad Muzaffar. "Pakistan and China’s Strategic Ties: Challenges and Opportunities in Trade Perspective." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).02.
Full textAbstract:
The 21st century is marked by power shifting from the west to the east. This century started a new debate in the world about the peaceful rise of China as an economic power. Many scholarly articles discuss China as a new superpower. Due to the peaceful rise of China, the major powers like USA and Russia are looking for new areas of cooperation with China. This cooperation proved the statement that “there are not permanent friends or foes in international relations, only interests are permanent” and these national interests help the states to make their foreign policy. This is true in the relationship among states as well in the case of China & Pakistan. Despite, strong defense and diplomatic relations, there are some areas of divergence in Pak-China relations which are seen with the help of primary and secondary sources. This aspect needs to addressed by the leadership of both states.
46
Mikheev, V., S. Lukonin, and Y. Safronova. "Next – without Covenants-2." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2013): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-6-57-65.
Full textAbstract:
This paper raises the problem of the place determination and the role of the Popular Republic of China in the context of the modern multipolar world. The author reveals this question in the light of Chinese experience of political development in the XXth century, modern achievements as well as problems and contradictions in its foreign and domestic policy. The article also analyses “problem points” of the Chinese foreign policy and the contemporary international relations system which are China’s greatest concern for they threaten global stability. The author expounds and elucidates Chinese foreign policy strategy in the XXIth century and China’s mission in a changing world.
47
Owen, Catherine. "“The Sleeping Dragon Is Gathering Strength”: Causes of Sinophobia in Central Asia." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 01 (January 2017): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500063.
Full textAbstract:
In order to explore the roots of contemporary Sinophobia in Central Asia, this article combines historical analysis with ethnographically informed interviews. It shows that Sinophobia is widely spread through conspiracy theories especially in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Based on the territorial acquisitions made by China in the immediate post-Soviet period, conspiracy theories suggest that China is planning to “take over” Central Asia. However, a diachronic view of relations between China and Central Asian states demonstrates that these acquisitions were part of an attempt to resolve colonial disputes dating back to the late 19th century, and that China has already significantly reduced its territorial claims. Fears of contemporary Chinese territorial expansion are therefore greatly exaggerated. This article concludes by endorsing a proactive stance on tackling Sinophobia in Central Asia, both for the Chinese government and for regional states. Other than the many economic initiatives it funds in Central Asia, China must put more efforts to enhance its soft power so as to assuage the century-long Sinophobia in the region.
48
Li, Xiaona. "Priority vectors in China-Mongolia relations in the beginning of the XXI century." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.34157.
Full textAbstract:
This article is dedicated to determination of priority vectors in China-Mongolia relations in the early XXI century. Special role is assigned to cooperation in the political, economic and humanitarian spheres. A number of criteria that allow speaking of the level of intergovernmental relations in each indicated sphere is reviewed. For assessing political cooperation, the author considered the conceptual approaches of the PRC and Mongolia towards bilateral diplomacy. In this context, analysis was conducted on Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy and China’s Partnership Diplomacy Strategy. The article explores the interaction of China and Mongolia on the global, regional and bilateral levels. In economic regard, the assessment of cooperation of the two countries was carried out on the basis of mutual trade turnover and the volume of foreign direct investment. In the humanitarian context of bilateral cooperation, the author studied the intensity of mutual tourism flows, student and academic exchanges. The analysis was performed within the framework of neorealist paradigm, in the categories of systemic approach for viewing China-Mongolia relations as a unified system consisting of three subsystems. The author's special contribution consists in the attempt to assess bilateral cooperation between China and Mongolia in the early XXI century, with consideration of the impact of the ongoing transformations within the system of international relations on the regional level. The conclusion is made that despite a number of threats that stem from PRC’s proactive policy in Eurasia, as well as the objective dissonance in socioeconomic development of the two countries, the cooperation in the indicated areas in the early XXI century few has been developing steadily. In the twenty-first century. It had a positive impact upon China-Mongolia relations overall.
49
Drelich-Skulska, Bogusława, Sebastian Bobowski, Anna H. Jankowiak, and Przemysław Skulski. "China’s Trade Policy Towards Central and Eastern Europe in the 21St Century, Example of Poland." Folia Oeconomica Stetinensia 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/foli-2014-0111.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The aim of this paper is to present China’s economic model and discuss, in this context, bilateral trade and investment relations between China and Poland. The analysis presented herein is based on the strategy of cooperation with countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as presented by China’s Prime Minister, and on the growing importance of Poland as a main partner of China in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The paper describes main premises of the Chinese economic model, followed by a diagnosis of Chinese economy. The authors analyze the main directions of China’s foreign cooperation, placing the emphasis on relations with Poland.
50
Shoup, Laurence H. "'Dangerous Circumstances': The Council on Foreign Relations Proposes a New Grand Strategy Towards China." Monthly Review 67, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-04-2015-08_2.
Full textAbstract:
The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is the think tank of monopoly-finance capital, Wall Street's think tank. It is also a membership organization: the ultimate networking, socializing, strategic-planning, and consensus-forming institution of the dominant sector of the U.S. capitalist class.… It is the world's most powerful private organization, the "high command" body of the U.S. plutocracy. The Council has an almost century-long history of forming study groups to plan the United States' overall "grand" strategic policies. It sets the agenda for debate, builds consensus among both the powerful and attentive publics, and then inserts its own network of people into public office to implement its favored doctrines in the real world. One of its latest efforts, a study group on U.S. grand strategy toward China, completed its work and issued a report in March 2015—approved by the CFR board of directors—entitled <em>Revising U.S. Grand Strategy Toward China</em>.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-4" title="Vol. 67, No. 4: September 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>