To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: China History Han dynasty.
Journal articles on the topic 'China History Han dynasty'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'China History Han dynasty.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
de Crespigny, Rafe, and Miranda Brown. "Adoption in Han China." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 52, no. 2 (2009): 229–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852009x434346.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWe investigate surviving legal statutes regarding inheritance and descriptions of adoption from the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE), asking to what extent there was consensus among the literate elite about the rules for adoption. We argue that, in contrast to later periods, there is little evidence for the existence of any single set of classical prescriptions. Instead, the Han ruling elite had at their disposal a variety of legitimate strategies for deciding whether to and how to incorporate outsiders into the household. Such strategies involved different parties, contrasting principles, and diverging rationales. Nous examinons les statuts juridiques qui portent sur les successions, aussi bien que les descriptions d'adoption, avec le but d'établir jusqu'à quelle mesure il existait pendant la dynastie Han (206 av. J.-C.-220 ap. J.-C.) un consensus sur des règles d'adoption auprès des élites lettrées. On soutient, qu'à la différence des périodes ultérieures, on ne trouve peu de trace d'un ensemble unique de préscriptions classiques. Les élites de l'époque Han disposaient d'une variété de stratégies différentes pour décider si et de quelle façon ils pouvaient intégrer des étrangers dans la famille. De telles stratégies suivaient des règles et des systèmes de logiques plutôt divergents.
2
Surayeva, N. G. "FROM THE HISTORY OF THE FORMATION OF THE IMPERIAL ACADEMY OF PAINTING IN CHINA." Arts education and science 1, no. 3 (2021): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/hon.202103011.
Full textAbstract:
Court painting in China has evolved over the millennia. With the advent of each new dynasty, the artistic institution at the emperor's court changed its location and name, and so did the status of artists. Fine art and its genre content depended entirely on the emperors' preferences. This article attempts to present a holistic picture of the reformation of the artistic structure at the imperial court at different historical stages, from the Shang dynasty (1600–1046 BC) to the reign of the Qing dynasty (1616–1911). The work presents the artistic structure of China and identifies its leading representatives at each stage of development. The first information about the Imperial Academy of Painting dates back to the period of the Western Han Dynasty (206 BC – 25 AD), when the Shangfang Department was mentioned. During the last Qing dynasty, the court structure of painting was a complex mechanism, with artists working in the Art Department (Huayuanchu), the Ruiguan and Qixiangong workshops.
3
Csikszentmihalyia, Mark. "Fivefold Virtue: Reformulating Mencian Moral Psychology in Han Dynasty China." Religion 28, no. 1 (1998): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/reli.1997.0080.
Full text
4
Jinguang †, Zhang. "New Thoughts on the Social Forms of Ancient China (from the Zhou to Qing Dynasties)." Journal of Chinese Humanities 1, no. 1 (2014): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-01010004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The entire course of ancient Chinese history has centered on state power, which dominated and shaped the basic picture of social history. The key to Chinese state power has been the state ownership of land, and based on this we can divide the social forms of ancient China into four successive periods: the period of yishe 邑社時代 or village societies (Western Zhou Dynasty and the Spring and Autumn Period); the period of official communal system 官社時代 (Warring States Period to Qin Dynasty to the early Han Dynasty); the period of half official communal system 半官社時代 (Han to Tang Dynasty); and the period of state vs. individual peasants 國家個體小農時代 (Song to Qing Dynasty).
5
Mubing, Qiu. "Statues of Warriors and War Horses of the Han Dynasty." Scientific and analytical journal Burganov House. The space of culture 15, no. 4 (2019): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.36340/2071-6818-2019-15-4-63-81.
Full textAbstract:
Terracotta statues of warriors and war horses represent a type of sculpture from ancient burials. They are an important part of the system of objects buried together with the deceased during the Han dynasty (the so-called Mintsi). Yun, the most characteristic funeral figurines which archaeologists find especially in the region of the Chu kingdom of the pre-Qin period, began to appear during the Chunqiu and the Warring States periods. The burial of statues of soldiers together with the deceased carried an authentic meaning connected with the burial of living warriors during the Shang dynasty. Terracotta statues of warriors and war horses in the tomb of Qin Shi Huang were completed in a very short time and mainly reproduced the figures of people and soldiers on high alert before the start of a military campaign. Despite the fact that the Han Dynasty succeeded the Qin Dynasty in the administrative system, it also drew some lessons, to varying degrees, regarding martial arts, as evidenced by the location combinations of the terracotta statues and horses. In 1965, a large burial place of the ancestor of Liu Bang, the first emperor of the Han dynasty, was discovered in the Shaanxi province north of Xianyang in Yangjiawan village. In history, it was known as Zhoushitsuy or Mound of Zhou Ancestors. The size and Ill. 1. National architectural monument. Han Dynasty. Mausoleum Han Yang Ling. Ill. 2. Grave pits in the Hanyangling Museum depth of the pits are not the same, the number of ceramic statues found is also various and of different shapes and sizes; however, most of the statues have a bright colour and a perfectly regular shape. These excavations of the Han terracotta statues have historical significance due to the fact that this is the first finding of terracotta statues of the Han period since the founding of New China.
6
McMahon, Keith. "Women Rulers in Imperial China." Nan Nü 15, no. 2 (2013): 179–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-0152p0001.
Full textAbstract:
“Women Rulers in Imperial China”is about the history and characteristics of rule by women in China from the Han dynasty to the Qing, especially focusing on the Tang dynasty ruler Wu Zetian (625-705) and the Song dynasty Empress Liu. The usual reason that allowed a woman to rule was the illness, incapacity, or death of her emperor-husband and the extreme youth of his son the successor. In such situations, the precedent was for a woman to govern temporarily as regent and, when the heir apparent became old enough, hand power to him. But many women ruled without being recognized as regent, and many did not hand power to the son once he was old enough, or even if they did, still continued to exert power. In the most extreme case, Wu Zetian declared herself emperor of her own dynasty. She was the climax of the long history of women rulers. Women after her avoided being compared to her but retained many of her methods of legitimization, such as the patronage of art and religion, the use of cosmic titles and vocabulary, and occasional gestures of impersonating a male emperor. When women ruled, it was an in-between time when notions and language about something that was not supposed to be nevertheless took shape and tested the limits of what could be made acceptable.
7
Steinhardt, Nancy Shatzman. "Review: The Mingqi Pottery Buildings of Han Dynasty China by Qinghua Guo." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 70, no. 3 (2011): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2011.70.3.388.
Full text
8
Pankenier, David W. "Parallel Planetary Astrologies in Medieval China and Inner Asia." International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 1, no. 2 (2020): 157–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899201-12340008.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Portentous clusters of the five visible planets are repeatedly implicated in historical sources in connection with dynastic transitions in early China. In the medieval period, which is the focus of this investigation, the History of the Three Kingdoms records how timely planetary portents during the decline of the Later Han dynasty (184–220 CE) were exploited as the celestial signs justifying usurpation and the founding of the (Cao-)Wei 曹魏 dynasty by Cao Pi 曹丕 (ca. 187–226). Half a millennium later, in mid-Tang 唐 dynasty, the impetus for the devastating rebellion of An Lushan 安祿山 (703–757) that nearly brought down the Tang can likewise be shown to have been strongly influenced by the historical precedents, and more immediately by a conjunction of all five visible planets that occurred in 750. That ominous astral omen, coupled with portentological speculations based on Han dynasty apocryphal texts, together with the parallels between An Lushan’s and Cao Cao’s 曹操 (155–220) careers, played a role in prompting An Lushan to attempt to overthrow the Tang. In Inner Asia, the founding of the Sasanian Empire in 224 CE in parallel with the Cao-Wei, and the emergence of a political astrology based on the periodicity of Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions suggested the possibility of mutual influences in planetary astrology. However, incompatibility between the two astrological traditions may have militated against mutual influence on a theoretical level. In the absence of detailed information concerning the foundations of Sasanian planetary astrology, to all appearances, and notwithstanding extensive cultural contact, the imperial political astrologies of China and Inner Asia in the medieval period remained resistant to infiltration in either direction.
9
Milburn, Olivia. "Instructions to Women: Admonitions Texts for a Female Readership in Early China." Nan Nü 20, no. 2 (2019): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-00202p01.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe texts written for the instruction of women in ancient China are some of the earliest examples of didactic sources aimed at a female readership to be produced anywhere in the world. The oldest surviving texts in the transmitted tradition date to the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE). However, in 2010, Peking University acquired a cache of manuscripts written on bamboo, one of which, the Jiaonü (Instructions to women), predates these Han dynasty admonitions texts by several centuries. This paper provides a full translation of this important text, a discussion of the historical and cultural context in which it was produced, and examines its relationship with the later similar works in the transmitted tradition. The Jiaonü throws new light on the way in which women were educated in appropriate gender roles in ancient China.
10
Zhao, Yiming, and Yeli Shi. "The Influence of Foreign Trade Activities on Chinese Loan Words from the Historical Perspective." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 7, no. 8 (2017): 690. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0708.12.
Full textAbstract:
In the process of thousands of years’ dynasties change and social development, it is not difficult to find the sustained impact of foreign trade on Chinese society. Trade has output both the goods and culture of China. At the same time it also brought in the material and non-material civilization from other places of the world. As a product of foreign culture, loan words are not only a microcosm of the outcome of trade activities in specific periods, but also enrichment to Chinese language. This article intends to elaborate the influence of trade activities on Chinese loan words with the development of history as the pointcut, focusing on the typical periods of the development of foreign trade in China, including the Han Dynasty, the Tang Dynasty, the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China.
11
Zilong, Che. "The Development of Sino Indian Trade from the Perspective of “The Belt and Road Initiative”." Journal of Economics and Management Sciences 4, no. 3 (2021): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/jems.v4n3p7.
Full textAbstract:
Since ancient times, the two ancient civilizations of China and India have had a long history of trade exchanges, and such trade exchanges have left an important mark in the history of Sino-India relations. Chronologically，this article takes the Sino-Indian trade exchanges as a research perspective to outline two thousand years of trade history between two countries. From the Sino-Indian Business Road that began in the Qin Dynasty and Han Dynasty to the origin of the Silk Road on which Zhang Qian went to the Western Regions as an envoy, explored the Sino-India-Tibet Road and Maritime Silk Road trade; analyzed the opium trade between China, Britain and India in modern times. At the same time, it uses the founding of People’s Republic of China, the Sino-Indian War, the Belt and Road Initiative and the important events of the global epidemic as nodes to describe the development of Sino-Indian trade. In the long history, this kind of rich trade history also shows that China and India are more likely and should establish a better and more extensive trade cooperation relationship, and learn to effectively deal with the turmoil. This will provide reference for operating the trade activities between the two countries.
12
Wallace, Leslie V. "Representations of Falconry in Eastern Han China (A.D. 25-220)." Journal of Sport History 39, no. 1 (2012): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.1.99.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Falconry has been practiced in China for nearly two thousand years, but its early history is obscured by a lack of visual, textual, and archaeological materials. Falconry first appears in visual and textual records dating to the Eastern Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220). Although the standard histories offer few details about the practice of falconry at this time, a growing number of excavated tomb reliefs provide information regarding the possible genesis of the sport. I first discovered this imagery when looking for representations of activities associated with foreigners in hunting scenes depicted in Eastern Han tombs from Shaanxi and Shanxi. In scenes of the hunt from this region, mounted falconers are depicted alongside mounted archers, figures that are connected in Han visual and textual sources with Northern nomadic pastoralists. This imagery immediately prompted a number of questions: when the practice began, who practiced falconry, and whether or not it was associated with foreigners at this time. This article is an outgrowth of research based on these initial questions. Focusing on Eastern Han depictions of falconry, I first examine where and how falconry was practiced in ancient China and what types of birds were used. I will then argue that the sport was originally learned by the Chinese from nomadic pastoralists living to the north of Han China. Finally, I will examine Han attitudes towards the sport, suggesting that although it may have originally been associated with nomadic pastoralists, in Eastern Han texts, falconry was connected with activities characteristic of a misspent youth.
13
Golovacheva, L. I. "James Legge on the Lun Yu’s text history." Orientalistica 3, no. 5 (2020): 1280–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-5-1280-1297.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the views of the outstanding British Sinologist James Legge (1815–1897) on the textual history of the Lun Yu’. Based on the methodological approach as adapted in the textual historical studies the author, Lidia Golovacheva studies the views by J. Legg on the phenomena as follows. 1. The Qing views on the destruction of books and the killing of scholars, which took place during the Qin dynasty and on the targeted collection of ancient books in the Han era. 2. The compilation process of Lun Yu’s text by the Han dynasty scholars. 3. When and by whom the Lun Yu was written. 4. Who left comments on Lun Yu. 5. Variant readings in Lun Yu. The views on Lun Yu by Legge to a significant part are influenced by those of traditional Chinese scholars. They reflect the general height, reached by the Lun yu’ textology in the 19th cent. This builds a solid basis for future research on the development of Lun Yu studies in the Sinological studies in China, Western Europe and worldwide.
14
Liu, An Ding, Bin Li, and Yi Ping Qiu. "The Brief Study on the Inscription-Brocade and Weaving Technology of the Han Dynasty." Advanced Materials Research 627 (December 2012): 252–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.627.252.
Full textAbstract:
Inscription-brocade played an important role in the history of textile technology and exerted great influence upon social production of the Han Dynasty in China. Through analyzing the features of the inscription on the brocade and the social reasons for their emergence, we believe there is a close relationship among the inscription and the social custom, psychology and artistic style of the time. In addition, the perfect combination of inscription and patterns on the brocade stood witness to the mighty advance in the silk technology, the weaving machine such as multi-heald and multi-pedal loom, and the technical application for weaving warp-faced patterns.
15
Liu, Puning. "The Adoption of Neo-Confucianism in Discussing Legitimacy Dispute." Asian Culture and History 10, no. 1 (2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v10n1p43.
Full textAbstract:
Lipset (1960) denotes legitimacy as “the capacity of the system to engender and maintain the belief that the existing political institutions are the most appropriate ones for the society.” All political powers, including Chinese dynasties in history, needed legitimacy to ensure their governance. In general, Western thinkers who discuss political legitimacy could be identified into two groups (Habermas, 1979). The “empiricists”, likes Max Weber, studies legitimacy in an empirical method, focusing on the types, constitutions, functions, and evolutions of legitimacy. The second group consists of “normativists”, such as Plato and John Rawls, who tend to base legitimacy on various normative values such as justice or democracy. Pre-modern Chinese views on political legitimacy have the similar approaches like west. The first one pays attention to different empirical factors of legitimacy. For instance, the pre-Qin philosopher Zou Yan (305-240 BCE), and Western Han thinker Liu Xin (50 BCE-23 CE) view a dynasty’s legitimate by its adoption of rightful dynastic phase (Wang 2006). The Song Dynasty (960–1279) historian Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) argues that the just position and the unification of China make a legitimate dynasty (Rao 1996). The second approach bases legitimacy on normative values. For example, Confucius (551-479 BCE) indicates that the rightfulness of a ruler relies on his properly practicing both “benevolence” (ren ), and “rites” (li ). Many present scholars give us their studies on the legitimacy in Chinese history. For instance, Rao Zong (1996) provides the general overviews of legitimacy in the Chinese tradition, with an extensive collection of relevant primary sources. Hou Deren (2009) introduces most relevant present-day Chinese studies on that issue. For English readers, general studies of traditional Chinese views on legitimacy can be found in the writings of Hok-lam Chan (1984) and Richard Davis (1983). Nevertheless, it is notable that the question of legitimacy became pressing from the 13th century onwards in China, when China was ruled by non-Chinese ruling houses, such as the Yuan Dynasty 元 (1272-1368) and Qing Dynasty (1889-1912). Scholars during that period showed a great interest in discussing the question of what makes a legitimate ruler of China. In general, these scholars approached that question in two ways; they introduced the prevailing Neo-Confucianism to define the virtuous rule as the principal value of legitimacy (Bol, 2009), or they defined a Chinese ruled dynasty as legitimate. To reveal these scholars’ distinct views on legitimacy, this paper investigates two of them, the Yuan literatus Yang Weizhen (1296-1370) and the Ming (1368-1644) scholar-official Fang Xiaoru (1357-1402). For English readers, only Richard Davis (1983) gives a brief introduction on Yang Weizhen’s views on legitimacy. Few studies focus on Fang Xiaoru’s relevant views. Following the text analysis way, this article proves that Yang Weizhen and Fang Xiaoru acted as two representatives of scholars in the late imperial China. Both of them adopted Neo-Confucianism to discuss legitimacy, viewing the discussion of legitimacy as a moral evaluation of the dynasty and monarch. They also shared the idea that Chinese ruled dynasty should be viewed as legitimate.
16
Dong, Xinlin. "The Shangjing norm of the Liao dynasty and the Dongjing mode of the Northern Song dynasty." Chinese Archaeology 20, no. 1 (2020): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/char-2020-0017.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAfter the downfall of the Tang dynasty, the Khitan-Liao empire, the Five Dynasties, and Northern Song dynasty formed the second “northern and southern dynasties” confrontation in the history of China. Also in this period, two systems appeared in the capital city planning: the “Shangjing norm” of the Liao dynasty characterized by the 日-shaped plan view and the “Dongjing mode” of the Northern Song dynasty characterized by the 回-shaped plan view. The “Shangjing norm” is the materialization of the political system of “ruling by the customs of the peoples being ruled” applied by the nomadic rulers from the northern steppes when they were managing the empire with the Han people as the majority. This seemingly reflected the ethnic discrimination of the nomadic ruling class at the beginning of the establishment of their empire. The capital designing ideas of the Jin, Yuan, and Qing dynasties were all following this norm at the beginnings of their rules. “Dongjing mode” of the Northern Song dynasty is the materialization of the “imperial sovereignty” idea emphasized by the empires founded by the Han rulers, which seems reflecting the bureaucrat system with the centralization as the characteristics. The designs of the Liao Zhongjing (Central Capital) and the Jin Zhongdu were both simulations of that of Dongjing, which showed the trends of ethnic convergence and unification. Moreover, Dadu of the Yuan dynasty and Beijing of the Ming and Qing dynasties were the symbols of the formation of the unified multiethnic empire of China.
17
Parveen, Khalida, and Huma Akram. "Insight of Chinese culture by viewing historical picture of Qin Dynasty." Journal of Social Sciences Advancement 2, no. 1 (2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52223/jssa21-020103-08.
Full textAbstract:
Over the centuries, China still respectfully treasures rich Asian cultures, traditions, and customs. China is now famous all over the world for its mysterious wonders and cultural & natural heritages such as the Great Wall, the Forbidden City, the Terracotta Army, etc. The Chinese history is full with the exposition of outstanding features of Chinese culture such as great thoughts of Confucius, religious beliefs, traditional festivals and customs e.g., Chinese new year, language and calligraphy e.g., Shu Fa, four great inventions of ancient China e.g., papermaking, printing, gunpowder and the compass, traditional architecture and sculpture, traditional art forms, etc. The era of history of China before the time in power of Qin dynasty is known by name as the period of Warring States. This period started from 475 BC and ends at 221 BC. Seven Warring States were included in it i.e. Qin, Wei, Han, Yan, Chu, Zhao, and Qi. Zheng was the King of Qin, who started his journey to triumph over 6 states in the period of 230 BC. Qin was the 1st emperor of this unified state of China. Thus he was known by the name of “First Emperor of Qin” or “Qin Shi Huang”. This study provides a deep insight of Chinese history and it is illustrated that major achievements in Chinese culture and history are contributed in the era of Qin dynasty.
18
Fang, Hui, Gary M. Feinman, and Linda M. Nicholas. "Imperial expansion, public investment, and the long path of history: China’s initial political unification and its aftermath." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 30 (2015): 9224–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1419157112.
Full textAbstract:
The Neolithic (ca. 8000–1900 B.C.) underpinnings of early Chinese civilization had diverse geographic and cultural foundations in distinct traditions, ways of life, subsistence regimes, and modes of leadership. The subsequent Bronze Age (ca. 1900–221 B.C.) was characterized by increasing political consolidation, expansion, and heightened interaction, culminating in an era of a smaller number of warring states. During the third century B.C., the Qin Dynasty first politically unified this fractious landscape, across an area that covers much of what is now China, and rapidly instituted a series of infrastructural investments and other unifying measures, many of which were maintained and amplified during the subsequent Han Dynasty. Here, we examine this historical sequence at both the national and macroscale and more deeply for a small region on the coast of the Shandong Province, where we have conducted several decades of archaeological research. At both scales, we examine apparent shifts in the governance of local diversity and some of the implications both during Qin–Han times and for the longer durée.
19
Han, Ruihui. "Jin Ping Mei: A Story of Guanxi." Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 85 (April 2022): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf2022.85.han.
Full textAbstract:
No fiction is without a narrative of human relationships. In Chinese literary history, the stories represented by Jin Ping Mei are especially seen as dealing with human relationships. Some researchers have interpreted Jin Ping Mei from the perspective of human relationships; however, the generic concept cannot describe social connections in Chinese culture. The concept of guanxi, the ubiquitous and quotidian social network in China, better describes the specific human relationships in this fiction. Guanxi as a Chinese cultural phenomenon originating from Confucianism is effective in procuring resources through instrumental and sentimental mechanisms. In Jin Ping Mei, which is centered on Ximen Qing, a guanxi network connects all the characters. Ximen Qing’s fortune is built on guanxi manipulation. Guanxi, however, which was expected to embody Confucian values, violated Confucian principles in the late Ming context. Jin Ping Mei marks a turning point for attitudes toward guanxi in literary representation, and this derogatory attitude persisted in the narrative of fiction throughout the Qing dynasty.
20
Cai, Mengling. "Overview of paper and papermaking in Xinjiang, China." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi 14, no. 3 (2020): 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2020.631.
Full textAbstract:
Papermaking in Xinjiang has a long history beginning during the Han Dynasty, to which a good many ancient documents excavated there bear witness. As an important transmitter of culture along the Silk Road, paper bears the imprint of the historical development of Xinjiang. Paper and papermaking techniques in Xinjiang are therefore of great historical and cultural importance. This article gives an overview of the development of traditional papermaking in Xinjiang, especially the mulberry papermaking in the Hotan area, by presenting its history, the raw materials used, papermaking and processing techniques, usages and the revival of handmade mulberry paper today in order to demonstrate its diverse values.
21
DeBlasi, Anthony. "Court and Region in Medieval China: The Case of Tang Bianzhou." T’oung Pao 102, no. 1-3 (2016): 74–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10213p04.
Full textAbstract:
Although Bianzhou (modern Kaifeng) is well known as the imperial capital of the Northern Song dynasty, its history prior to the tenth century reveals much about the political fortunes of the Tang dynasty, especially after the An Lushan rebellion. A careful analysis of the backgrounds of the Military Commissioners appointed to govern the region indicates that following an initial period of instability, the Tang court was able to maintain control over this strategically vital transportation hub late into the ninth century and to repeatedly appoint commissioners who had passed the civil-service examinations. This experience helps explain the continuing optimism of Tang elites about the dynasty’s prospects and made Bianzhou itself an important example for the educated elite of why civil values were essential to good government and the survival of the Tang dynasty. Si Bianzhou (actuel Kaifeng) est bien connu comme capitale impériale des Song du Nord, son histoire avant le Xe siècle nous en apprend beaucoup sur le destin politique des Tang, particulièrement après la rébellion de An Lushan. L’analyse minutieuse du parcours des commissaires militaires successivement nommés à la tête de la région révèle qu’après une période initiale d’instabilité, la cour des Tang a été en mesure jusque tard dans le IXe siècle de maintenir son contrôle sur ce qui était un nœud stratégique de communications et d’y poster l’un après l’autre des commissaires passés par la voie des examens civils. L’expérience contribue à expliquer l’optimisme persistant des élites des Tang concernant l’avenir du régime, le cas de Bianzhou étant à leurs yeux un exemple important des raisons pour lesquelles les valeurs civiles demeuraient essentielles à la qualité du gouvernement et à la survie de la dynastie.
22
de Crespigny, Rafe, and Howard L. Goodman. "Ts'ao P'i Transcendent: The Political Culture of Dynasty-Founding in China at the End of the Han." American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (2000): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652467.
Full text
23
Silberstein, Rachel. "Fashionable Figures: Narrative Roundels and Narrative Borders in Nineteenth-Century Han Chinese Women’s Dress." Costume 50, no. 1 (2016): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05908876.2015.1129859.
Full textAbstract:
Figural motifs have received little attention in Chinese dress and textile history; typically interpreted as generic ‘figures in gardens’, they have long been overshadowed by auspicious symbols. Yet embroiderers, like other craftsmen and women in Qing dynasty China (1644–1911), sought inspiration from the vast array of narratives that circulated in print and performance. This paper explores the trend for the figural through the close study of two embroidered jackets from the Royal Ontario Museum collection featuring dramatic scenery embroidered upon ‘narrative roundels’ and ‘narrative borders’. I argue that three primary factors explain the appearance and popularity of narrative imagery in mid- to late Qing dress and textiles: the importance of theatrical performance and narratives in nineteenth-century life; the dissemination of narrative imagery in printed anthologies and popular prints; and the commercialization of embroidery. By placing the fashion for these jackets firmly within the socio-economic context of nineteenth-century China, the paper provides a novel way of understanding the phenomena of narrative figures on women’s dress through the close relationship between popular culture and fashion in nineteenth-century Chinese women’s dress.
24
Hoeckelmann, Michael. "To Rot and Not to Die: Punitive Emasculation in Early and Medieval China." T’oung Pao 105, no. 1-2 (2019): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10512p01.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractHistorians agree that the primary source of supply for eunuchs in late imperial China was not the penal system but self-emasculation. What is less known is that the legal institution of punitive emasculation and the political institution of court eunuchs were separated long before then. While some scholars argue that emasculation was not among the mutilating punishments that Han Emperor Wen abolished in 167 BCE, there is enough evidence to show that the Han court no longer used it as a regular punishment after his reign and that Wen had indeed done away with emasculation. In fact, it was the non-Chinese Northern Wei dynasty that reintroduced it centuries later, from whence it continued to be used intermittently until the late seventh century.
25
Huang, Bing. "The Religious and Technological History of the Tang Dynasty Spherical Incense Burner." Religions 13, no. 6 (2022): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060482.
Full textAbstract:
This article introduces and explores, for the first time in any Western language, the gilded-silver xiangnang 香囊 (spherical incense burner) from Famen Temple, one of the largest xiangnang incense burners found in the Tang dynasty. The spherical incense burner evolved from censers for bedclothes known as beizhong xianglu 被中香爐 (literally “perfume burner [to be placed] among the covers [of the bed], used as a warming device), which are chronicled as early as the Han dynasty in texts such as Xijing zaji 西京雜記 (Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital). The silver spherical incense burner spread from China to the Islamic world and Venice, possibly influencing the development of the gyroscope for maritime navigation in Europe. This paper further examines the spherical incense burner’s relation to a device known as the Cardan Suspension (used to facilitate seafaring) and to the ritual of incense burning (imagined as a way to figuratively reach another world). It also discusses the spherical incense burner’s impact on similar objects from the Islamic world and Venice.
26
Waley-Cohen, Joanna. "Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (1996): 869–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016826.
Full textAbstract:
Reviewing his long reign in 1792, the Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736–1795) hailed his military triumphs as one of its central accomplishments. To underscore the importance he ascribed to these successes, he began to style himself ‘Old Man of the Ten Complete Victories’ (Shi Quan Lao Ren), after an essay in which he boldly declared he had surpassed, in ‘Ten Complete Military Victories’ (Shi Quan Wu Gong), the far-reaching westward expansions of the great Han (206 BCE–220 CE) and Tang (618–907) empires. Such an assertion, together with the program of commemoration discussed below, served to justify the immense expense incurred by frequent long-distance campaigning; to elevate all these wars to an unimpeachable level of splendor even though some were distinctly less glorious than others; and to align the Manchu Qing dynasty (16–191 i) with two of the greatest native dynasties of Chinese history and the Qianlong Emperor personally with some of the great figures of the past.
27
Milburn, Olivia. "Headhunting in ancient China: the history of violence and denial of knowledge." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 81, no. 1 (2018): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x17001446.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractHeadhunting has a long and well-documented history in China, but most people are today unaware of this practice, first recorded in Shang oracle bones and regularly mentioned in ancient Chinese texts until the Han dynasty. This ignorance is because headhunting subsequently came to be seen as a barbaric practice and knowledge concerning its long history was destroyed: this was achieved by inventing a new character, guo 聝, which means “to cut the ear of a dead enemy combatant” and using this to replace (and thus confuse meanings with) an older character guo 馘, which refers specifically to headhunting. Ancient texts in which headhunting practices are documented have been misunderstood and misrepresented by imperial era scholars to prevent anyone from seeing that ancient China was a headhunting culture. This study shows how dominant cultural norms can impact on the way in which texts are read.
28
Lu, Zhuo. "Generation of a Historical Weapon Ge and Its Impacts on Huaxia Culture." Asian Culture and History 10, no. 1 (2018): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v10n1p57.
Full textAbstract:
The history of Huaxia (Chinese: , a historical concept representing the Chinese nation and civi-lization) is full of wars. Various weapons were developed that are suitable for ground combat with horse-drawn vehicles. The weapon Ge (Chinese: ) was already used before 221 BC (before the Qin Dynasty, ca. 221–206 BC), and disappeared in around 25 AD (at the end of Western Han Dynasty). In most other regions in the world, this type of weapon has hardly been used. The weapon axe was used in the ancient wars (in the same period) outside Ancient China (also called the Middle King-dom), such as in Mesopotamia (the area of the Tigris–Euphrates river system). However, the weapon axe is different from Ge, although there seem some similarities. This article provides an in-depth study and analysis of the reasons for the historic use of this unique weapon Ge, of its development in Ancient China, and of its influence on (military and civil) culture.
29
Lullo, Sheri A. "Trailing Locks and Flowing Robes: Dimensions of Beauty during China's Han dynasty (206 bc–ad 220)." Costume 53, no. 2 (2019): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cost.2019.0122.
Full textAbstract:
This inquiry explores images of women from mortuary contexts of China's Han dynasty (206 BC–AD 220). These early images are generally regarded as static illustrations that served to frame deceased individuals and define their social position and moral values. Recent research, however, has suggested that artisans were also interested in conveying images for visual pleasure, and were thus attentive to details, particularly of hairstyle and dress, that expressed ideals of female beauty. Close study of a hairstyle common to images of Han women, which comprised a bun with a single lock of hair trailing out, alongside changes in clothing styles across the period's historical divisions indicate a growing preference for volume and fluidity in presentations of the adorned body. It is demonstrated that the trailing lock is visually and figuratively aligned with clothing styles to enhance silhouette. Moreover, the stylistic dialogue between hairstyle and clothing served as a significant indicator of a woman's grace and comportment, facets of beauty that are often overlooked for early China. Finally, such changes are understood against an historical atmosphere where a more fluid and dynamic aesthetic was increasingly favoured.
30
Leung, JSM. "Epidemics in Ancient Imperial China – Myths, Facts and Lessons for Posterity." Clinical Research and Clinical Trials 5, no. 4 (2022): 01–05. http://dx.doi.org/10.31579/2693-4779/086.
Full textAbstract:
The recorded history of China spanned over 47 centuries. Since the beginning of the first century epidemics of each dynasty had been duly, if incompletely, recorded. This study is an attempt to review the epidemics recorded from the beginning of the first century A.D., when epidemic records first appeared as a regular entry, to the beginning of the 20th century which marked the end of the last dynasty in Imperial China. No attempt is made to stratify the types of individual infections as such scientific knowledge was lacking. Rather, epidemics are treated as one subject, in the broadest sense, of massive and highly contagious infections, occurring wave after wave, affecting society, culture, governments and the rise and fall of empires dynasties. Some of the materials had been used in a previous article in this Journal but reused out of necessity. Yet, every attempt has been made to minimize excessive repetition.
31
Pikov, Gennady G. "On the Specificity of the Use of Eastern Asian Written Sources on the History of the Khitan and Their States (10th – 13th Centuries)." History 19, no. 1 (2020): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-1-18-31.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the need to consider classical medieval texts not only as sources of historical information, but also as author's works subject to a certain methodology and using a variety of historiographical technologies and ideological schemes. The specific subject of the study is the two main sources on the history of the Eastern and Western Khitans (“Khitan Guo Chi” / “History of the Khitan state” and “Liao Shi” / “History of the [dynasty] Liao”), who created the largest state structures in the pre-Mongol period. “Khian Guo Zhi” is more of a history of the Khitan ethnos, whereas “Liao Shi” is a history of the dynasty, i.e., of the state construction. As a result, we have the maximum possible penetration in those days into the two most important topics-the people as a geopolitical actor and the state as a civilizational-state structure. Their authors carried out impressive synthetic work to prove certain postulates. These are, strictly speaking, not scientific approaches, but ideological, existing, moreover, often in the form of Philistine fabrications. These sources raise a particularly significant problem of the origin of the Khitan, their dynasty, civilizational affiliation of the Khitan, the Khitan determination of the place in a nomadic world, the specifics of socio-economic and social system of the state of Liao, Khitan influence on the social development of the far East and East Asian regions. In them, the Chinese civilizational paradigm was applied to the fullest extent possible, the essential worldview settings of classical Chinese historiography are traced: Sino-centrism, sedentary centrism, Han-fan dichotomies and culture – nature. As a result, these works had a significant impact on the development of the two most common approaches to studying the history of Khitan, which are considered as classical barbarians who constantly attacked China and for this purpose created their own quasi-state, but under the influence of Chinese civilization “grew” to the level of the traditional dynasty.
32
Li, Qiang, Bin Li, and Xiao Ming Yang. "Study on the Hand Spinning Wheel in a Copy of the Mural Painting Collected by Mr. Liu Xianzhou." Advanced Materials Research 282-283 (July 2011): 497–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.282-283.497.
Full textAbstract:
Many scholars have too much ignored the studies on the hand spinning wheel in ancient China, they drew some wrong conclusions based primarily on the hand spinning wheel in a copy of the mural painting collected by Mr. Liu Xianzhou. We aim to explain the history of hand spinning wheel in ancient China objectively. We made a complete investigation on the image information on the hand spinning wheel from the art works of the Han Dynasty, at the same time we analyzed referenced materials about the hand spinning wheel in ancient China. It is concluded that the mural painting itself is a counterfeit, and the process of shape changes of the hand spinning wheels in ancient China experienced three stages: the finger spinning wheel rotated by the spokes, the crank spinning wheel rotated by the spokes, the hand spinning cord wheel.
33
Dean, Austin. "A Coin for China? The Monetary Standards Debate at the End of the Qing Dynasty, 1900–1912." Modern China 44, no. 6 (2018): 591–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418766886.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines debates about monetary standards in the final years of the Qing dynasty. As silver depreciated on the world market, Qing statesmen discussed whether to adopt the gold-exchange standard or to stay on the silver standard. These debates took place on a conceptual and practical level: Should and could the Qing dynasty adopt the gold-exchange standard and what were the economic, political, and symbolic implications of doing so? The article contributes to the history of the late Qing dynasty by focusing on the monetary thought of figures more famous for their other roles: Zhang Zhidong, Liang Qichao, and Kang Youwei. It shows how the monetary standards debate had complex links to international finance, conceptions of sovereignty, central-provincial relations, and public finance. The article concludes by demonstrating how these debates continued in the next decades, becoming a central issue in modern Chinese history.
34
Huang, Wenji, Mingwang Xi, Shibao Lu, and Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary. "Rise and Fall of the Grand Canal in the Ancient Kaifeng City of China: Role of the Grand Canal and Water Supply in Urban and Regional Development." Water 13, no. 14 (2021): 1932. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13141932.
Full textAbstract:
In the long history of the feudal society of China, Kaifeng played a vital role. During the Northern Song Dynasty, Kaifeng became a worldwide metropolis. The important reason was that the Grand Canal, which was excavated during the Sui Dynasty, became the main transportation artery for the political and military center of the north and the economic center of the south. Furthermore, Kaifeng was located at the center of the Grand Canal, which made it the capital of the later Northern Song Dynasty. The Northern Song Dynasty was called “the canal-centered era.” The development of the canal caused a series of major changes in the society of the Northern Song Dynasty that were different from the previous ones, which directly led to the transportation revolution, and in turn, promoted the commercial revolution and the urbanization of Kaifeng. The development of commerce contributed to the agricultural and money revolutions. After the Northern Song Dynasty, the political center moved to the south. During the Yuan Dynasty, the excavation of the Grand Canal made it so that water transport did not have to pass through the Central Plains. The relocation of the political center and the change in the canal route made Kaifeng lose the value of connecting the north and south, resulting in the long-time fall of the Bianhe River. Kaifeng, which had prospered for more than 100 years, declined gradually, and by the end of the Qing Dynasty, it became a common town in the Central Plains. In ancient China, the rise and fall of cities and regions were closely related to the canal, and the relationship between Kaifeng and the Grand Canal was typical. The history may provide some inspiration for the increasingly severe urban and regional sustainable development issues in contemporary times.
35
Yingsheng, Liu, and Ralph Kauz. "Armenia in Chinese Sources." Iran and the Caucasus 12, no. 2 (2008): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x406001.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper discusses several toponyms in Chinese sources, which may possibly be identified with Armenia. First, Aman country, which can be found in the "History of the Later Han" (compiled 3rd–5th centuries) and in the "Account of the Wei Dynasty" (compiled between 239 and 265), is discussed, and it is suggested that there are reasons for an identification, though doubts remain. Armenia was well known by the Mongols and the "Korean Worldmap", which originates in Chinese geographical scholarship during the Mongol period and depicts possibly even Greater and Lesser Armenia. Another source of that period that mentions Armenia is "Muslim Prescriptions" (Huihui yaofang), which names Armenian materia medica known in China. Finally, two other Chinese geographical texts of the 16th and early 18th century that deal with Armenia and the Caucasus region are discussed. This paper shows that Armenia was described in Chinese texts since at least the Mongol period, and that China had a profound knowledge of the geographical situation in Western Asia.
36
Lippiello, Tiziana. "Why Was the Chinese Historian Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) So Fond of Auspicious Signs and Prophecies?" International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 3, № 1 (2022): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899201-12340022.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), who compiled the Songshu 宋書 (History of the Song), one of the dynastic histories of China, dedicated three chapters (juan) of this work to auspicious signs and prophecies, which were evidently an issue of discussion and interest among the scholars of his time. In this article, I will first give an overview of the discussion of inauspicious and auspicious omens during the Han dynasty, which provided an influential model for later works on the topic. I will then address the question why Shen Yue devoted so much attention to the subject and how he related it to the succession of the short-lived regimes of the southern dynasties. By analyzing Shen Yue’s “Furui zhi” 符瑞志 (Treatise on auspicious signs), his biography, and his historical background, I aim to demonstrate why Shen Yue treated auspicious omens and prophecies as positive messages from nature, which were addressed to both his contemporaries and future generations.
37
Ma, Xiaolin. "A Study of Chao Meng-Fu's Saddle Horse Painting from the Perspective of Ethnic Integration." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 5 (November 23, 2022): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v5i.2898.
Full textAbstract:
The Yuan Dynasty was a period of multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, mutual exchange and integration in Chinese history. As a Han official who served in the Yuan Dynasty, Chao Meng-Fu's artistic style not only inherited the orthodox Chinese culture but was also inevitably influenced by the culture of minority groups in the Yuan Dynasty due to his political identity. This paper attempts to start from an ethnic perspective, select the theme of saddle horse painting, which was more popular among ethnic minorities, and study the relationship between the evolution of Chao Meng-Fu's saddle horse painting style and the great ethnic integration of the Yuan Dynasty, to understand the relationship between the transformation of Chao Meng-Fu's artistic style and social development, and thus peep into the cultural and artistic development under the background of ethnic integration in ancient China. To the research results, Chao Meng-Fu's early artistic career mainly consisted of learning and inheriting the traditional culture of the Central Plains, but after joining the Yuan Dynasty, his saddle horse painting and artistic thoughts were influenced by the culture and arts of different ethnic groups, in the context of the integration of various ethnic groups in the Yuan Dynasty, eventually formed an artistic style of "simple brushwork and divine spirit with high intention," thus contributing to the development of ancient Chinese art from the perspective of artistic development. The author hopes that through this research, it can provide some contributions to scholars who study this field in the future.
38
Ma, Xixian, Wenjun Yang, Yang Gao, et al. "Genetic Origins and Sex-Biased Admixture of the Huis." Molecular Biology and Evolution 38, no. 9 (2021): 3804–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msab158.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Hui people are unique among Chinese ethnic minorities in that they speak the same language as Han Chinese (HAN) but practice Islam. However, as the second-largest minority group in China numbering well over 10 million, the Huis are under-represented in both global and regional genomic studies. Here, we present the first whole-genome sequencing effort of 234 Hui individuals (NXH) aged over 60 who have been living in Ningxia, where the Huis are mostly concentrated. NXH are genetically more similar to East Asian than to any other global populations. In particular, the genetic differentiation between NXH and HAN (FST = 0.0015) is only slightly larger than that between northern and southern HAN (FST = 0.0010), largely attributed to the western ancestry in NXH (∼10%). Highly differentiated functional variants between NXH and HAN were identified in genes associated with skin pigmentation (e.g., SLC24A5), facial morphology (e.g., EDAR), and lipid metabolism (e.g., ABCG8). The Huis are also distinct from other Muslim groups such as the Uyghurs (FST = 0.0187), especially, NXH derived much less western ancestry (∼10%) compared with the Uyghurs (∼50%). Modeling admixture history indicated that NXH experienced an episode of two-wave admixture. An ancient admixture occurred ∼1,025 years ago, reflecting the intensive west–east contacts during the late Tang Dynasty, and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. A recent admixture occurred ∼500 years ago, corresponding to the Ming Dynasty. Notably, we identified considerable sex-biased admixture, that is, excess of western males and eastern females contributing to the NXH gene pool. The origins and the genomic diversity of the Hui people imply the complex history of contacts between western and eastern Eurasians.
39
Milburn, Olivia. "Jealousy and Domestic Violence by Women in Early and Medieval China." T’oung Pao 107, no. 5-6 (2021): 555–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10705002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Beginning in the early imperial era, Chinese texts recorded instances of domestic violence perpetrated by women living in polygynous households. These acts of abuse were commonly understood to be the result of sexual jealousy. Marital disharmony was a cause of great concern to the elite, as a result of which legal and historical texts, as well as the literature of the period, provide a rich vein of evidence concerning domestic violence perpetrated by women. Furthermore, there are some surprisingly sympathetic accounts of the psychological pressures that led to such abuse by wives. As the importance of this material in the history of marital relationships and domestic life in China has been neglected, this study provides an overview of some of the key sources, particularly the recently discovered Han dynasty narrative poem, Wang Ji 妄稽.
40
Halperin, Mark. "Explaining Perfection: Quanzhen and Thirteenth-century Chinese Literati." T’oung Pao 104, no. 5-6 (2018): 572–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10456p05.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Quanzhen Daoist order stands as the most dynamic religious element in north China of the tumultuous thirteenth century. Drawing on funeral epitaphs and abbey commemorations, this article illustrates how famous and obscure Confucian scholar-officials interpreted the order’s remarkable success in various ways. Some credited Quanzhen with pruning Daoism of its post-Han dynasty excrescences and reviving the heritage’s basic teachings. For others, Quanzhen marked simply the latest chapter in Daoism’s undimmed heroic history. A third group pointed to the order’s ascetic discipline, which as a matter of course attracted elite and mass devotion. Significantly, epitaphs and commemorations composed by Quanzhen writers sounded similar themes, suggesting that the learned laity and clergy shared a common discourse casting the order as a force for Han culture during foreign occupation.
41
Li, Teng. "The Sacred River: State Ritual, Political Legitimacy, and Religious Practice of the Jidu in Imperial China." Religions 13, no. 6 (2022): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060507.
Full textAbstract:
This paper focuses on the Jidu 濟瀆 (i.e., the Ji River 濟水), one of the four waterways (sidu 四瀆) in imperial China. Even though it vanished a long time ago, the Jidu had always been a part of the traditional Chinese ritual system of mountain- and water-directed state sacrifices. From the Western Han dynasty to the Qing dynasty, it continuously received regular state sacrifices. However, Western scholars have failed to notice it. Some modern Chinese and Japanese scholars have studied the development of the Jidu sacrifice, but its embodied political and religious significances for the state and local society were largely ignored. To remedy this neglect, I provide here, with new discoveries and conclusions, the first comprehensive study of the Jidu sacrifice in imperial China. Surrounding this coherent theme, this paper draws several original arguments from its four sections. The first section is a brief history of the state sacrifice to the Jidu. In the second section, I analyze the ideas of state authority, political legitimacy, religious belief, and cosmology, as these underlie the ritual performance concerning the Jidu. I argue that the Jidu was not only tightly associated with controlling water but was also a symbol and mechanism of political legitimacy. Relying on concrete official and local records, in the third section I further investigate the role that the Jidu God played in local society. I argue that after the Song dynasty, the Jidu God was transformed into a regional protector of local society and savior of local people in addition to an official water god. In the fourth section, I, for the first time, examine the interaction between the Jidu cult and other religious traditions including Daoism, Buddhism, and folk religion.
42
Liu, Li. "Who were the ancestors? The origins of Chinese ancestral cult and racial myths." Antiquity 73, no. 281 (1999): 602–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00065170.
Full textAbstract:
Ancestor worship has been a dominant religious form in ancient as well as modern China. It has shaped thought and behaviour for millennia, and has been used by élites as propaganda legitimizing their political positions. Ancestors can be created and modified, so the nature of the ancestral cult has changed through time. Using archaeological data from China, this article first enables an exploration of the earliest manifestations and the development of ancestor-worship ritual in the Neolithic period; secondly, demonstrates that lineage/tribal ancestors became state deities in the Shang dynasty (c. 1600-1100 BC); and, thirdly, investigates the process in modern history by which a legendary sage, the Yellow Emperor, was first transformed into the progenitor of the Han Chinese, and then into the common ancestor of all Chinese people.
43
Xie, Jixian. "Origin and development of primitive "porcelain" (proto-porcelain) in China." Философия и культура, no. 7 (July 2022): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2022.7.38429.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the features of the development of Chinese primitive porcelain (proto-porcelain). The purpose of the article is to reveal the periodization of the development of Chinese porcelain in the early stages of its history and the influence of proto-porcelain on the so-called "mature" porcelain of later periods. Primitive porcelain, which is the transitional stage from earthenware to real porcelain, dates back to the era between the Shang Dynasty and the Eastern Han Dynasty. The study was conducted using historical and comparative methods, as well as the method of formal stylistic analysis. It was important to determine the characteristics of primitive porcelain and to reveal its role in the development of the global art of folklore production. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it not only reveals the time frame for the production of primitive porcelain in China and determines its technological and chemical properties, but also points out the influence factors of primitive porcelain on the historical development of Chinese and world porcelain. It was revealed that the origin of primitive porcelain dates back to the 16th-11th centuries BC, its development took place in the XI-II centuries BC, and the end of the era of primitive porcelain refers to the II-III centuries BC. Primitive porcelain has evolved over nearly two millennia. Having reached its peak, the technology of its manufacture provided the technological basis for the creation of "mature" porcelain. The conclusion is made about the significant influence that primitive porcelain had on Chinese, and through it – on world porcelain, largely determining the formation of this significant phenomenon of material culture.
44
Herman, John. "The Kingdoms of Nanzhong China's Southwest Border Region Prior to the Eighth Century." T'oung Pao 95, no. 4 (2009): 241–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/008254309x507052.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article utilizes recent ethno-historical scholarship and archaeological discoveries in southwest China to examine the accuracy of the earliest Chinese historical sources dealing with the peoples and cultures in Nanzhong, the most common name for the southwest region (Yunnan, Guizhou, and southern Sichuan) prior to the Tang dynasty. Archaeology makes clear that Nanzhong was a settled border region with several highly sophisticated and divergent cultures. Early Chinese incursions into Nanzhong left an indelible mark on the peoples living there, but these brief and generally unsuccessful forays also influenced the views of China's elites regarding China's relations with this region. Since at least the Qin and Han, China's scholar-officials considered Nanzhong not only as an inhospitable frontier populated with uncivilized barbarians (manyi), but also as a peripheral part of China where intrepid commanders such as Tang Meng in the second century BCE and Zhuge Liang at the beginning of the third century CE had staked China's claim. This article casts doubt on the historical fiction of a staked claim. Cet article s'appuie sur les recherches ethno-historiques et des découvertes archéologiques récentes pour vérifier l'exactitude des sources chinoises les plus anciennes concernant les peuples et les cultures du Nanzhong, comme était communément appelé le Sud-Ouest (le Yunnan, le Guizhou et le sud du Sichuan) avant la dynastie des Tang. L'archéologie montre à l'évidence que le Nanzhong était une région frontière habitée, siège de plusieurs cultures hautement sophistiquées et différenciées. Si les premières incursions chinoises dans le Nanzhong ont laissé une empreinte indélébile sur les populations locales, ces campagnes brèves et en général infructueuses ont également influencé l'opinion des élites chinoises concernant les relations de la Chine avec le Sud-Ouest. Depuis au moins les Qin et les Han les lettrés-fonctionnaires chinois considéraient le Nanzhong non seulement comme une frontière inhospitalière peuplée de barbares dénués de civilisation (manyi), mais aussi comme un territoire périphérique de la Chine où des généraux intrépides comme Tang Meng au iie siècle avant notre ère et Zhuge Liang au début du iiie siècle de notre ère avaient établi des droits pour la Chine. L'article met en doute cette fiction historique d'un droit établi.
45
Shim, Jae-Hoon. "An Ever-contested Poem: The Classic of Poetry's “Hanyi” and the Sino-Korean History Debate." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 2 (2012): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812000125.
Full textAbstract:
Since 2003, the dispute over the history of the ancient kingdom of Koguryŏ (37 bce, trad.-668 ce), located in Manchuria and northern Korea, has been one of the hottest issues between China and Korea. The debate seems to have fueled a new nationalistic or Sinocentric historiography of the ancient Chinese northeast. A ninth century BCE poem called “Hanyi” in the Classic of Poetry [Shijing] has been the cause of a far older history dispute. Whereas Chinese scholars have generally understood Han as a Zhou feudal state ruled by a Ji-surnamed scion of the Zhou Dynasty (1045–256 bce), most Korean scholars have linked the polity with Old Chosŏn (n.d.-108 bce), the earliest known state in Korean history. However, by comparing the “Hanyi” with several bronze inscriptions with similar contents, this study seeks to re-read the “Hanyi” from a perspective that transcends the dichotomy of Chinese history versus Korean history.
46
An, Shun, Zhongning Guo, and Hai Fang. "Study on the Kansei Image of Linear Elements of Wooden Screens on the Basis of Modern Aesthetics." Forest Products Journal 72, no. 4 (2022): 258–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.13073/fpj-d-22-00045.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract As a primitive furniture with the longest history in China, the screen (pingfeng) originated in the western Zhou Dynasty and went through the Han and Tang dynasties, the Five Dynasties, the Song Dynasty, and the Ming and Qing dynasties and is still being used to date. This paper aims to explore the modern aesthetics contained in the traditional screen line and measure the contribution of some linear elements to the overall modern characteristics of the screen. By adopting the method of Kansei engineering, quantitative research is carried out on the Kansei image and the linear patterns of the traditional Chinese screens. The results show that the factors affecting the modern aesthetics of the screen have three linear elements: the top section (pingmao), the upright brackets (zhanya), and the base (dunzuo), with the top section and the base having the greatest influence on the “modern” kansei image of the screen. On the basis of these linear features, the style of the screen can be determined, and the quantitative data can provide reference for the design of modern screens.
47
Tse, Wicky W. K. "Opportunism in Foreign Affairs in First Century BCE China: Chen Tang, His Fellows, and Their Patrons." T’oung Pao 107, no. 3-4 (2021): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10703010.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract By examining the career of a contingent of action-prone mid-level military officers and diplomats, this article aims to explore how opportunism functioned in foreign affairs during the last decades of the Former Han dynasty (202 BCE–9 CE). To safeguard and advance the empire’s interests, especially in Central Asia, these characters would carry out their missions with expediency, usually by the means of assassination and surprise attacks, and sometimes without formal authorization. Yet their successful operations always earned, if retrospectively, the endorsement of the imperial court, which in turn encouraged further ventures. The investigation of the front-line opportunists and their patrons presents a lively picture of the politics and political culture of the time.
48
Truong, Le Quang. "Vuong Huu Quang and his poems inspired on the ambassador trip to China." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 4 (2020): First. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i4.599.
Full textAbstract:
Vuong Huu Quang 王有光, with courtesy name Dung Hoi用晦 and poetic name Te Trai 濟齋, was a high-ranked mandarin of the Nguyen Dynasty. He was born in Tan Duc Village, Tan Long District, Phien An Town, Gia Dinh Province, Southern Vietnam, into a family of the Ming-Dynasty immigrants who originated from CangZhou County, Fujian Province. Vuong Huu Quang held many important positions in the imperial court across various localities and traveled to China for diplomatic mission twice in the fifth year of Thieu Tri Emperor (1845) and from the seventh year of Thieu Tri (1847) to the first year of Tu Duc Emperor (1848). His name, however, is unfamiliar to Vietnamese modern readers due to his limited written legacy, most of which was lost in history. Researchers have known of only two steles poems he left in China, one engraved on a stele in Wuxi and the other in the Yue Fei Temple. Upon reading the old collection Viet Nam Han van Yen hanh van hien tap thanh 越南漢文燕行文獻集成, I discovered that Vuong Huu Quang and his co-worker Pham Chi Huong enjoyed writing and responding in poetic form during their diplomatic trips to China. This article introduces several more poems of Vuong Huu Quang to expand our understanding of another Southern Vietnamese poet who have been mostly covered by time, and provides a brief analysis on the poetic style that Vuong Huu Quang and Pham Chi Huong applied in portraying historical figures.
49
Mann, Susan. "Widows in the Kinship, Class, and Community Structures of Qing Dynasty China." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 1 (1987): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056665.
Full textAbstract:
In 1934 Liu Jihua, a classically trained feminist at Yanjing University, published an article on the history of the concept of chastity in China. Meticulously documented and lavishly illustrated with quotations from the classics (beginning with the Book of Changes), her long essay argued that, by the Qing dynasty, female chastity had “become a religion” (zongjiaohua): a prescriptive norm accepted as a matter of faith by most men and women.
50
Lieberman, Victor. "The Qing Dynasty and Its Neighbors." Social Science History 32, no. 2 (2008): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010786.
Full textAbstract:
Peter C. Perdue'sChina Marches Westargues that the Qing dynasty's ability to break through historical territorial barriers on China's northwestern frontier reflected greater Manchu familiarity with steppe culture than their Chinese predecessors had exhibited, reinforced by superior commercial, technical, and symbolic resources and the benefits of a Russian alliance. Qing imperial expansion illustrated patterns of territorial consolidation apparent as well in Russia's forward movement in Inner Asia and, ironically, in the heroic, if ultimately futile, projects of the western Mongols who fell victim to the Qing. After summarizing Perdue's thesis, this essay extends his comparisons geographically and chronologically to argue that between 1600 and 1800 states ranging from western Europe through Japan to Southeast Asia exhibited similar patterns of political and cultural integration and that synchronized integrative cycles across Eurasia extended from the ninth to the nineteenth centuries. Yet in its growing vulnerability to Inner Asian domination, China proper—along with other sectors of the “exposed zone” of Eurasia—exemplified a species of state formation that was reasonably distinct from trajectories in sectors of Eurasia that were protected against Inner Asian conquest.