Academic literature on the topic 'China History Revolution, 1911-1912'
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Journal articles on the topic "China History Revolution, 1911-1912"
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Rukhlin, Alexey N., and Oksana A. Rukhlina. "The Xinhai Revolution in China on the Pages of the Samara Periodic Press." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 21, no. 4 (2021): 384–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.056.021.202104.384-393.
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Introduction. This article describes the Xinhai Revolution in China. The authors, with the help of the Samara periodicals, highlighted the beginning, course and completion of the revolution, the activities of Sun Yatsen and Yuan Shikai, as well as the social aspects of this period. October 10, 2021, the legitimate successors of the Xinhai Revolution of the PRC and the Republic of China in Taiwan celebrate 110 years. The significance of the presented material is undoubted, since it is based on real historical sources – periodicals of 1911–1912. The purpose of the article is to determine the historical place of the Xinhai Revolution and its importance for the further history of China on the basis of newspaper materials. Materials and Methods. The most important in the study, based on the provisions formulated by the above authors, is the historical method, or, as it is also formulated, the principle of historicism. In carrying out this scientific research, the author relied primarily on special historical or general historical methods. Research Results. The study showed that starting with the Wuchansk uprising on October 10, 1911, metropolitan and provincial newspapers actively followed and published materials about the revolution. The outbreak of riots and uprisings in the provinces were reflected in detail by journalists and editors of Samara newspapers. The left-wing liberal party press, in contrast to the semi-official press, perceived the revolutionary movement of the popular masses in China positively. Discussion and Conclusion. Any revolution is always a large and controversial topic for scientific discussion. The Xinhai Revolution did not lead to the expected results, both among the people and among the bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia and the upper class. It was followed by further turmoil, which led first to the government of the Kuomintang, and then the Communists. It can be concluded that the theme of the Chinese Revolution of 1911–1912 is still relevant. The proposed provisions and conclusions create the prerequisites for further study of this problem.
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Wong, R. Bin. "Centennial perspectives on China’s 1911 Revolution." China Information 25, no. 3 (2011): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x11422966.
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Both within and beyond China, contemporary reflections on the end of two millennia of imperial rule in China frequently focus upon the failure of the new republic to form a strong state and an effective parliamentary form of representative government. For many the agenda for political change in China today is traced back to unfulfilled opportunities in the past. This presentation suggests another set of perspectives that asks what political challenges were met in order to create a state ruling almost all the territory of the former empire, a transition unusual if not unique in the world history of empires, and how the manner in which those challenges were met influences the kinds of problems and possibilities China faces a century after the end of the last dynasty.
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Mitter, Rana. "1911: The Unanchored Chinese Revolution." China Quarterly 208 (December 2011): 1009–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001123.
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AbstractOne hundred years after the 1911 Revolution (Xinhai Revolution) in China, its meaning continues to be highly contested. Paradoxically, the more time that passes, the less certain either political actors or scholars seem to be about the significance of 1911 for the path of Chinese revolutionary history. This essay examines three phenomena: the appropriation of 1911 in contemporary political and popular culture; the use of 1911 as a metaphor for contemporary politics by PRC historians; and the changing meaning of 1911 over the past ten decades, particularly during the years of the war against Japan. The essay concludes that it is precisely the “unanchored” nature of 1911, separated from any one path of historical interpretation, that has kept its meaning simultaneously uncertain and potent.
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Cahill, Cathleen D. "“Our Sisters in China Are Free”: Visual Representations of Chinese and Chinese American Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (2020): 634–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000365.
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AbstractBoth white and Chinese American suffragists in the United States closely watched and discussed the events of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 and the establishment of the Chinese Republic (1912–1949). They were aware of the republican revolutionaries’ support for women's rights, which conflicted with American stereotypes of China as a backward nation, especially in its treatment of women. Chinese suffragists, real and imagined, became a major talking point in debates over women's voting rights in the United States as white suffragists and national newspapers championed their stories. This led to prominent visual depictions of Chinese suffragists in the press, but also their participation in public events such as suffrage parades. For a brief time, the transnational nature of suffrage conversations was highly visible as was the suffrage activism of women in U.S. Chinese communities. However, because Chinese immigrants were barred from citizenship by U.S. immigration law, white activists tended to depict Chinese suffragists as foreign, resulting in the erasure of their memory in the U.S. suffrage movement.
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Coble, Parks M., and Douglas R. Reynolds. "China, 1898-1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Japan." American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (1994): 1737. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168513.
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Grove, Linda, and Douglas R. Reynolds. "China, 1898-1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Japan." Monumenta Nipponica 49, no. 1 (1994): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385512.
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Gasster, Michael, Hungdah Chiu, and Shao-Chuan Leng. "China: Seventy Years after the 1911 Hsin-Hai Revolution." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (1985): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859800.
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Dirlik, Arif, and Roxann Prazniak. "The 1911 Revolution: An end and a beginning." China Information 25, no. 3 (2011): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x11418247.
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The 1911 Revolution was a momentous event in bringing down the monarchical institution with a history of 2,000 years. Yet its consequences were ambiguous, it was overshadowed by the more radical revolution that followed in 1949, and it was stigmatized by the defeat of the Kuomintang, which claimed it as its own. Its ‘revolutionariness’ has been in question even as it has been celebrated as a turning point in modern Chinese history. This discussion reaffirms the revolutionary significance of the event, but also suggests that it is best viewed as a ‘high peak’ in a revolution of long duration that is yet to be completed. The current regime in China has revived aspects of monarchical culture and practices that revolutionaries sought to abolish in 1911. Most importantly, the promise of full citizenship for all that animated the 1911 Revolution remains unfulfilled, which may explain the contemporary regime’s nervousness over the celebration of its 100th anniversary.
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Cheung, Siu Keung. "Ideological battles in and out 1911." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 13, no. 2 (2017): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2017-0006.
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Purpose During the centennial anniversary of Xinhai Revolution in 2011, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television supported the production of 1911 for celebrating such an important event that lead to the rise of the Republic of China in the contemporary Chinese history. This paper aims to reflect upon this film in relation to China’s propagation of “Greater China” for the Empire-building project. Design/methodology/approach By scrutinizing the film text and following the strait controversies over the film, this paper demonstrates how the Chinese Communist agents employed the coproduction model with Hong Kong for globalizing a cinematic discourse of Greater China in part of their Empire-building project. Findings The study challenges how contemporary Chinese history is ideologically and politically manipulated for advancing the Chinese Communist propaganda over Taiwan. The overall objective is to reflect upon the longstanding historical divergences that stand on the current geopolitical envision and strategy of China for reunification. Originality/value This paper provides an interdisciplinary reflection upon the intricate post-Cold War politics in part of the contemporary Chinese cinema under the China–Hong Kong coproduction model. The findings advance novel and timely insights into China’s current envision and strategy for reunification.
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Tsin, Michael. "Xiaowei Zheng. The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (2020): 1394–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa496.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "China History Revolution, 1911-1912"
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Asbell, Andrea. "The foundation for revolution : educational reforms in late Chʻing China". PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4125.
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Historical consensus has labeled the educational reform efforts of China's scholar-officials in the second half of the nineteenth century as merely reactions to external circumstances and therefore has concluded that these reforms were "failures". The youthful revolt against Chinese cultural traditions, which culminated in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, has frequently been cited as a clear demonstration that previous educational reforms had failed. However, when viewed as the intellectual phase of the revolutionary process, reform activities among members of China's bureaucratic and scholarly elite in the four and one half decades from the 1860s to the early 1900s can be seen as limited, but definite, successes, initiated from within the traditional society and assisted by the introduction of Western secular knowledge by Protestant missionaries.
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Karrar, Hasan Haider. "National consciousness and the Communist Revolution in China, 1921-1928." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ43891.pdf.
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Dear, Devon Margaret. "Marginal Revolutions: Economies and Economic Knowledge between Qing China, Russia, and Mongolia, 1860 - 1911." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11671.
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This dissertation began with a question: what does it mean to say or grasp "the economy"? This dissertation examines it examines on-the-ground trading, mining, and money lending between Russian and Qing subjects in Qing Mongolian territories and southeastern Siberia, primarily, though not exclusively, during the years 1860 - 1911. This dissertation uses archival records from Mongolia, the Russian Federation, and the People's Republic of China, in addition to travel accounts, economic surveys, gazetteers, and periodicals. Combining Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian, and Russian primary sources, it provides a trans-imperial examination of both how quotidian trade was carried out as well as the broader intellectual and political contexts that shaped the parameters of economic life. A bourgeoning labor market developed in Mongolia in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The legalization of Russian trade provided new labor opportunities for Mongolians and Russian alike, particularly in working in transportation, wool washing, and mining. In addition to the transportation industry examines cases of gold-mining, Russian-Mongolian debt, and Buddhist monasteries' roles in facilitating trade.
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Zhang, Handan. "The seeds of the Chinese agrarian revolution : the level and dispersion of living standards in 1929-1933." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2008. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2008/25146/25146.pdf.
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Cinquini, Philippe. "Les artistes chinois en France et l’Ecole nationale supérieure des beaux-arts de Paris à l’époque de la Première République de Chine (1911-1949) : pratiques et enjeux de la formation artistique académique." Thesis, Lille 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL30003/document.
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La présence des artistes chinois en France durant la première moitié du XXe siècle s’est fixée de manière exceptionnelle et durable à l’École des beaux-arts de Paris, au point qu’on puisse, à partir du dépouillement des archives nationales (cote AJ52), parler d’un « phénomène chinois à l’École des beaux-arts de Paris ». Ce phénomène a engagé plus de 130 élèves chinois inscrits dans les galeries et dans les ateliers de peinture et de sculpture entre 1914 et 1955. Aussi, cette présence à l’École des beaux-arts constitua une caractéristique essentielle du mouvement des artistes chinois en France et plus largement en Occident. À ce titre, ce phénomène a joué un rôle important dans l’évolution du champ artistique chinois moderne, sur le plan social,technique et artistique à travers un processus de « transfert culturel ». Ce phénomène fut possible grâce à une relation privilégiée qui exista entre la France et la Chine au début du XXe siècle (le « dialogue entre deux républiques »). Mais l’École des beaux-arts fut aussi un espace de concurrence entre les différentes tendances artistiques modernes chinoises dont beaucoup des chefs de file passèrent par les ateliers de l’École. Parmi eux,Xu Beihong (1895-1953) occupa une place particulière car il développa une stratégie sociale et artistique cohérente qui posait comme fondamentales la formation artistique académique et l’expérience à l’École des beaux-arts de Paris. Cette expérience enrichie par la maîtrise du dessin académique, de l’anatomie artistique et de la peinture d’histoire, fut orientée vers une production inédite à bien des égards en Chine, à l’huile et à l’encre. Aussi, après une période consensuelle des années 1910 aux années 1920, il semble qu’à partir des années 1930, le phénomène chinois à l’École des beaux-arts de Paris alimenta essentiellement le pôle éducatif et artistique de Xu Beihong en France et en Chine. Ce phénomène chinois à l’École des beaux-arts de Paris,attaché à la formation académique et à l’art académique français, fut un élément dynamique dans l’élaboration de la modernité artistique en Chine au XXe siècle<br>The presence of Chinese artists in France during the first half of the Twentieth Century was an exceptional and enduring phenomenon at the National School of Fine Arts of Paris (École nationale des Beaux-Arts de Paris). Based on the analysis of the documents from the French National Archives, the number of Chinese students was so substantial that it deserves to be called as the 'Chinese phenomenon at the École des Beaux-Arts'. Between 1914 and 1955, more than 130 Chinese students enrolled at the 'Galeries' (preparatory training in drawing) and at the painting and sculpture studios called 'Ateliers'. This situation at the École des Beaux-Arts essentially reflected the movement of Chinese artists in France and more widely in the West. It played an important role in the changing field of the modern Chinese art, socially, technically and artistically ,through a process of "Cultural Transfer" and was made possible by the privileged relationship between France and China at the beginning of the Twentieth Century (the "Dialogue between two Republics"). Nevertheless, the École des Beaux-Arts also became an area of competition between the various modern Chinese artistic tendencies, as many leaders of different groups studied at the workshops of the École des Beaux-Arts. Amongthem, Xu Beihong (1895-1953), who developed a coherent social and artistic strategies, was especially significant. Xu received fundamental academic artistic training at the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris. Xu’s experience, enriched by his mastery of academic drawing, artistic anatomy and history painting, made his artistic production unprecedented in many respects of Chinese art, in oil and in ink. In addition, after a consensual period from the 1910s to the 1920s, it seems that from the 1930s, the Chinese phenomenon at the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris mainly fostered Xu’s central position in educational and artistic camps inFrance and China. This Chinese phenomenon at the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris, which is attached to academic training and to French academic art, was a dynamic element in the elaboration of artistic modernityin Twentieth Century China
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Li, Jinqiang. "Revolution in treaty ports : Fujian's revolutionary movement in the late Qing period : 1895 - 1911." Phd thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110198.
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Fujian, a coastal province in the southern part of China, has historically been
famous for the overseas emigration of its people and maritime trade with the
subsequent emergence of well known ports including Fuzhou, Quanzhou, Zhangzhou
and Xiamen. Among these ports, Fuzhou and Xiamen were particularly significant
in that their being opened as treaty ports after the Opium Wars had resulted in the
penetration of Western culture which was followed by the gradual modernization of
the province.
Between the late 19th and early 20th Centuries, the Qing government made
great reform efforts in search of wealth and power. Under this circumstance, the
local officials and gentry of Fujian also co-operated to carry out various reforms.
Fujian became the first province in China to establish a modern navy and shipbuilding
industry. The following decade of reforms (1901-1911) saw a comprehensive
transplant of Western educational, military, economic and political systems in Fujian.
As a result, there were great social and cultural changes in the province, especially
in Fuzhou and Xiamen. New trends of thought and new social groups began to
emerge in the urban areas.
Unfortunately, the Qing Court's attempts at modernization failed to save the
country from foreign aggression. Fujian, due to its location in the coastal region,
became a target of invasion and partitioning by foreign powers, with Japan being the
most ambitious. Frustrated by the incompetence of the Manchu government, the new
Fujianese intellectuals, filled with ideas of nationalism, began in 1902 to organize
revolutionary groups and enlist the support of new social groups in the urban areas
including students, merchants, industrial workers and the new army to carry out antiManchu
activities. The new intelligentsia of Fuzhou and the Fujianese Overseas
Chinese were the principal advocates and promoters of the revolutionary movement
in the province. They set up revolutionary groups and promoted revolutionary
activities in the various Fujianese cities as well as in Shanghai, Tokyo and Southeast
Asia. They also developed a close relationship with leaders of the Tongmenghui such
as Sun Yat Sen, Huang Xing, Zhao Sheng and Tao Chengzhang. In 1906, the Fujian
Branch of the Tongmenghui was founded and it became the commanding centre of
the revolutionary movement in the province. The Fujianese revolutionaries evidently
played an active role in the revolutionary movement of the late Qing period. Despite
its importance, the province of Fujian has not been given the attention it deserves by
historians of the 1911 Revolution. This thesis therefore focuses on the Fujianese
revolutionary leaders, groups and activities in an attempt to affirm the historical
position and significance of Fujian in the Late Qing Revolution.
After the Wuchang Uprising of 1911, the Fujianese revolutionaries joined in
alliance with the new army in the province to stage the Battle of Yu Shan in Fuzhou.
With the full support of the masses, they finally succeeded in defeating the Banner
Forces and overthrowing the Manchu rule in the province. A new revolutionary military
regime was ushered in which led to the independence of the entire province.
Fujian entered a new phase in history.
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King, Diana. "Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8XG9WVM.
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In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization.
While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices.
Given that potential solutions to social and political problems associated with modernity were debated through the recurring circulation of translations (and retranslations) of ideas such as “democracy”, “natural rights,” “women’s rights,” and so on, I examine: who was translating whom, and for what purposes? What specific concepts and values are privileged, and why? Taking translation and translingual contact as my point of departure, I illuminate how French and Chinese intermediaries envisioned and attempted to create a just society under fraught historical conditions.
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Lanyan, Chen. "Transformative or abortive? : a "de-voluntaristic" analysis of the Nationalist Revolution in modern Chinese history." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/6861.
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Interpretations of the Nationalist Revolution in modern
Chinese history, especially the so-called “Nanjing decade”
(1927-1937) are dominated by theoretical notions which see
the state as autonomous in its relationship to society.
This autonomous state model, the dissertation argues, finds
its roots in the voluntaristic ideas of Talcott Parsons.
Arguments based on Parsons’s ideas view the Nationalist
Revolution as abortive.
The dissertation rejects these views and develops an
alternative perspective based on the construction of a
quasi-market model of social relations. The theoretical
underpinnings, in contrast to Parsons’s ideas, are termed
“de-voluntaristic.” These arguments suggest that
individuals participate in, and have influence on, the
operation of the state.
The application of a quasi-market model suggests that
there was a major transformation in Chinese society during
the Nationalist period. The dissertation argues that the
Nationalist Government after 1927 did not continue to
achieve the initial objectives of the Nationalist Revolution
which, it is suggested, aimed to build a quasi-market
society. The revolution, however, was not abortive. It
transformed the political system.
In the Imperial tradition of government, local elites
protected local communities against state encroachment
through their involvement in property management. After
1927, the Nanjing Government adopted a “free market”
approach to political affairs, and centralized the use of
military and legal power to protect property against labour
and the peasants.
Peasant demands for rights to the land they tilled, a
key element in Sun Yat-sen’s programme for the revolution,
questioned the brokerage market economy, in which local
elites acted as the intermediaries of contractual partners.
Workers, in the context of industrialization, and with
support from Communist organizers, attempted to improve
working conditions. Peasants and workers contested the
power of active elites that grew in the new political order
established by. the Nationalist Government. The Nationalist
State abandoned the traditional role of the Chinese state to
protect the well-being of society. Deeply influenced by new
elites, it protected capital accumulation and safeguarded
the sanctity of contracts.
The Nationalist Revolution ultimately failed as it was
unable to resist the invasions of the Japanese, or the
alternative social formulations of the Communist movement.
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"晚清進士的考選與教育: 以進士館為中心的研究(1898-1911)". 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5896697.
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李林.<br>"2011年8月".<br>"2011 nian 8 yue".<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 231-241).<br>Abstract in Chinese and English.<br>Li Lin.<br>Chapter 第壹章 --- 緖論<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 硏究範圍與論題旨趣 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 相關硏究回顧述評 --- p.3<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 重要史料舉隅 --- p.12<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 章節結構簡介 --- p.14<br>Chapter 第贰章 --- 從經史八股到政藝策論一一清末癸卯、甲辰科會試探究<br>Chapter 引言 --- 販書的舉子 --- p.16<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 策論與八股 --- p.17<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 晚清改試策論及士子的因應 --- p.23<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 癸卯、甲辰兩科會試（上）：考題與答卷分析 --- p.30<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 癸卯、甲辰兩科會試（下）：考官與評覈標準 --- p.39<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 癸卯、甲辰科覆試、殿試及朝考 --- p.44<br>Chapter 第六節 --- 癸卯、甲辰兩榜進士：人數、籍貫、年齢及授職的統計分析 --- p.48<br>Chapter 結語 --- 新酒舊瓶的困境 --- p.53<br>Chapter 第叁章 --- 天子門生的再教育一一晚清進士館的開設及運作考述<br>Chapter 引言 --- “老爺´ح式學生 --- p.57<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 明清進士職前教育的背景與契機 --- p.58<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 進士館的雛形：京師大學堂仕學院、仕學館´إ --- p.64<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 進士館（上）：開設、生源及庶務管理 --- p.73<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 進士館（中〉：課程、教學及師資分析 --- p.81<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 進士館（下）：畢業考試及授職分析 --- p.9 2<br>Chapter 第六節 --- 進士館（尾聲〉：停辦及改組 --- p.99<br>Chapter 結語 --- 制度建構與現實運作之間 --- p.103<br>Chapter 第肆章 --- 進士飘蓬渡海東一一東京法政大學留學進士學員群體鉤沉<br>Chapter 引言 --- 負笈東瀛的精英 --- p.106<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 西洋不如東洋：清末留日教育的興起 --- p.107<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 法政大學清國留學生法政速成科的開辦 --- p.112<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 法政速成科學生人數及進士學員群體考述 --- p.417<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 法政速成科教學活動及師資陣容考察 --- p.125<br>Chapter 第五節 --- 法政速成科考試及學科程度試探 --- p.134<br>Chapter 第六節 --- 經費乃遊學之母：晚清進士留日經費問題考察 --- p.140<br>Chapter 第七節 --- 課堂教學之外的隱性議題：革命、立憲與“束亞共榮´ح --- p.446<br>Chapter 結語 --- “速´ح與“成´ح之間：晚清速成法政留學檢討 --- p.151<br>Chapter 第伍章 --- 千年變局中的因應一一進士館學員歸國考選及其清末民初出 處問題试探<br>Chapter 引言 --- 科目盛衰 --- p.154<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 候補之後再候補:進士館留學學員歸國考試及授職分析 --- p.155<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 危局中任職多元化：癸卯、甲辰進士晚清經歷考察 --- p.165<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 民國果乃敵國乎一一癸卯甲辰進士辛亥後的出處問題 --- p.174<br>Chapter 結語 --- 成為“自由流動資源´ح的傳統精英 --- p.180<br>Chapter 第陸章 --- 結論：轉型社會中的傳統文化精英 --- p.182<br>附錄<br>Chapter 附錄一 --- 癸卯、甲辰進士清末民初簡歷匯總表〔1903-1927〕 --- p.187<br>Chapter 附錄二 --- 晚清進士留學題名錄 --- p.211<br>Chapter 附錄三 --- 《進士館章程》 --- p.216<br>Chapter 附錄四 --- 《進士館條規》 --- p.220<br>Chapter 附錄五 --- 〈奏為特設法政速成科學教授遊學官紳以急先務而求實效折〉 --- p.226<br>Chapter 附錄六 --- 《法政大學清國留學生法政速成科規則》（附設置趣意書） --- p.228<br>參考文獻<br>中文之部 --- p.231<br>日文之部 --- p.239<br>英文之部 --- p.241
Books on the topic "China History Revolution, 1911-1912"
1
Liang Qichao yu min guo ge ming. Jilin chu ban ji tuan you xian ze ren gong si, 2007.
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2
Joseph, Esherick. Reform and revolution in China: The 1911 revolution in Hunan and Hubei. Center for Chinese studies, University of Michigan, 1998.
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3
University of Hong Kong. Journalism and Media Studies Centre, ed. China in revolution: The road to 1911. Hong Kong University Press, 2011.
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4
Hong Kong Museum of History and Dr Sun Yat-sen Museum (Hong Kong, China), eds. Sun Zhongshan yu Xianggang: Sun Zhongshan ji nian guan zhan lan tu lu = Dr Sun Yat-sen & Hong Kong : Dr Sun Yat-sen Museum exhibition catalogue. Kang le ji wen hua shi wu shu, 2013.
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Reynolds, Douglas Robertson. China, 1898-1912: The xinzheng revolution and Japan. Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1993.
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A, Breslin Thomas, ed. An ordinary relationship: American opposition to republican revolution in China. University Presses of Florida, 1986.
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7
Legendre, A. F. Dangerous passes: Exploring western China and the 1911 revolution. White Lotus Press, 2001.
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Xin hai ge ming yu bai nian Zhongguo de she hui bian qian: Xinhaigeming yu bainian Zhongguo de shehui bianqian. Guangdong ren min chu ban she, 2013.
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Zhenzhi, Yang, ed. Gai liang yu ge ming: Xin hai ge ming zai liang Hu = Reform and revolution in China : the 1911 revolution in Hunan and Hubei. Jiangsu ren min chu ban she, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "China History Revolution, 1911-1912"
1
"1911: History and Historiography." In China in War and Revolution, 1895-1949. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203015629-11.
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2
Kam, Tan See. "Warlords, History, and the Democratic Dream." In Tsui Hark's Peking Opera Blues. Hong Kong University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888208852.003.0003.
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This chapter explores the film’s historical situatedness in terms of specific events in China: the Wuhan uprising (1911), the Xinhai Revolution, the development of the Chinese Republic (1912), the Revolutionary Alliance’s Kuomintang, the elections of 1913, the Republican dream of electoral democracy and warlordism. Leaders, like Yuan Shikai and in particular Sun Yat-sen, alongside fictionalized entities such as the two warlords, General Tsao (Cao) and General Tun (Duan), and the revolutionary fervor, democratic reforms and dreams, monarchist revivalism and revolutions which variously went along with them, are central to reading the film’s fiction-historical continuum (set in Peiping 1913) and for rethinking and reimagining the Chinese democratic dream of the Republican period. The result is that Peking Opera Blues generally demonstrates that any envisioned Chinese democracy was, then, and most especially now for contemporary Hong Kong, still elusive.
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"National Report for the People’s Republic of China." In Commencement of Insolvency Proceedings, edited by Wang Weiguo. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199644223.003.0006.
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Over its long history, China has had neither the concept of bankruptcy nor insolvency legislation under the traditional legal culture based on Confucianism. The first bankruptcy law was enacted in 1906 by the Qing Dynasty as one of the results of Chinese legal modernisation. It was tragically abolished in 1908 because of the internal debate on whether foreign claims should retain priority over domestic ones. After the 1911 Revolution the Beijing government tried to draft a new bankruptcy law but failed. In 1935 the Nanjing government enacted the second bankruptcy law which remains effective in Taiwan today.