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Rukhlin, Alexey N., and Oksana A. Rukhlina. "The Xinhai Revolution in China on the Pages of the Samara Periodic Press." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 21, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 384–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.056.021.202104.384-393.
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Introduction. This article describes the Xinhai Revolution in China. The authors, with the help of the Samara periodicals, highlighted the beginning, course and completion of the revolution, the activities of Sun Yatsen and Yuan Shikai, as well as the social aspects of this period. October 10, 2021, the legitimate successors of the Xinhai Revolution of the PRC and the Republic of China in Taiwan celebrate 110 years. The significance of the presented material is undoubted, since it is based on real historical sources – periodicals of 1911–1912. The purpose of the article is to determine the historical place of the Xinhai Revolution and its importance for the further history of China on the basis of newspaper materials. Materials and Methods. The most important in the study, based on the provisions formulated by the above authors, is the historical method, or, as it is also formulated, the principle of historicism. In carrying out this scientific research, the author relied primarily on special historical or general historical methods. Research Results. The study showed that starting with the Wuchansk uprising on October 10, 1911, metropolitan and provincial newspapers actively followed and published materials about the revolution. The outbreak of riots and uprisings in the provinces were reflected in detail by journalists and editors of Samara newspapers. The left-wing liberal party press, in contrast to the semi-official press, perceived the revolutionary movement of the popular masses in China positively. Discussion and Conclusion. Any revolution is always a large and controversial topic for scientific discussion. The Xinhai Revolution did not lead to the expected results, both among the people and among the bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia and the upper class. It was followed by further turmoil, which led first to the government of the Kuomintang, and then the Communists. It can be concluded that the theme of the Chinese Revolution of 1911–1912 is still relevant. The proposed provisions and conclusions create the prerequisites for further study of this problem.
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Wong, R. Bin. "Centennial perspectives on China’s 1911 Revolution." China Information 25, no. 3 (November 2011): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x11422966.
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Both within and beyond China, contemporary reflections on the end of two millennia of imperial rule in China frequently focus upon the failure of the new republic to form a strong state and an effective parliamentary form of representative government. For many the agenda for political change in China today is traced back to unfulfilled opportunities in the past. This presentation suggests another set of perspectives that asks what political challenges were met in order to create a state ruling almost all the territory of the former empire, a transition unusual if not unique in the world history of empires, and how the manner in which those challenges were met influences the kinds of problems and possibilities China faces a century after the end of the last dynasty.
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Mitter, Rana. "1911: The Unanchored Chinese Revolution." China Quarterly 208 (December 2011): 1009–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001123.
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AbstractOne hundred years after the 1911 Revolution (Xinhai Revolution) in China, its meaning continues to be highly contested. Paradoxically, the more time that passes, the less certain either political actors or scholars seem to be about the significance of 1911 for the path of Chinese revolutionary history. This essay examines three phenomena: the appropriation of 1911 in contemporary political and popular culture; the use of 1911 as a metaphor for contemporary politics by PRC historians; and the changing meaning of 1911 over the past ten decades, particularly during the years of the war against Japan. The essay concludes that it is precisely the “unanchored” nature of 1911, separated from any one path of historical interpretation, that has kept its meaning simultaneously uncertain and potent.
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Cahill, Cathleen D. "“Our Sisters in China Are Free”: Visual Representations of Chinese and Chinese American Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 634–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000365.
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AbstractBoth white and Chinese American suffragists in the United States closely watched and discussed the events of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 and the establishment of the Chinese Republic (1912–1949). They were aware of the republican revolutionaries’ support for women's rights, which conflicted with American stereotypes of China as a backward nation, especially in its treatment of women. Chinese suffragists, real and imagined, became a major talking point in debates over women's voting rights in the United States as white suffragists and national newspapers championed their stories. This led to prominent visual depictions of Chinese suffragists in the press, but also their participation in public events such as suffrage parades. For a brief time, the transnational nature of suffrage conversations was highly visible as was the suffrage activism of women in U.S. Chinese communities. However, because Chinese immigrants were barred from citizenship by U.S. immigration law, white activists tended to depict Chinese suffragists as foreign, resulting in the erasure of their memory in the U.S. suffrage movement.
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Coble, Parks M., and Douglas R. Reynolds. "China, 1898-1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Japan." American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (December 1994): 1737. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168513.
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Grove, Linda, and Douglas R. Reynolds. "China, 1898-1912: The Xinzheng Revolution and Japan." Monumenta Nipponica 49, no. 1 (1994): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385512.
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Gasster, Michael, Hungdah Chiu, and Shao-Chuan Leng. "China: Seventy Years after the 1911 Hsin-Hai Revolution." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859800.
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Dirlik, Arif, and Roxann Prazniak. "The 1911 Revolution: An end and a beginning." China Information 25, no. 3 (November 2011): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x11418247.
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The 1911 Revolution was a momentous event in bringing down the monarchical institution with a history of 2,000 years. Yet its consequences were ambiguous, it was overshadowed by the more radical revolution that followed in 1949, and it was stigmatized by the defeat of the Kuomintang, which claimed it as its own. Its ‘revolutionariness’ has been in question even as it has been celebrated as a turning point in modern Chinese history. This discussion reaffirms the revolutionary significance of the event, but also suggests that it is best viewed as a ‘high peak’ in a revolution of long duration that is yet to be completed. The current regime in China has revived aspects of monarchical culture and practices that revolutionaries sought to abolish in 1911. Most importantly, the promise of full citizenship for all that animated the 1911 Revolution remains unfulfilled, which may explain the contemporary regime’s nervousness over the celebration of its 100th anniversary.
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Cheung, Siu Keung. "Ideological battles in and out 1911." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 13, no. 2 (September 5, 2017): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2017-0006.
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Purpose During the centennial anniversary of Xinhai Revolution in 2011, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television supported the production of 1911 for celebrating such an important event that lead to the rise of the Republic of China in the contemporary Chinese history. This paper aims to reflect upon this film in relation to China’s propagation of “Greater China” for the Empire-building project. Design/methodology/approach By scrutinizing the film text and following the strait controversies over the film, this paper demonstrates how the Chinese Communist agents employed the coproduction model with Hong Kong for globalizing a cinematic discourse of Greater China in part of their Empire-building project. Findings The study challenges how contemporary Chinese history is ideologically and politically manipulated for advancing the Chinese Communist propaganda over Taiwan. The overall objective is to reflect upon the longstanding historical divergences that stand on the current geopolitical envision and strategy of China for reunification. Originality/value This paper provides an interdisciplinary reflection upon the intricate post-Cold War politics in part of the contemporary Chinese cinema under the China–Hong Kong coproduction model. The findings advance novel and timely insights into China’s current envision and strategy for reunification.
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Tsin, Michael. "Xiaowei Zheng. The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1394–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa496.
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Moazzin, Ghassan. "Investing in the New Republic: Multinational Banks, Political Risk, and the Chinese Revolution of 1911." Business History Review 94, no. 3 (2020): 507–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680520000276.
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This article examines the strategies employed by multinational banks to mitigate political risk following the onset of revolution in their host countries during the early twentieth century. It does so by exploring the activities of multinational banks in China during the Revolution of 1911 and its aftermath. This article first describes the measures that multinational banks took to maintain China's credit on foreign bond markets after the outbreak of revolution. It then examines how these bankers curtailed political instability by first withdrawing financial support from both the Qing government and the revolutionaries and then providing financial assistance to the new Chinese Republican government.
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Zaharijević, Adriana, Kristen Ghodsee, Efi Kanner, Árpád von Klimó, Matthew Stibbe, Tatiana Zhurzhenko, Žarka Svirčev, et al. "Book Reviews." Aspasia 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 188–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2019.130118.
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Athena Athanasiou, Agonistic Mourning: Political Dissidence and the Women in Black, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2017, xii + 348 pp., £19.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-4744-2015-0.Maria Bucur and Mihaela Miroiu, Birth of Democratic Citizenship: Women and Power in Modern Romania, Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2018, 189 pp., $35.00 (рaperback), ISBN 978-0-25302-564-7.Katherina Dalakoura and Sidiroula Ziogou-Karastergiou, Hē ekpaideusē tôn gynaikôn, gynaikes stēn ekpaideusē: Koinônikoi, ideologikoi, ekpaideutikoi metaschēmatismoi kai gynaikeia paremvasē (18os–20os ai.) (Women’s education, women in education: Social, ideological, educational transformations, and women’s interventions [18th–20th centuries]), Athens: Greek Academic Electronic Manuals/Kallipos Repository, 2015, 346 pp., e-book: http://hdl.handle.net/11419/2585, ISBN: 978-960-603-290-5. Provided free of charge by the Association of Greek Academic Libraries.Melissa Feinberg, Curtain of Lies: The Battle over Truth in Stalinist Eastern Europe, New York: Oxford University Press, 2017, 232 pp., $74.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-19-064461-1.Christa Hämmerle, Oswald Überegger, and Birgitta Bader Zaar, eds., Gender and the First World War, Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, 276 pp., £69.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-349-45379-5.Oksana Kis, Ukrayinky v Hulahu: Vyzhyty znachyt’ peremohty (Ukrainian women in the Gulag: Survival means victory), Lvіv: Institute of Ethnology, 2017, 288 pp., price not listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-966-02-8268-1.Ana Kolarić, Rod, modernost i emancipacij a: Uredničke politike u časopisima “Žena” (1911–1914) i “The Freewoman” (1911–1912) (Gender, modernity, and emancipation: Editorial politics in the journals “Žena” [The woman] [1911–1914] and “The Freewoman” [1911–1912]), Belgrade: Fabrika knjiga, 2017, 253 pp., €14 (paperback), ISBN 978-86-7718-168-0.Agnieszka Kościańska, Zobaczyć łosia: Historia polskiej edukacji seksualnej od pierwszej lekcji do internetu (To see a moose: The history of Polish sex education from the first lesson to the internet), Wołowiec: Czarne, 2017, 424 pp., PLN 44.90 (hardback), ISBN 978-83-8049-545-6.Irina Livezeanu and Árpád von Klimó, eds., The Routledge History of East Central Europe since 1700, New York: Routledge, 2017, 522 pp., GBP 175 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-415-58433-3.Zsófia Lóránd, The Feminist Challenge to the Socialist State in Yugoslavia, Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan 2018, 270 pp., €88.39 (hardback), €71.39 (e-book), ISBN 978-3-319-78222-5.Marina Matešić and Svetlana Slapšak, Rod i Balkan (Gender and the Balkans), Zagreb: Durieux, 2017, 333 pp., KN 168 (hardback), ISBN 978-953-188-425-9.Ana Miškovska Kajevska, Feminist Activism at War: Belgrade and Zagreb Feminists in the 1990s, London: Routledge, 2017, 186 pp., £105.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-138-69768-3.Ivana Pantelić, Uspon i pad “prve drugarice” Jugoslavij e: Jovanka broz i srpska javnost, 1952–2013 (The rise and fall of the “first lady comrade” of Yugoslavia: Jovanka Broz and Serbian public, 1952–2013), Belgrade: Službeni glasnik, 2018, 336 pp., RSD 880 (paperback), ISBN 978-86-519-2251-3.Fatbardha Mulleti Saraçi, Kalvari i grave në burgjet e komunizmit (The cavalry of women in communist prisons), Tirana: Instituti i Studimit të Krimeve dhe Pasojave të Komunizmit; Tiranë: Kristalina-KH, 2017, 594 pp., 12000 AL Lek (paperback), ISBN 978-9928-168-71-9.Žarka Svirčev, Avangardistkinje: Ogledi o srpskoj (ženskoj) avangardnoj književnosti (Women of the avant-garde: Essays on Serbian (female) avant-garde literature), Belgrade, Šabac: Institut za književnost i umetnost, Fondacij a “Stanislava Vinaver,” 2018, 306 pp., RSD 800 (paperback), ISBN 978-86-7095259-1.Şirin Tekeli, Feminizmi düşünmek (Thinking feminism), İstanbul: Bilgi University, 2017, 503 pp., including bibliography, appendices, and index, TRY 30 (paperback), ISBN: 978-605-399-473-2.Zafer Toprak, Türkiye’de yeni hayat: Inkılap ve travma 1908–1928 (New life in Turkey: Revolution and trauma 1908–1928), Istanbul: Doğan Kitap, 2017, 472 pp., TRY 40 (paperback), ISBN 978-605-09-4721-2.Wang Zheng, Finding Women in the State: A Socialist Feminist Revolution in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1964, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016, 380 pp., 31.45 USD (paperback), ISBN 978-0-520-29229-1.
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Meng, Qing Liang. "Translation as Facilitator of Social Movements in Late Qing China: A Skopos Theory Perspective." Studies in Asian Social Science 6, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/sass.v6n1p1.
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Unlike the previous two translation waves in the history of China, the third translation wave beginning from LateQing period can be seen as a cross-cultural communication under confrontation and conflict between China andwestern powers. Missionaries and government officials from western powers, institutions affiliated to government,and social activists were actively engaged in various translation activities for their respective purposes by means ofcooperation, which had not only promoted western learning in China and facilitated Chinese social movements andreform, but finally brought the Qing Dynasty to an end in the Chinese Revolution of 1911. This paper aims toexplore the facilitating role of translation in social movements and reforms in China during the time of the Late QingDynasty from Skopos Theory Perspective, in order to show that translators as social activists can not only promoteintercultural communication, but also push forward social changes and help nation building. This translation wave ischaracterized by urgency, purposefulness and practicality, and played the role of enlightening people, spreadingwestern learning and facilitating revolution.
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Strauss, Julia C. "Creating ‘Virtuous and Talented’ Officials for the Twentieth Century: Discourse and Practice in Xinzheng China." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 4 (October 2003): 831–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03004049.
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‘It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things.’ Machiavelli, The PrinceCentral Xinzheng Reform and the Twentieth-Century Chinese StateThe effort of the Qing dynasty to transform itself and forge a new set of relationships with society in its last decade has been one of the less explored areas in the scholarship on modern China. Although this set of radical initiatives, collectively known as the xinzheng (‘New Policy’) reforms attracted a good deal of commentary from its contemporaries, until recently it has been relatively understudied. There are two reasons for this neglect. First, conventional periodization has divided historical turf between Qing historians (for the Qing dynasty 1644–1911), Republican historians (for the period between 1911 and 1949 ) and political scientists (who cover 1949 to the present). Second, since the dramatic narrative for the first three-quarters of the twentieth century has been largely understood as a process of ever more radical forms of revolutionary change, scholars have understandably been more taken with exploring the antecedents of revolution and/or locally based studies of elite transformation than they have been with exploring a case of seemingly bona fide failure.The central government-initiated xinzheng reform period (1902–1911) has thus borne the full brunt of a Whiggish interpretation of history; too late to command the attention of most Qing historians, too early for the majority of Republican historians, at best a prologue for the real revolution to come, and at worst an abortive failure.
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Brandt, Loren, Debin Ma, and Thomas G. Rawski. "From Divergence to Convergence: Reevaluating the History Behind China's Economic Boom." Journal of Economic Literature 52, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 45–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.52.1.45.
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China's long-term economic dynamics pose a formidable challenge to economic historians. The Qing Empire (1644–1911), the world's largest national economy before 1800, experienced a tripling of population during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries with no signs of diminishing per capita income. While the timing remains in dispute, a vast gap emerged between newly rich industrial nations and China's lagging economy in the wake of the Industrial Revolution. Only with an unprecedented growth spurt beginning in the late 1970s did this great divergence separating China from the global leaders substantially diminish, allowing China to regain its former standing among the world's largest economies. This essay develops an integrated framework for understanding that entire history, including both the divergence and the recent convergent trend. We explain how deeply embedded political and economic institutions that contributed to a long process of extensive growth before 1800 subsequently prevented China from capturing the benefits associated with the Industrial Revolution. During the twentieth century, the gradual erosion of these historic constraints and of new obstacles erected by socialist planning eventually opened the door to China's current boom. Our analysis links China's recent development to important elements of its past, while using recent success to provide fresh perspectives on the critical obstacles undermining earlier modernization efforts, and their eventual removal. (JEL N15, N45, O11, O47, P21, P24, P26)
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Wang, Shuchen. "Fashioning Chinese feminism: Representations of women in the art history of modern China." Critical Studies in Fashion & Beauty 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/csfb_00027_1.
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Artworks record history. The images of women’s fashion and beauty presented in the art history of modern China illustrate explicitly the challenging, changing and circuitous development of women’s rights and feminism in the country. In this study, I analyse and contextualize the most widespread representations of Chinese ‘modern women’s fashion’: (1) the geisha-like ladies of news illustrations before the 1911 Revolution, (2) the poster-calendar girls in the republican aesthetics of an early commercial society, (3) the papercutting folk art that profiles ‘half the sky’ in the uniform aesthetics of Marxist‐Leninist‐Maoist propaganda, (4) the gender-specific art themes and materials applied by female artists after the opening-up policy and (5) the feminist art in the Chinese contemporary art world. The resulting analysis helps to elucidate the interconnections among fashion, art and women’s status in China, in pursuit of modernity, the radical expansion of western colonization, domestic political turmoil and, in particular, longstanding patriarchal cultural norms and values.
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Benedict, Carol. "Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology, and the World Market. By Sucheta Mazumdar. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998. Pp. xx, 657. $49.50." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 1 (March 2003): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703321801.
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This thoroughly researched history of sugar in Qing China (1644–1911) was published at a fortuitous time. After nearly two decades of “China-centered” history, scholars are again situating China within a global context. In the early 1980s, when Sucheta Mazumdar began her research, many scholars were turning away from questions relating to China's contact with the outside world in order to concentrate on developments within China. Reacting against an established body of scholarship that portrayed late imperial China as technologically stagnant, isolated, and impervious to change, historians set out to document the myriad social, political, and economic transformations underway in China prior to the “Western impact” (Paul Cohen. Discovering History in China. New York: Columbia University Press, 1984). The new comparativists build upon these insights. With a wealth of local and regional histories to draw upon, they are now returning to the old question of why China failed to experience its own self-induced industrial revolution (See, for example, the recent exchange of views in the Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 2 [May 2002]: 501–662). Published on the upstroke of this reinvigorated debate, this book combines “China-centered” and comparative approaches to analyze why China, “universally acknowledged to be one of the most developed economies up through the mid-eighteenth century, paused in this development in the nineteenth” (p. 10).
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Lei, Chen. "The historical development of the Civil Law tradition in China: a private law perspective." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 78, no. 1-2 (2010): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181910x487350.
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AbstractWhile Chinese law occupies a sui generis position, namely, East Asian law, it is generally acknowledged that Chinese law comfortably wears the dress of civil law. The Chinese civil law tradition finds its historical roots in the late Qing Dynasty (1902–1911). Long before Alan Watson's magisterial book on the legal transplant, China experimented with importing foreign law. More to the point, the newly enacted Chinese Property Code, in effect for more than two years still has this feature. The new property code is an evolution rather than a revolution, since it is little more than an organic development of the existing law. Consequently, one would expect to find in the new legislation many traces of its past history. It is worth noting that any legal development is not a complete break with its past. Chinese law is no exception. A historical perspective exploring the origin of the traditions of civil law is both necessary and useful for it can shed light on the direction of the future development of Chinese private law.
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Dodson, Guy G. "Biochemical contacts and collaborations between China and the U.K. since 1911." Biochemical Society Transactions 39, no. 5 (September 21, 2011): 1313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bst0391313.
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Scientific contact lies at the heart of research and that between China and the U.K. is an important example of how it can come about. In 1911, when the Biochemical Society began, U.K. science was developing fast with profound discoveries in physics (the Rutherford atomic model) and biochemistry (the discovery of vitamins). In China, however, there was great social and political instability and a revolution. Since then, the turbulence of two world wars and a variety of deep global political tensions meant that the contacts between China and U.K. did not reflect the prodigious growth of biochemistry. There was, however, one particular and remarkable contact, that made by Joseph Needham, an outstanding biochemist. He visited China between 1943 and 1946, contacting many Chinese universities that were severely dislocated by war. Showing remarkable diplomatic abilities, Needham managed to arrange delivery of research and teaching equipment. His activities helped the universities to carry out their functions under near-impossible conditions and reminded them that they had friends abroad. Most remarkably, Joseph Needham developed an extraordinary grasp of Chinese culture, science and history and he opened the West to the extent and importance of Chinese science. Formal scientific and intellectual contacts between the scientific academic bodies in China and U.K., notably the Chinese Academy of Science and the Royal Society, resumed after British recognition of the Chinese Communist government in 1950. The delegations included outstanding scientists in biochemistry and related disciplines. Research activities, such as that concerning influenza, were soon established, whereas institutions, such as the Royal Society and the Wellcome Trust, acted a little later to support research. The outcomes have been long-term collaborations in such areas as insulin structure and function. There are now numerous joint activities in biochemistry and biomedicine supported by the MRC (Medical Research Council), BBSRC (Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council), NERC (Natural Environment Research Council), EPSRC (Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council) and UKRC (UK Research Councils). The present contacts and the associated research are very considerable and growing. It is clear that biochemistry in both countries has much to offer each other, and there is every reason to believe that these contacts will continue to expand in the future.
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Mair, Victor H. "Buddhism and the Rise of the Written Vernacular in East Asia: The Making of National Languages." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (August 1994): 707–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059728.
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The vast majority of premodern chinese literature, certainly all of the most famous works of the classical tradition, were composed in one form or another of Literary Sinitic (hereafter LS,wen-yen[-wen], also often somewhat ambiguously called “Classical Chinese” or “Literary Chinese”). Beginning in the medieval period, however, an undercurrent of written Vernacular Sinitic (hereafter VS,pai-hua[-wen])started to develop. The written vernacular came to full maturity in China only with the May Fourth Movement of 1919, after the final collapse during the 1911 revolution of the dynastic, bureaucratic institutions that had governed China for more than two millennia. It must be pointed out that the difference betweenwen-yenandpai-huais at least as great as that between Latin and Italian or between Sanskrit and Hindi. In my estimation, a thorough linguistical analysis would show that unadulteratedwen-yenand purepai-huaare actually far more dissimilar than are Latin and Italian or Sanskrit and Hindi. In fact, I believe thatwen-yenandpai-huabelong to wholly different categories of language, the former being a sort of demicryptography largely divorced from speech and the latter sharing a close correspondence with spoken forms of living Sinitic.
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Kuras, Leonid V., and Bazar D. Tsybenov. "От Уполномоченного императорского российского правительства в Монголии И. Я. Коростовца до Уполномоченного НКИД РСФСР в Монголии О. И. Макстенека: к 100-летию российско-монгольских дипломатических отношений." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 13, no. 2 (November 30, 2021): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2021-2-351-365.
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Introduction. An urgent issue of Mongolian studies today is the role of Russian-Mongolian diplomatic relations in promoting the statehood of Mongolia in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The revolutionalry movement in Inner Asia, in particular, and the social-political history of modern Mongolia, in general, are closely associated with the efforts of Russian diplomacy and, especially, with a number of diplomats who greatly contributed to the promotion of Mongolian direction of the Russian politics in the East. The aim of the present article is the study of the activities of Russian diplomats, namely I. Ya. Korostovets, the Plenipotentiary of the Imperial Russian Government in Mongolia, and O. I. Makstenek, the Representative of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR in Mongolia. Accordingly, the research has been conducted along the following lines: i) history of the issue, ii) examination of 1912 Russian-Mongolian agreement, iii) description of the events in Outer Mongolia between 1917 and 1920, and iv) analysis of Makstenek’s report as a source on the history of Mongolian Revolution of 1921 and the Soviet-Chinese relations. Conclusions.Both Korostovets, on behalf of the Russian Imperial Government, and Makstenek, on behalf of the RSFSR, played a significant role in establishing the regional system of international relations in the Baikal region. The 1912 Russian-Mongolian Agreement, which was in fact the result of Korostovets’ efforts, was instrumental in promoting Mongolia as a subject of international law and in initiating the movement of Mongolians to their de facto and de jure independence from China. Makstenek’s report shows much effort the Soviet diplomat took in preparing the Mongolian Revolution of 1921. Besides receiving and delegating Mongolian revolutionaries to Soviet Russia, taking an active part in preparations to the First Congress of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party and in the formation of military detachments of Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army, Makstenek conducted negotiations with the Chinese authorities in Urga and Maimachen, i.e. in fact initiated the diplomatic proceedings designed to prepare the presence of Soviet troops in Mongolia.
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Yuan, Gao. "St. Augustine and China: A Reflection on Augustinian Studies in Mainland China." Neue Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie 61, no. 2 (May 28, 2019): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nzsth-2019-0014.
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Summary Augustine of Hippo was one of the most influential church father in Western Christianity. However, little attention has been paid Augustine’s significance for China in the early history of Sino-Western theological and cultural dialogue. This article aims to fill this gap by providing a historical and documentary study of the reception of Augustine in China, with particular focus on the issue of how the story of Augustine was introduced into China and how Augustinian studies was developed as an independent discipline at the present stage of Chinese theological studies. Examining the newly discovered Chinese biographies of Augustine, the first section explores the early introduction of the story of Augustine during the Ming and Qing Empires, identifying the Catholic and the Protestant approaches to the translation of Augustine’s biography. The second section addresses Augustinian studies in the Minguo period (1912–1949) and analyses various approaches to the study of St. Augustine. The third section proceeds to the stage of the establishment of the new China (PRC), with a careful survey of Augustinian studies after the Cultural Revolution (1976–present). In particular, the new exploration by Chinese Augustinian scholars over the last five years will be highlighted. Based on the above observations, the article concludes with the evaluation that the biography of St. Augustine was adopted by the early Jesuits as an additional advantage for propagating the Christian faith in the Chinese context, in which the policy of cultural accommodation (initiated by Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci) had proved a useful approach for theological contextualization and would continue to serve as a resourceful strategy in the Chinese approach to Augustinian theology as well as an effective method for deepening the Sino-Western theological dialogue.
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Hung, Chang-Tai. "The Politics of Songs: Myths and Symbols in the Chinese Communist War Music, 1937–1949." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 901–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016838.
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Nie Er (1912–1935), a young Communist musician from Yunnan, could not possibly have imagined that when he wrote this patriotic song (with lyrics by the left-wing writer Tian Han [1898–1968]) for the 1935 filmChildren of Troubled Times (Fengyun ernü) it would soon become one of the most popular tunes in China. The overwhelming success of the song reflected a nation, long frustrated by imperialist (especially Japanese) aggression, thwarted reforms, domestic armed conflicts, and government ineptitude, venting its anger and crying out for a solution. When the Japanese invaded China two years later, ‘The March of the Volunteers’ was rapidly transformed into the quintessential song of resistance against Japan, sung at schools, in the army, at rallies, and on the streets. The song was influential in capturing the hearts and minds of millions during China's eight-year War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945); its impact, in the words of one contemporary song critic, was ‘similar to that of the “Marseillaise” [in the French Revolution]’. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seized power in it adopted the song as the official national anthem.
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SMITH, CRAIG A. "Chinese Asianism in the Early Republic: Guomindang intellectuals and the brief internationalist turn." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (January 11, 2019): 582–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000713.
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AbstractUntil recent decades, historians of modern East Asia generally considered Asianism to be an imperialistic ideology of militant Japan. Although Japanese expansionists certainly used the term and its concept in this way in the 1930s and 1940s, earlier proponents of Asianism looked upon it as a very real strategy of uniting Asian nations to defend against Western imperialism. Showing that Chinese intellectuals considered different forms of Asianism as viable alternatives in the early days of the Republic of China, this article examines a number of discussions of Asianism immediately following the 1911 Revolution. Concentrating on newspaper articles and speeches by intellectuals Ye Chucang and Sun Yat-sen, I show the international aspirations of the Guomindang elite at this crucial point in the construction of the Chinese nation. Despite the dominance of discourse on the nation state, these intellectuals advocated different Asianist programmes for strategic purposes within the first two years of the Republic, dependent on their very different relationships with Japan.
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Zakharova, Natalia V. "Love Fiction in China in the Second Decade of the 20 th Century: from Sentiments to Duck-Lovebirds and Butterflies." Studia Litterarum 6, no. 1 (2021): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2021-6-1-88-10.
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The article analyzes the evolution of Chinese love fiction in the first years that followed the 1911 Xinhai revolution. The article focuses on literature representing “couples in love,” namely fiction about “duck-lovebirds and butterflies,” an invariant of the “love prose” genre. The authors of these works both continued the traditions of the previous literature and at the same time attempted at modernizing the genre. Chinese literary scholars have controversial opinions about this genre and its invariants. Controversies concern the literary movement to which these works should be attributed, and the place of the genre in the history of Chinese literature. The founder of modern Chinese literature, Lu Xin, gave a negative assessment of this genre. Modern critics agree that fiction about “duck-lovebirds and butterflies” has poor aesthetic merits yet they also argue that the authors “created an objective picture of reality, expressed different views and opinions.” By the 1920s, the vogue for writing novels and short stories in the style of “duck-lovebirds and butterflies” had waned. This genre however gained a new surge in popularity in the mid-1940s thanks to Zhang Eileen who modernized Chinese love fiction.
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Zakharova, Natalia V. "Love Fiction in China in the Second Decade of the 20 th Century: from Sentiments to Duck-Lovebirds and Butterflies." Studia Litterarum 6, no. 1 (2021): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2021-6-1-88-103.
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The article analyzes the evolution of Chinese love fiction in the first years that followed the 1911 Xinhai revolution. The article focuses on literature representing “couples in love,” namely fiction about “duck-lovebirds and butterflies,” an invariant of the “love prose” genre. The authors of these works both continued the traditions of the previous literature and at the same time attempted at modernizing the genre. Chinese literary scholars have controversial opinions about this genre and its invariants. Controversies concern the literary movement to which these works should be attributed, and the place of the genre in the history of Chinese literature. The founder of modern Chinese literature, Lu Xin, gave a negative assessment of this genre. Modern critics agree that fiction about “duck-lovebirds and butterflies” has poor aesthetic merits yet they also argue that the authors “created an objective picture of reality, expressed different views and opinions.” By the 1920s, the vogue for writing novels and short stories in the style of “duck-lovebirds and butterflies” had waned. This genre however gained a new surge in popularity in the mid-1940s thanks to Zhang Eileen who modernized Chinese love fiction.
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Li, Yu. "Training Scholars not Politicians." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 4 (October 2003): 919–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03004086.
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Conventional wisdom dictates that Chinese literati in the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), like their forerunners in previous dynasties, were politically active. Chinese Marxist historians tend to portray the Qing literati as politicians rather than scholars. Tang Zhiju, a China-based historian and the author of a book with an explicitly political title, Jindai Jingxue yu Zhengzhi (Modern Classical Learning and Politics), argues that the forefather of the Qing Evidential Research School, Gu Yanwu (1613–1682), used classical learning to maintain the Han people's national consciousness, and that the founders of the Gongyang New Text School, Zhuang Cunyu (1719–1788) and Liu Fenglu (1776–1829), applied the ‘sublime words with deep meaning’ in the Gongyang Chunqiu (Gongyang Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals) to justify the Manchu's tianming (mandate of heaven). In late Qing, Tang contends, the New Text scholars Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Liang Qichao (1873–1929) studied the classics with the intention of political reform, while the Old Text scholar Zhang Taiyan (1869–1936) developed the tradition in Confucianism of jingshi (managing the world) for anti-Manchu revolution.
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Ha, Sha. "The Problem of a National Literary Language in Italy and in China in the 20th Century: Antonio Gramsci, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Lu Xun." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 7, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.7n.3p.1.
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The Italian scholar and political leader Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) was an active opponent of the dictatorial government ruling his country before the 2nd World War. He was kept in prison for11 years, until his death, by the ruling Fascist Party and during that time he filled over 3,000 pages, writing about Linguistics, History and Philosophy. He was concerned with the duty of Italian progressive intellectuals to create a ‘common literary language’, accessible to the under-privileged Italian people, who until then had been excluded from culture. After the war, during the sixties of last century, a ‘common Italian language’ started developing, through the introduction of the 10-years long compulsory school and the increasing power of mass media: that language was not fit to become the common literary language of the Nation. The writer and movie director Pier Paolo Pasolini (1922-1975), who in his novels gave voice to the sub-urban proletarians of the city of Rome, was highly unsatisfied with the new common language that was in the process of being established in the country. As for China, when the imperial system was abolished by the ‘Xinhai revolution’, in 1911, the belief became increasingly widespread among intellectuals that the rebirth of China had to be based in the global rejection of the Confucian tradition and that the ‘Báihuà’ (people’s language) should be adopted in literature, replacing the ‘Wényán’ (classical language), not accessible to the common people. Lu Xun and his colleagues eventually succeeded in their efforts of establishing the ‘Báihuà’ as the common literary language of China. Purpose of the paper is the comparison between the efforts exerted by these literati in creating a ‘common literary language’ in their respective countries.
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CHEUNG, MARTHA P. Y. "From ‘theory’ to ‘discourse’: the making of a translation anthology." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 66, no. 3 (October 2003): 390–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x03000272.
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How translatable are concepts across cultures? How do translated concepts interact with the receiving culture's repertoire of concepts and influence its prevailing mode of thinking? How do translated concepts, specifically concepts of category of knowledge such as ‘science’, ‘philosophy’, ‘religion’, etc., have an impact on the receiving culture's existing body of knowledge? This paper explores the above questions with reference to an anthology currently being compiled by the author, in English translation, of texts on Chinese thinking about translation. The initial title was ‘An anthology of Chinese translation theories: from ancient times to the revolution of 1911’; this was changed to ‘An anthology of Chinese thought on translation’ before the present title, ‘An anthology of Chinese discourse on translation’, was adopted. By analysing, in a self-reflective manner, the decisions involved in the movement from ‘theory’ to ‘thought’ to ‘discourse’, I hope to throw some light on the epistemological impact produced by translated concepts in the receiving culture. The impact is analysed in terms of the disciplining of knowledge that could be effected by translated concepts—disciplining in the sense of organizing, ordering, hierarchizing, including/excluding, centring/decentring, aligning and re-aligning of material deemed to constitute knowledge in the receiving culture, for the purpose of mono-cultural cross-cultural, or intercultural study. As the use of translated concepts (e.g. ‘science’, ‘philosophy’, ‘religion’) to name bodies of knowledge in ancient China is a common, though not uncontroversial practice, the issue of the disciplining of knowledge dealt with in this paper should be relevant not only to translation scholars but also to sinologists and Chinese scholars the world over.
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Hui, Wang. "Twentieth-Century China as an Object of Thought: An Introduction, Part 1 The Birth of the Century: The Chinese Revolution and the Logic of Politics." Modern China 46, no. 1 (October 10, 2019): 3–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700419878849.
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This two-part article explores the question of how to constitute China in the twentieth century as an object of thought. This means, first of all, releasing the twentieth century from the position of being a mere object, such that one no longer regards this era as an annotation or appendage to contemporary value systems and ideologies, but instead approaches it as a process in which, passing through the liberation of the object, we may reconstruct a relation of dialogue between ourselves and twentieth-century China. Part 1 proceeds from a temporal analysis of the twentieth century, and Part 2 analyzes this era from a spatial perspective. Part 1 encompasses three sections: first, the long twentieth century, the European fin de siècle, and the century as a trend of the times; second, the conditions of the short century, imperialism, and the rise of the Pacific century; third, the Chinese Revolution and the rise of the short century: unevenness and “the weakest link.” Having pursued an analysis of the global conditions of the imperialist epoch, I assert that any discussion of the birth of the “short twentieth century” must begin with an analysis of “the weakest link.” In seeking the roots of the revolutionary moment, one must look not at the geopolitical contestations in Eurasia, but instead the revolutionary conditions produced by the new situation in Asia (especially the rise of Japan and Japan’s victory over Russia). That is, it was not imperialist wars pure and simple, but instead the “awakening of Asia” called into being by these wars that constituted the multifaceted point of departure for the “short twentieth century.” Thus, from the perspective of temporality, the “short twentieth century” did not, as is often believed, begin in 1914, but rather in the period 1905–1911; from the perspective of spatiality, it did not begin at a single point of beginning, but from a whole series of points of beginning; from the perspective of the moment, it did not begin through destructive wars, but instead was born in a series of attempts to break free of the imperialist system and the archaic regime.
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Zarrow, Peter. "The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China. By Xiaowei Zheng. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2018. xi, 358 pp. ISBN: 9781503601086 (paper, also available in cloth and as e-book)." Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 4 (November 2018): 1086–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818001146.
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Chassen-López, Francie R. "Maderismo or Mixtec Empire? Class and Ethnicity in the Mexican Revolution, Costa Chica of Oaxaca, 1911." Americas 55, no. 1 (July 1998): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008295.
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On 18 May 1911, the indigenous Mixtec peasants of Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca, rose up against the local cacique and ranchers who had dispossessed them of their ancient communal lands. Thus began not only the lone agrarian rebellion in the state of Oaxaca but also the only attempt to revive a pre-Columbian indigenous empire during the Mexican Revolution. The study of this remarkable episode situates Oaxaca, a state previously thought to be peripheral to this major social upheaval, within the main currents of revolutionary activity.As in the case of other revolutionary movements, the arrival of Maderista revolutionaries from a neighboring state, in this case Guerrero, triggered the peasant mobilization in Pinotepa Nacional, unleashing social tensions in the area. Although an overwhelmingly rural state in 1910, the Revolution in Oaxaca has generally been characterized by the absence of agrarian protest. Recent studies have found the precursor and Maderista movements in Oaxaca to be predominantly middle class, either urban or rural, seeking social mobility, wider political participation, and greater local autonomy. Nevertheless, the study of the events of May 1911 on the Oaxacan coast reveals a struggle that pitted an agrarian, indigenous movement against a middle class, rancher-style revolution.
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Andes, Stephen J. C. "A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico." Americas 68, no. 4 (April 2012): 529–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0049.
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Alfredo Méndez Medina, writing from Belgium in January 1911, was possessed by the idea that Mexico's social and economic organization required radical change. Méndez Medina, a Mexican Jesuit priest and developing labor activist, had spent just a few years in Europe, sent by his superiors to learn the techniques, strategies, and ideology of Catholic social action. What he saw and experienced there helped shape his vision for Mexico and guided his work upon his return in late 1912. In Europe, the young Méndez Medina observed firsthand the Catholic unions, ministries, and propagandists of L'Action Populaire, an influential French social Catholic institution founded by Gustave Desbuquois, S.J. (1869-1959) in Reims. In a few brief notes, Méndez Medina wrote that Desbuquois's earthy, no-nonsense way of speaking to ordinary workers, and his profound spirituality, had impressed him deeply. To Méndez Medina, Desbuquois appeared to link seamlessly his religious faith, his social commitments, his sense of duty, and his politics.
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Brandner, Tobias. "Basel Mission and Revolutions in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century China: Debating Societal Renewal." Mission Studies 35, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341545.
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Abstract This article analyzes how the Basel missionaries interpreted the nineteenth- and twentieth-century revolutionary changes in China. After a short historical overview, it assesses the different aspects and roots of what implicitly constituted the political theology of the Basel Mission. In the body part of the essay it analyzes documents written by missionaries (letters, reports written to the home committee) to understand how the missionaries saw the epochal changes that they witnessed: the Taiping Rebellion in the nineteenth century and the political changes taking place between 1911–1949. A final section considers how timely the past Basel missionaries’ political views are in present-day China and how they are reflected in parts of recent Chinese political theology.
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Hanson, Marta. "Visualizing the Geography of the Diseases of China: Western Disease Maps from Analytical Tools to Tools of Empire, Sovereignty, and Public Health Propaganda, 1878–1929." Science in Context 30, no. 3 (September 2017): 219–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889717000205.
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ArgumentThis article analyzes for the first time the earliest western maps of diseases in China spanning fifty years from the late 1870s to the end of the 1920s. The 24 featured disease maps present a visual history of the major transformations in modern medicine from medical geography to laboratory medicine wrought on Chinese soil. These medical transformations occurred within new political formations from the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) to colonialism in East Asia (Hong Kong, Taiwan, Manchuria, Korea) and hypercolonialism within China (Tianjin, Shanghai, Amoy) as well as the new Republican Chinese nation state (1912–49). As a subgenre of persuasive graphics, physicians marshaled disease maps for various rhetorical functions within these different political contexts. Disease maps in China changed from being mostly analytical tools to functioning as tools of empire, national sovereignty, and public health propaganda legitimating new medical concepts, public health interventions, and political structures governing over human and non-human populations.
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Wilson, Verity. "Dressing for Leadership in China: Wives and Husbands in an Age of Revolutions (1911-1976)." Gender History 14, no. 3 (November 2002): 608–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.00284.
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Jun, Huang Yan, and Tan Chee Seng. "Research on the development of the Chinese higher education system during the anti-Japanese war period, 1937-1945." Linguistics and Culture Review 6 (December 17, 2021): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v6ns2.2007.
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The ancient dynasty was deposed in 1911, and a new republic took its place. It is found that China made great development in all areas of life throughout the Republican era (1912-1949) excepting Anti-Japanese War. During the time when the last Quing dynasty would approach its end, China is in the primary stage in building a higher education system. In a republican era, China developed its modern higher education system which is composed of public universities, private, universities, and voluntary universities. The war with Japan was certainly the most momentous event in the History of China during the Republican era. The methodology indicating the Reformation era is thoroughly examined during the war. The new development of the war has highlighted a higher education system. Consequently, this paper examines the evolution of China's higher education system from 1937 to 1945, during Japan's anti-war era. In this paper, a descriptive methodology is used to get reliable results. Besides, secondary data such as journals, peer-review, papers, books, articles, were used to get information for the topic.
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Kuzmin, Sergey L. "Динамика правового статуса Монголии в XX в." Desertum Magnum: studia historica Великая степь: исторические исследования, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2712-8431-2020-9-1-58-67.
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This article is aimed at determining Mongolia’s status based on historical documents and contemporaries’ evaluation. It discusses the change in the legal status of Mongolia from the collapse of Qing Empire till the mid XX century. As it is shown, Mongolia was not part of China but was in vassal — suzerain relationship with the Manchu Dynasty of Qing Empire. Qing ‘new policy’ of Chinese colonization destroyed this relationship which led to national liberation movement of Mongols. Dynasty abdication and the formation of the Republic of China gave new legitimate ground for independence Mongolia. Declaration of independence of Mongolia on December 29, 1911 as the culmination of this movement was legitimate and was not a revolution. The treaty signed in 1912 between Russia and Mongolia may be considered as de jure recognition of the independence but not the autonomy of Mongolia. The rightful recognition of the autonomy was recorded in the agreement of 1915 between Russia, China and Mongolia. Outer Mongolia became the state under the formal suzerainty of China and the protectorate of Russia. The abolishment of autonomy and occupation of Outer Mongolia by China in 1919 was illegal. In 1921 baron R. F. Ungern reinstated the autonomy and in fact the independence of Outer Mongolia. From the take-over of the Mongolian People’s Party until adoption of constitution by the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1924 the country status was undefined. From 1924 until recognition by China in 1946 the Mongolian People’s Republic was de facto independent country with the implied (silent) recognition by the USSR. Reunion of Inner Mongolia and Barga with the Outer Mongolia / Mongolian People’s Republic was the historical choice of their peoples.
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АВИЛОВ, Роман Сергеевич. "Восточные курсы при Окружном штабе Приамурского военного округа (г. Хабаровск) в 1906–1913 гг." Известия Восточного института 47, no. 3 (2020): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2542-1611/2020-3/15-30.
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Статья подготовлена на основе материалов Государственного архива Хабаровского края и посвящена истории Восточных курсов при Окружном штабе Приамурского военного округа. В ней затрагивается история создания курсов после Русско-японской войны 1904–1905 гг. Исследуется цель, расписание и характер организации занятий по изучению офицерами и нижними чинами китайского, японского и на начальном этапе корейского языков. Впервые публикуются списки офицеров и нижних чинов, получивших премии по итогам изучения китайского и японского языков в 1912–1913 гг. Установлен состав преподавателей курсов в 1911–1913 гг. Based on the documents from the State Archive of Khabarovsk Krai, this article is devoted to the history of the Courses of Oriental languages at the Headquarters of the Priamour Military District. The author analyzes the history of creating these courses after the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, as a result of the war, and of the Russian military expedition in China in 1900–1901. During both campaigns the shortage not only of the translators and dragomans but also of the oriental language-speaking officers was a great problem for the Russian Army in the Far East. The article investigates the reasons, the aim, the schedule and the character of the lessons conducted for officers and soldiers, who studied the Chinese, Japanese, and, at the very beginning, Korean languages. In this report, for the first time, we publish the list of officers and soldiers who received awards on successful completion of the courses of Chinese and Japanese languages in 1912–1913. The Courses faculty members, who taught in 1911–1913, are also identified. As a result, it is concluded that the courses probably had a certain impact on the combat readiness of the troops of the Priamour Military District.
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Zhang, Gillian Yanzhuang. "Making a Canonical Work: a Cultural History of the Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, 1679-1949." East Asian Publishing and Society 10, no. 1 (March 20, 2020): 73–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22106286-12341341.
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Abstract As the most widely-used painting manual in China, the Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting (Jieziyuan huazhuan 芥子園畫傳, hereafter Mustard Seed) has long been considered to have been a handbook for beginners. This article problematizes this relatively fixed notion by examining different editions of the manual and argues that the pedagogical function that most people take for granted is an anachronistic construction. In fact, the woodblock-printed Mustard Seed was regarded as an illegitimate painting manual in the mainstream art scene after its publication because it used woodblock printing to convey painting techniques. The canonization of the manual started in the late Qing (1862-1911), as a result of the availability of affordable lithographic editions. It soon became a primer for many would-be painters and gradually entered art schools in the Republican period (1912-1949), changing the traditional pedagogies of painting education. While highlighting the multivalent social functions of Mustard Seed, this paper will also show how changes in printing technique are connected to Mustard Seed’s canonization.
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Goldman, Merle. "Politically-Engaged Intellectuals in the Deng-Jiang Era: A Changing Relationship with the Party-State." China Quarterly 145 (March 1996): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100004412x.
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During the regime of Mao Zedong (1949–76), a number of Western scholars described Chinas modern history as moving from one orthodoxy, the Confucianism of the Qing dynasty, to the Marxism–Leninism– Maoism of the Peoples Republic. The cultural and intellectual pluralism of the intervening years of die early decades of the 20th century, the May Fourth movement, and even the more limited pluralism during the weak Leninist state and watered–down Confucianism of the Kuomintang Republic (1928–49) looked like an interregnum between two orthodoxies.1 When Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978 and established a milder form of authoritarianism than that of his predecessor, a number of Western scholars revised their views of 20th–century Chinese history. As Deng carried out economically pragmatic policies and relaxed controls over the intellectual community as well as over peoples personal lives and geographic regions, they pointed out that the 1949 divide of the Chinese Communist revolution was not as sharp and as singular a break in modern Chinese history as it had been presented. Rather, it should be seen as part of the ongoing effort to build a strong Chinese state and modern economy, inspired by nationalist pride, going on since the end of the Qing dynasty in 1911.
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Iofis, Boris R., and Qui Xiaona. "The Formation of the Methodical System of Teaching Classical Harmony in the People’s Republic of China." Musical Art and Education 8, no. 2 (2020): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862//2309-1428-2020-8-2-87-108.
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The article discusses the stages of the formation of the methodological system of teaching classical harmony in the People’s Republic of China. Analysis of the historical reveals the peculiarities and problems of teaching this section of the corresponding academic discipline, established in the national system of musical and musical-pedagogical education. The internal logic of this process is determined by the following parameters: the nature of the correlation of foreign experience with national characteristics and the presence (or opportunity) of other modules in the structure of the training course. On this basis, seven periods of the history of the teaching of classical harmony in China’s music education were identified and analyzed: 1842–1911 (formation of prerequisites); 1912–1926 (accumulation of primary empirical experience); 1927–1951 (methodic model of the Shanghai Conservatory); 1952–1965 (introduction of the Soviet pedagogical paradigm); 1966–1976 (crowding out foreign artistic influences and values from the cultural space); 1977–1997 (restoration of the Soviet methodic model against the backdrop of the adoption in art practice of modern forms of “Western” music and the national style based on pentatonic; 1998 - up to now (reforming the system of teaching harmony).
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Ramírez Ruiz, Raúl. "Neto and Giadán: The Last Two Spanish in the Qing Dynasty." Sinología hispánica 4, no. 1 (December 13, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/sin.v4i1.5266.
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<p align="LEFT">The present article examines the claim that</p><p align="LEFT">Manuel Giadán Ruiz and Jose Antonio Neto</p><p align="LEFT">González, Copper foundry workers, former</p><p align="LEFT">employees of Rio Tinto Company Limited in</p><p align="LEFT">Huelva, against the Government of the Republic</p><p align="LEFT">of China in 1912 for breach of contract of the</p><p align="LEFT">Imperial Copper Works. This enterprise was</p><p align="LEFT">owned by the Gansu Provincial Government.</p><p align="LEFT">Through this claim we can observe the causes of</p><p align="LEFT">the failure of the modernization attempts</p><p align="LEFT">carried out by the “Westernization Movement”</p><p align="LEFT">in late Qing times; and also we can see the</p><p align="LEFT">causes of frustration of Xinhai Revolution and</p><p>the beginnings of the Republic of China. In</p><p align="LEFT">particular, the “Neto and Giadan Claim” shows</p><p align="LEFT">how the nascent Republic of China is unable to</p><p align="LEFT">shake off the exploitation to which China was</p><p align="LEFT">subject by the colonial powers. In fact, through</p><p align="LEFT">this case, we see how the Republic of China was</p><p align="LEFT">forced to yield to the economic claims of any</p><p align="LEFT">European country, even to Spain, which at that</p><p align="LEFT">time lacked the coercive or military capacity to</p><p align="LEFT">impose its wishes on China. For the writing of this</p><p align="LEFT">article, we have used original documentation</p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;">from </span></span><em><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;">The Archive of Administration</span></span></em><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;">, </span></span><em><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;">The</span></span></em></p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><em>Archive of National History</em></span></span><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;">; </span></span><em><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;">The Archive of</span></span></em></p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><em>Historical Miner of Red River Fundation</em></span></span><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;">; </span></span><em><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;">The</span></span></em></p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><em>Archive of Huelva Province</em></span></span><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;">; </span></span><em><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;">Archivo of Huelva</span></span></em></p><p align="LEFT"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS,Italic; font-size: xx-small;"><em>Diocesan, and The Archive Nerva Municipal</em></span></span><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-family: TrebuchetMS; font-size: xx-small;">. We</span></span></p><p align="LEFT">have supplemented this documentation with</p><p align="LEFT">the Belgian Foreign Ministry Archive and the</p><p align="LEFT">personal archives of Belgian “technicians” led</p><p align="LEFT">by "Belgian Mandarin" Paul Splingaerd and his</p><p align="LEFT">son Alphonse. They were the managers of the</p><p align="LEFT">industrialization process of Gansu Province</p><p>launched by the Taotai of Lanzhou Peng Yingjia.</p>
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Kuzmicheva, Lyudmila V. "Russian Diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann on the Reasons for the Failure of the Russian Plan to Create a Balkan Federation." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 154–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.08.
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In Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, a new strategic line in relations with the Ottoman Empire was being developed. The urgent task of Russian diplomacy was to prevent the participation of the Ottoman Empire on the side of Russia’s opponents in a possible war. Unfortunately, Russian diplomacy failed to cope with this task. Diplomatic documents attest to the existence of a Russian plan to create a Balkan Federation under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire. Russia’s efforts in this regard intensified after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. In 1910, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was developing a plan for the possible unification of the Balkan states into a single Balkan Federation led by the Ottoman Empire. Serbia played an important role in the implementation of this program. This idea was developed by Nikolai V. Charykov, the Russian ambassador to Constantinople from 1909 to 1911. Russian diplomacy sought to smooth out the contradictions in the Balkans and normalise the relations of the young states with the Ottoman Empire. In 1911, the Russian Envoy to Constantinople, Charykov, negotiated with the Turkish leadership on the Russian-Turkish treaty, which, in particular, included the question of the Balkan Federation. This episode in Russian-Turkish relations went down in the history of diplomacy as the “Charykov demarche.” The formation of the Balkan Union and the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 meant the failure of the Russian model of peaceful coexistence of the Balkan states as a confederation, including the autonomy of European Turkey. The reasons for this failure were discussed in their memoirs by two Russian diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann, who gave years of diplomatic service in the Balkans, and who remained living there after escaping from revolutionary Russia.
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Petrov, Konstantin K. "Anthologies of Writings by Dong Qichang “Huachanshi suibi” from the Chinese Collection of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 3 (2022): 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.304.
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The paper concentrates on the description of a written monument of Chinese aesthetic thought - the anthology “Notes from the Cabinet of Chan Painting” by the politician, artist, calligrapher and art theorist of the end of the Ming era (1368-1644) Dong Qichang (1555-1636). Two woodblock printed editions of this anthology dated 1720 and 1911 are preserved in the Chinese collection of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences and so far remain understudied. The paper considers the possible translations of the title of the book into the Russian and English languages, investigates the history of different publications of the monument, describes the formal features of block books, and conducts a comparative analysis of existing editions. The discovered textual discrepancies between different editions of the anthology make it clear that in the Qing era (1644-1912) “Notes” experienced the harmful influence of the “literary inquisition”, not having escaped the fate of many works of the Ming era. A textual and comprehensive analysis of several fragments shows that the earlier edition of 1720 has greater completeness and integrity. In addition, even a formal examination of the monument makes it possible to identify a whole range of historical problems, not related directly to aesthetic thought, which can be studied with the use of the “Notes” as a source. Such issues include the historyof art collecting by Chinese nobles, the socio-economic and political development of late Ming China, the relationships between the Ming Empire and the Manchus, the problem of censorship in the Qing era, etc.
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HUYS, RONY, and FANGHONG MU. "Johnwellsia, a new intertidal genus of Parastenheliidae (Copepoda, Harpacticoida) from the Taiwan Strait, China, including a review of the family and key to genera." Zootaxa 5051, no. 1 (October 12, 2021): 236–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.5051.1.13.
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A new genus of Parastenheliidae, Johnwellsia gen. nov., is proposed for its type and only species, J. bipartita sp. nov., collected from Dadeji Beach in Xiamen, Taiwan Strait, China. The intricate taxonomic history of the family is reviewed with special emphasis on its type genus Parastenhelia Thompson & Scott, 1903. It is concluded that P. hornelli Thompson & Scott, 1903 is the type of the genus and that the widely adopted previous designation of Harpacticus spinosus Fischer, 1860 as type species of Parastenhelia is invalid. The taxonomic concept of Parastenhelia is restricted to the hornelli-group which includes four valid species: P. hornelli, P. similis Thompson & Scott, 1903, P. oligochaeta Wells & Rao, 1987, and P. willemvervoorti sp. nov.
The currently accepted concept of Parastenhelia spinosa as a highly variable cosmopolitan species is rejected. The genus Microthalestris Sars, 1905 (type: Thalestris forficula Claus, 1863) is resurrected to accommodate most Parastenhelia species that were previously placed in the spinosa-group. Two species, Thalestris forficuloides Scott & Scott, 1894 and Parastenhelia antarctica Scott, 1912, are reinstated as valid members of the genus which further includes Parastenhelia gracilis Brady, 1910, Microthalestris littoralis Sars, 1911, P. costata Pallares, 1982, P. minuta Pallares, 1982, P. bulbosa Gee, 2006 and five new species: M. campbelliensis sp. nov.; M. polaris sp. nov.; M. santacruzensis sp. nov.; M. sarsi sp. nov. and M. variabilis sp. nov. Both the type species, Thalestris forficula, and Harpacticus spinosus are considered species inquirendae in Microthalestris. Three new genera are proposed to accommodate the remaining Parastenhelia species. Porirualia gen. nov. contains P. megarostrum Wells, Hicks & Coull, 1982 (type) and P. pyriformis Song, Kim & Chang, 2003, and is the sistergroup of Johnwellsia gen. nov. Parastenhelia aydini Kuru & Karaytuğ, 2015 is placed in the monotypic genus Karaytugia gen. nov. while all species with penicillate elements on the antenna and P1 are transferred to Penicillicaris gen. nov., including Thalestris pectinimana Car, 1884, which is removed from the synonyms of the Parastenhelia spinosa (Fischer, 1860) “complex”, and three new species: P. maldivensis sp. nov., P. penicillata sp. nov., and P. sewelli sp. nov.
The genus Karllangia Noodt, 1964 (type: K. arenicola Noodt, 1964) is relegated to a junior subjective synonym of Thalestrella Monard, 1935a (type: T. ornatissima Monard, 1935a). New or updated diagnoses for each genus, and differential diagnoses for species where appropriate, are provided. A key to the ten currently recognized genera in the Parastenheliidae is presented as well as keys to species for Parastenhelia, Microthalestris, Thalestrella and Penicillicaris gen. nov.
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Pei, Shidong, and Qihang Wang. "Research on the Application of Archives and Historical Materials in the Study of the History of the Republic of China (1912—1949)." Journal of Higher Education Research 1, no. 2 (August 21, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/jher.v1i2.147.
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The history of the Republic of China is a very important history in the modern history of our country. During this period, great changes took place in China and the Revolution of 1911 abolished monarchy; then the Communist Party of China led the Chinese people in the struggle for national liberation and established the People’s Republic of China. Therefore, studying the history of the Republic of China is an inevitable requirement for historical development. To this end, this article starts with exploring the research connotation and value of the history of the Republic of China, comprehensively collects archival historical data, insists on using the historical materialist methodology to conduct research on the history of the Republic of China, and discriminates historical materials objectively and fairly. Three aspects have been studied and discussed.
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Gu, Tianyi. "Yang Jiang—A Great Woman in Recent History of China." Journal of Innovation and Social Science Research 9, no. 3 (March 31, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.53469/jissr.2022.09(03).04.
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Yang Jiang (1911-2016) was an admirable writer and translator in China. She lived through the most unsettled time in the modern history of China, when the Anti-Japanese War (1937-45) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) did have a great impact on her life and her career. Whereas the social environment influenced Yang Jiang, Yang also responded to the situation with her novels or works of translation, which are now excellent works of art.
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Zhang, Huasha. "Orphans of the Empire: Lhasa’s Chinese Community from the Qing Era to the Early Twentieth Century." Modern China, November 30, 2020, 009770042096992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700420969923.
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This article analyzes the transformation of Lhasa’s Chinese community from the embodiment of an expansionist power in the early eighteenth century to the orphan of a fallen regime after the Qing Empire’s demise in 1911. Throughout the imperial era, this remote Chinese enclave represented Qing authority in Tibet and remained under the metropole’s strong political and social influence. Its members intermarried with the locals and adopted many Tibetan cultural traits. During the years surrounding the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, this community played a significant role in a series of interconnected political and ethnic confrontations that gave birth to the two antagonistic national bodies of Tibet and China. The community’s history and experiences challenge not only the academic assessment that Tibet’s Chinese population had fully assimilated into Tibetan society by the twentieth century but also the widespread image of pre-1951 Lhasa as a harmonious town of peaceful ethnic coexistence.
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Jiang, Chunjiao, and Pengcheng Mao. "The fate of traditional schools in a context of educational modernization: the case of Si-shu in China." History of Education Review ahead-of-print, ahead-of-print (November 27, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-11-2019-0047.
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Purpose:The purpose of this paper is to examine how Si-shu, a traditional form of local, private education grounded in classical instruction, responded to the rapid modernization of education during the late Qing dynasty and early Republic of China and to explain why these schools, once extraordinarily adaptable, finally disappeared.Design/methodology/approach:The authors have examined both primary and secondary sources, including government reports, education yearbooks, professional annals, public archives, and published research to analyze the social, political and institutional changes that reshaped Si-shu in the context of China's late-19th- and early-20th-century educational modernization.Findings:Si-shu went through four stages of institutional change during the last century. First, they faced increased competition from new-style (westernized) schools during the late Qing dynasty. Second, they engaged in a process of intense self-reform, particularly after the Xinhai Revolution of 1911. Third, they were marginalized by the new educational systems of the Republic of China, especially the Renxu School System of 1922 and the Wuchen School System of 1928. Finally, after the foundation of the People's Republic of China in 1949, they were considered remnants of feudal culture and forcibly replaced by modern schools.Originality/value:This paper brings hitherto unexplored Chinese sources to an English-speaking audience in an effort to shed new light on the history of traditional Chinese education. The fate of Si-shu was part of the larger modernization of Chinese education – a development that had both advantages and disadvantages.