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Journal articles on the topic 'China-Malaysia relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 7 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Fong, Yang Lai, and Teoh Yong Chia. "Framing Diplomatic Relations." China Report 53, no. 4 (2017): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517727925.

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Malaysia and China have been enjoying cordial relations since 1974. In 2015, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang paid an official visit to Malaysia at the invitation of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Abdul Razak. This study aims to examine the framing of Malaysia–China relations as well as Premier Li’s visit to Malaysia by the mainstream Malay, English and Chinese-language newspapers in Malaysia, as well as the mainstream press in China. The findings indicate that the newspapers reported the topic with differing intensity and prominence, while employing different news sources. Economics and trad

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2

Xinlei, ZHAO. "Research on the Development of Malaysia-China Economic Relations During the National Front Administration (1974-2018)." Asia-Pacific Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (2023): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53789/j.1653-0465.2023.0302.014.

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In the long-term development of Malaysia and China, the economic relationship is one of the most important bilateral relations between the two countries. Since Malaysia and China formally established diplomatic relations in 1974, under the leadership of the National Front, Malaysia has adopted specific economic policies towards China in different development periods, and the specific economic policies have also shown different characteristics in different development periods. Until Malaysia’s 2018 domestic election, Malaysia-China economic relations ushered in a new period of development. Ther

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Md Akhir, Md Nasrudin, Lee Chee Leong, and Hafiz Muhammad Tahir. "Malaysia-China Bilateral Relations, 1974-2018." International Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol7no1.1.

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Baginda, Abdul Razak, and Mustafa Izzuddin. "China-Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 1 (2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1k.

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5

Wang, Chaoqun, Nasrudin Mohamed, and Gy Rugayah Hashim. "China-Malaysia Relations and the Belt and Road Initiative: An analysis based on Constructivist Theory." Environment-Behaviour Proceedings Journal 9, SI22 (2024): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21834/e-bpj.v9isi22.5802.

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China-Malaysia relations have a long history. At present, benefiting from the solid foundation laid by China and Malaysia, the Belt and Road Initiative has achieved remarkable results, from which both countries have gained. Starting from the background of the Belt and Road Initiative, this paper explores the development of China-Malaysia relations through the view of constructivist theory by reviewing and analysing cases of cooperation outcomes between China and Malaysia in the fields of politics, economy, and culture, and finds that cultural exchanges are indispensable to the advancement of t

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Wang, Chaoqun, Nasrudin Mohamed, and Gy Rugayah Hashim. "China-Malaysia Relations and the Belt and Road Initiative: An analysis based on Constructivist Theory." Environment-Behaviour Proceedings Journal 9, SI20 (2024): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21834/e-bpj.v9isi20.5802.

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China-Malaysia relations have a long history. At present, benefiting from the solid foundation laid by China and Malaysia, the Belt and Road Initiative has achieved remarkable results, from which both countries have gained. Starting from the background of the Belt and Road Initiative, this paper explores the development of China-Malaysia relations through the view of constructivist theory by reviewing and analysing cases of cooperation outcomes between China and Malaysia in the fields of politics, economy, and culture, and finds that cultural exchanges are indispensable to the advancement of t

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7

Abd Rahman, Dr Muhamad Azwan. "CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE PROGRESS TOWARDS MALAYSIA’S DEVELOPMENT." Journal of International Studies 18 (October 16, 2022): 219–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2022.18.8.

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Malaysia-China cooperation since normalization in 1974 has proceeded relatively well for the benefit of both countries. The prior role of Malaysia in offering the “hand of friendship” to China has reflected diplomatic co-existence in mutual trade, regional development and people-to-people relations. However, the close relationship between Malaysia and China has also impacted the position of Malaysia in joining China in the “One Belt One Road” (OBOR), which then changed to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The agenda through the BRI, launched in 2013 under the leadership of Xi Jinping, has ma

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Yeoh, Emile Kok-Kheng. "Between Scylla and Charybdis? Emerging New Malaysia and Its Enigmatic Relations with China." Bandung 7, no. 2 (2020): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-00702004.

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Abstract This article traces the evolution of China-Malaysia relations under National Front Prime Minister Najib Razak and the Alliance of Hope Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. While the Belt and Road Initiative (bri) strengthened Beijing’s support of Najib’s kleptocratic regime in Malaysia, the 2018 general elections brought the anti-graft Alliance of Hope coalition led by Mahathir into power. Under Mahathir’s leadership, Malaysia cancelled several large-scale infrastructural projects like the East Coast Rail Link (ecrl), owing to their links with Najib’s 1mdb scandal and the unfavorable term

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Gen, Li, Rizal Zamani Idris, Ayesah Uy Abubakar, and Marja Azlima Bt Omar. "Identity Dynamics and Diplomatic Narratives: Malaysian Chinese Perspectives." Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental 18, no. 5 (2024): e07188. http://dx.doi.org/10.24857/rgsa.v18n5-124.

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Objectives: This research provides a comprehensive analysis of Malaysia-China relations during Najib Razak's administration, examining the political, economic, and socio-cultural dimensions of bilateral cooperation. Under Najib's leadership, Malaysia pursued a multifaceted approach to strengthening ties with China, characterized by frequent high-level visits, extensive economic engagements, and collaborative initiatives. The study explores political cooperation, focusing on efforts to address maritime security and territorial disputes in the South China Sea through dialogue and bilateral chann

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10

Tuan Yuen, KONG. "Belt and Road Initiative: A New Impetus to Strengthen China-Malaysia Relations." East Asian Policy 09, no. 02 (2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000113.

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China-Malaysia relations would be strengthened through the Belt and Road Initiative. Chinese industrial overcapacity is a factor in infrastructure investment in Malaysia which needs international collaboration projects for domestic economic development. Challenges include the unstable Malaysian political economy and ethnic issue as well as the economic slowdown of China, and the geopolitics of the South China Sea.

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RIDZUAN, MOHAMAD IKHRAM MOHAMAD, DG JUNAIDAH AWANG JAMBOL, NORAINI ZULKIFLI, and ZAHARUL ABDULLAH. "INTERDEPENDENCY AND RELIABILITY IN MALAYSIA-CHINA RELATIONS AMIDST THE BALANCE OF THREAT." Quantum Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 5, no. 5 (2024): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.55197/qjssh.v5i5.422.

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The decision to cancel several mega projects, such as the construction of the Kuala Lumpur-Singapore high-speed railway (HSR), the renegotiation of the cost of building the East Coast Railway Route (ECRL), Belt Road Initiative (BRI), and the grey zone issue in the South China Sea, has created tensions between Kuala Lumpur and Beijing. Mahathir's action, which sees the initiative as a new form of Chinese colonization of weak powers, has undermined China's initiative to make Malaysia a strategic hub under ASEAN's One Belt, One Road (OBOR) plan. China has taken action by suspending any form of co

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Zhao, Xinlei. "The Evolution and Development of Malaysia's Strategy Towards China (1957-2022)." International Journal of Asian and African Studies 3, no. 1 (2024): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijaas.2024.3.1.5.

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This article uses the period from 1957, the year Malaysia gained independence, to 2022, as the research timeline to examine how Malaysia's strategy toward China developed and what variables significantly influenced its development. The study's findings demonstrate that Malaysia, a tiny nation, has developed its relationship with China through four distinct phases: confrontation (1957–1974), non–alignment (1974–1981), balance (1981–2018), and the "new" hedging approach (2018-2022). Five main factors, including leadership qualities, domestic interest groups, national interest considerations, gre

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Sandano, Imran Ali, Hanizah Idris, and Mazlan Bin Majid. "Bridging Borders: The Role of Shared Security in Malaysia-China Relations." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 21, no. 1 (2025): 1–28. https://doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2025.21.1.1.

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The bilateral relations between Malaysia and China have experienced both tensions and opportunities in recent years, particularly shaped by disputes in the South China Sea (SCS). Despite these challenges, this study highlights a renewed phase of collaboration centred on the framework of shared security. Shared security is an emerging paradigm in international relations, emphasising cooperation on nontraditional security (NTS) issues that transcend traditional geopolitical rivalries. This framework offers a novel lens for analysing how states with conflicting interests can foster diplomatic und

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Fauzi, Nabil Ahmad. "Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia dan Malaysia Terhadap China di Era Perang Dingin." Insignia Journal of International Relations 1, no. 01 (2014): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2014.1.01.426.

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Since the proclamation on the 1st October 1949, the People's Republic of China has gained an important role in international relations after World War II. The success of communism conquered China, has changed the dynamics of competition between the United States and the Soviet Union that lead the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc. The situation has forced the newly independent states in this era, like Indonesia and Malaysia, to determine their position. In addition to facing the same international politics pressures, the two countries also have relations in the domestic issues related to China

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Tan, Wooi Yee. "THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE IN MALAYSIA: A DECADE OF SHIFTS, CONTINUITY, AND RENEWED FOCUS." Advanced International Journal of Business, Entrepreneurship and SMEs 7, no. 23 (2025): 150–68. https://doi.org/10.35631/aijbes.723013.

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Since the launch of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, Malaysia has been an active and pragmatic partner, leveraging the initiative for infrastructure development and economic growth. Existing literature on the BRI in Malaysia primarily focuses on high-profile projects such as the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL), Forest City, and the Malaysia-China Kuantan Industrial Park. However, this narrow focus overlooks the broader, multidimensional impact of the BRI in Malaysia. This article addresses this gap by analysing Malaysia’s BRI engagement through the lens of the five key connectivity

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Dar, Ku Boon, and Tan Chee Seng. "The Road and Belt Initiative in Malaysia: Challenges and Recommendations." Akademika 91, no. 3 (2022): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/akad-2021-9103-07.

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ABSTRACT In recent years, China has expanded its relations with other nations through the Belt and Road Initiative. This initiative was formally introduced after it was launched in 2013 by President Xi Jinping. It comprises two components, namely, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative, both of which aim to stimulate the acceleration of economic growth in Asia, Africa and Europe. This research attempts to provide a detailed review of the execution of this initiative through empirical studies based on qualitative analysis, which are closely related to BRI

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17

Izzuddin, Mustafa. "China–Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy by Abdul Razak Baginda." Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs 38, no. 1 (2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csa.2016.0011.

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18

Koshovyi, Serhii. "Ukraine-Malaysia Relations: Priorities and Machinery." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33.

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The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukrai

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19

Soon, Thean Bee. "China-Malaysia Relations as a Campaign Strategy: The BN Prime Ministers’ Understanding of China and the Ethnic Chinese." International Journal of China Studies 14, no. 1 (2023): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijcs.vol14no1.2.

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During the administration of the Barisan Nasional in Malaysia, three Prime Ministers, namely Abdul Razak, Mahathir Mohamad and Najib Razak, strategically incorporated the China factor to attract the support of the Chinese voters in their respective election campaigns. These campaigns took place in 1974, 1999, and 2013. It appeared that the Prime Ministers perceived a preference among the Chinese community for China, despite the Chinese were born in Malaysia or had been granted Malaysian citizenship. Thus, Razak, Mahathir and Najib’s understanding of China and Chinese voters played a crucial ro

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Wan, Xueli, Kean Yew Lee, and Kee Chye Ho. "Changes in Trade Structure and Social Relationship between China and Malaysia Under Cross-border E-commerce Culture." International Journal of China Studies 14, no. 1 (2023): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijcs.vol14no1.6.

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This study examined the evolving trade structure and social relations between both nations. First, a macro-environmental analysis is conducted, considering key factors such as political, economic, societal, and technological factors that influence the Sino-Malaysian trade structure. Second, variations in product sales strategies employed by Chinese and Malaysian companies are explored in the context of e-commerce sales culture. Third, the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative on changing SinoMalaysian social relations is examined. The findings show that China and Malaysia maintain robust conn

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JAMIL, Nur Shahadah. "Revisiting the Look East Policy." East Asian Policy 16, no. 03 (2024): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930524000205.

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This article revisits Malaysia’s 1982 Look East Policy (LEP) and examines its evolution amid contemporary Malaysia-Japan relations and geopolitical changes including intensifying US-China rivalry and China’s growing influence in the region. These developments present a new set of challenges and opportunities for Malaysia-Japan relations, necessitating a reevaluation of the LEP in today’s geopolitical climate. The article argues that despite China’s rising presence in the region, Japan remains significant to shaping Malaysia’s strategic outlook and regional stability.

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Xia, Nan, and Yanan Yang. "Role of Malaysian Non-Governmental Organizations in Malaysia-China Educational Exchange under Malaysian Ethnic Politics." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 3 (2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v3i3.477.

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Educational exchange between Malaysia and China has an important interaction with the Chinese education in Malaysia and the political relations between Malaysia and China. Chinese education in Malaysia is twisted with Malaysian ethnic politics. Malaysian Chinese students were lack of opportunities at the public institutions of higher learning due to the preferential and affirmative action policies implemented by Malaysian government under the egis of New Economic Policy (NEP).Thus, Malaysia NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) carried out educational exchange with China to open up a more spac

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Lubis, Tri Murti. "A AKIBAT HUKUM PEMBATALAN PERJANJIAN BILATERAL TERKAIT PINJAMAN KEPADA CHINA DALAM PERSPEKTIF HUKUM INTERNASIONAL." Res Nullius Law Journal 3, no. 1 (2021): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/rnlj.v3i1.3830.

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The One Belt One Road (OBOR) project initiated by the Chinese Government has gripped countries in the international community. Especially to Southeast Asia, where Malaysia and Indonesia are borrowing countries to China. Replacement of government in Malaysia related to corruption cases 1 MDB, resulting in changes in government policy Malaysia. The cancellation basis, because all the raw materials or the materials used are from China following also engineers and unskilled laborers, thus causing a massive migration from China to Malaysia. In the case of this cancellation, of course, the legal con

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Liu, Rui, Rongyu Xiao, and Qing Liu. "A Study on the Trade Effects of China's Direct Investment in Malaysia." Frontiers in Business, Economics and Management 6, no. 3 (2022): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/fbem.v6i3.3327.

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Malaysia is geographically located in the center of Southeast Asia, holding the Malacca Strait, an important international waterway, and is an important node in the construction of the "Belt and Road". China and Malaysia have long maintained good economic and trade cooperation. Investment and trade are important ways of economic exchanges between the two countries. Malaysia has a favorable investment environment, and China has become the largest investor in Malaysia's manufacturing industry for six consecutive years. In terms of trade, China has become the largest trading partner of Malaysia f

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Travkin, Pavel, and Elizaveta Marutina. "Brunei-Chinese Relations in the 21st Century." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-190-202.

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In the 21st century China is intensively penetrating the region. Beijing promotes its geopolitical agenda in the region through various methods – military, political, and economic methods. In the region, in addition to large states such as Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines, there are also small states like Singapore, Brunei, and East Timor. They are also greatly influenced by China, but they cannot resist China to the same extent as their larger neighbors do. Therefore, these countries are trying to seek mutual benefit in cooperation with China. If Singapore successfully builds

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Sigit and Rachel Shannon Twigivanya. "Malaysian Perceptions of China Following the Asian Financial Crisis." Southeast Asia: A Multidisciplinary Journal 22, no. 2 (2022): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/seamj-02-2022-b1004.

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This paper examines Malaysia's perception of China following the Asian Financial Crisis. The Asian Financial Crisis, which occurred in 1997, resulted in a contraction in Malaysia's GDP, which resulted in increased unemployment in Malaysia. China is a rising economy. Several bilateral visits and trade missions meet both states to achieve an advantageous economic position. Malaysia's decision to rely on China despite historical events that had sparked tensions between the two countries. Despite Malaysia's economic downturn, the country is taking swift action to address the issue. During the cris

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Lee, Poh Ping. "Malaysia in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (2016): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.101.

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The government of Najib Razak in Malaysia came increasingly under siege in 2015 from within his party, the opposition, and many NGOs. Najib managed to survive, but his hold on power is not solid. Meanwhile, Malaysia’s chairmanship of ASEAN was uneventful, relations with U.S. and China remained good, and GDP growth slowed compared with 2014.

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Fong, Yang Lai, Ramachandran Ponnan, and Antoon De Rycker. "Different Countries, Different Perspectives: A Comparative Analysis of the South China Sea Disputes Coverage by Malaysian and Chinese Newspapers." China Report 56, no. 1 (2020): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519895627.

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The South China Sea disputes involve both island and maritime claims among several sovereign states within the region, namely China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei, Vietnam and Taiwan. Framing an analysis of international news and diplomatic relations allows researchers to examine how news organisations provide their audiences with context regarding news stories through content promotion and exclusion. This study examined how the Malaysian and Chinese newspapers reported about the South China Sea disputes and Malaysia–China bilateral relations. The findings indicated that the newspapers rep

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Edi Budi Mulia and Tamaulina Br. Sembiring. "Perjanjian Indonesia Malaysia." Jurnal Multidisiplin Indonesia 2, no. 2 (2024): 77–81. https://doi.org/10.62007/joumi.v2i2.311.

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Diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Malaysia have long been established since the independence of the two countries. Over the years, various agreements have been agreed to regulate various aspects of bilateral cooperation, ranging from economics, security, borders, to culture. One important agreement is the Maritime Boundaries Agreement agreed in 1969, which established maritime boundaries between the two countries in the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. Apart from that, there is also an agreement regarding the protection of Indonesian workers in Malaysia, which aims to protec

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Liow, Joseph Chin Yong. "Malaysia-China Relations in the 1990s: The Maturing of a Partnership." Asian Survey 40, no. 4 (2000): 672–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3021188.

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Selat, Ahmad Mokhtar. "Malaysia-China Relations: The Winds of Change in the Early Seventies." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 2, no. 1 (2014): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol2no1.5.

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Liow, Joseph Chin Yong. "Malaysia-China Relations in the 1990s: The Maturing of a Partnership." Asian Survey 40, no. 4 (2000): 672–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2000.40.4.01p0093e.

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Hariani, Swarmilah, Abdul Halim, Hendryadi Hendryadi, Roy Budiharjo, and Hafiz Abdul Samee Malik. "Dynamics Of Asean, US, and China Capital Market Relations: Before, During and Post Covid-19." Jurnal Reviu Akuntansi dan Keuangan 14, no. 3 (2024): 586–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jrak.v14i3.34137.

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Purpose: The study aims to uncover the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN countries (Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines), the US, and China to the Indonesian capital market. Methodology/approach: This study uses weekly composite stock price index data for two observation periods: January 2016 to December 2019 (pre-COVID-19) and January 2020 to December 2023 (during and post-COVID-19). The econometric model is analyzed separately for (i) Indonesia and other ASEAN markets, and (ii) Indonesia, the US, and China. Findings: The ARDL cointegration analysis reveals that before

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Lai, Yew Meng, Maureen De Silva, and Wang Yunqi. "Crouching Tiger, Ascending Dragon: The Trends and Dynamics Of Malaysia-China Relations." Kajian Malaysia 41, no. 1 (2023): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2023.41.1.5.

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This article examines the trends and dynamics of Malaysia-China relations, with emphasis on the post-Cold War era and beyond. More specifically, it explicates the interplay of external and domestic dynamics that have defined Malaysia’s China policy amid shifting regional strategic and domestic political milieu. This article contends that Malaysia’s “hedging” policy vis-à-vis China has been primarily shaped by the country’s ruling-elite’s perceptions of its external conditions in the context of East Asia’s evolving power dynamics, tempered by their domestic political expediency. It further argu

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Yusof, Zainal Aznam. "Malaysia's Response to the China Challenge." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 2 (2003): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103772624790.

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Malaysia is a rapidly growing and resource-rich country that has been industrializing since the late 1960s. Its industrialization has relied on the growth of labor-intensive industries, particularly the electronics and electrical-products industries, which have contributed significantly to the growth of the manufacturing sector. The growth and opening up of China has raised concerns about Malaysia's loss of competitiveness to China and the diversion of foreign direct investment to China. This paper examines the relative competitive position of Malaysia and China and explores Malaysia's respons

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Li, Mingjiang. "Introduction to the special issue: changing dynamics in Southeast Asia-China relations." International Journal of Asian Studies 22, no. 1 (2025): 1–4. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1479591424000470.

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AbstractThe evolving global order and regional dynamics have profoundly impacted China-Southeast Asia relations. As the world grapples with the geopolitical implications of intensified US-China competition, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations countries find themselves navigating a complex interplay of opportunities and challenges. The US-led Indo-Pacific strategy has significantly reshaped the geopolitical landscape, yet Southeast Asia’s relations with China are marked by interwoven challenges and opportunities. This special issue includes six papers that cover Malaysia, Vietnam, Thaila

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Roslam, Aini Raudhah. "KESELAMATAN TENAGA DAN DASAR LUAR CHINA TERHADAP LAUT CHINA SELATAN: PERSPEKTIF SEJARAH MALAYSIA." Applied History Journal of Merong Mahawangsa 2 (September 12, 2024): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/ahjmm2024.2.10.

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Kajian ini bertujuan untuk meneliti kepentingan keselamatan tenaga dalam menentukan tingkah laku dasar luar China terhadap Laut China Selatan, khususnya berkaitan dengan tuntutan bertindih ke atas Kepulauan Spratly dan Paracel serta isu keselamatan di Selat Melaka. Kajian ini menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi pembentukan dasar luar China terhadap Laut China Selatan dengan meneliti kedua-dua dimensi sistemik dan domestik. Untuk memudahkan pemahaman, faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi dasar luar China dibahagikan kepada dua dimensi utama: faktor sistemik dan faktor domestik. Kaedah kajia

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Thean Bee, SOON. "An Evaluation of the Trade Outcomes between Taiwan and Malaysia under the New Southbound Policy (NSP)." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES 14, no. 2 (2023): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijcs.vol14no2.4.

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Upon assuming office in 2016, Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen’s administration revitalized the Southbound Policy (SP), rebranding it as the New Southbound Policy (NSP). While both the SP and NSP share a common objective — to reduce Taiwan’s heavy reliance on the Chinese market — the NSP, unlike its predecessor, places a dual emphasis on enhancing economic ties and concurrently spreading Taiwan’s soft power across the designated markets. Despite being one of the target markets under the NSP, Malaysia did not consistently experience a surge in the proportion of Taiwan’s total trade volume as a res

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BARKER, THOMAS ALEXANDER CHARLES. "Screen Connections between Malaysia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China." Issues & Studies 54, no. 01 (2018): 1840002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251118400027.

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To date Malaysia has occupied a peripheral position in studies of Chinese cinemas and East Asian pop culture, often overlooked in favor of the more productive centers in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and increasingly China. By engaging with the field of Chinese transnationalism as developed by Aihwa Ong and others, this paper reconsiders Malaysia’s place in the broader Chinese media landscape and the role of Chinese Malaysians as agents driving Malaysia’s engagement with Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China. Focusing on Malaysia, this paper explores Malaysia’s screen connections to China through the two vectors

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Ridzuan, Mohamad Ikhram Mohamad, Dg Junaidah Awang Jambol, and Diana Peters. "MENELUSURI AKAR PERADABAN MELAYU DALAM KEPIMPINAN ABDULLAH BADAWI: HUBUNGAN DUA HALA MALAYSIA – CHINA TRACING THE ROOTS OF MALAY CIVILIZATION IN ABDULLAH BADAWI'S LEADERSHIP: MALAYSIA-CHINA BILATERAL RELATIONS." Jurnal Pengajian Melayu 36, no. 1 (2025): 20–35. https://doi.org/10.22452/jomas.vol36no1.2.

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Abstract This article analyzes Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's leadership in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China through a pragmatic diplomatic approach grounded in Malay civilizational values. The study argues that while Abdullah maintained the continuity of close bilateral ties initiated by Mahathir Mohamad, he also introduced a new approach that was more moderate, harmonious, and reflective of Malay characteristics, emphasizing consultation (musyawarah) and balance in policy decision-making. Accordingly, this study adopts a qualitative approach through a combination of literature review and sem

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Balakrishnan, K. S. "Taming the Dragon: Malaysia-China Relations and Its Impact on East Asian Regionalism." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 2, no. 1 (2014): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol2no1.4.

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Devadason, Evelyn S. "Framing China-Malaysia Trade Relations Beyond ASEAN: Factoring the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership." Journal of Developing Areas 49, no. 2 (2015): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jda.2015.0016.

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Beckman, Robert. "The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the Maritime Disputes in the South China Sea." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 1 (2013): 142–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.1.0142.

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The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) establishes a legal framework to govern all uses of the oceans. All of the states bordering the South China Sea—Brunei Darussalam, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam—are parties to UNCLOS. Taiwan, which also borders the South China Sea, has taken steps to bring its legislation into conformity with UNCLOS.

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Chang, Kehao, Jiantao Lu, and Jing Sui. "BRI-Analysis of the East-Coast Rail Line (ECRL) in Malaysia." BCP Business & Management 16 (December 26, 2021): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v16i.251.

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In recent years, China has put forward the Belt and Road Initiative and conducted cooperation with neighboring countries in various aspects. This paper will focus on the analysis of ECRL in which China participates in cooperative construction. Due to financing difficulties and political problems in Malaysia, the project took a long time to negotiate. At the same time, the Malaysian media and people have maintained a positive attitude towards the project because it will bring long-term benefits to both China and Malaysia's political and economic environment. There are also some difficulties in

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Maulana, Akbar, Taufiq Carnegie Dawood, and Teuku Zulham. "Asymmetrical Exchange Rates Effect on Indonesia's Trade Balance in Tourism." JEJAK 14, no. 1 (2021): 102–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jejak.v14i1.27234.

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The main objective of this research is to analyze the effect of depreciation and real exchange rate appreciation on Indonesia's tourism trade balance bilaterally against Australia, China, Japan, Malaysia, and Singapore. Such analysis on bilateral relations have never been studied for developing markets countries, namely Indonesia. This study uses a linear ARDL approach and a nonlinear ARDL approach with the dependent variable on the tourism trade balance and the real exchange rate as independent variables. Income, foreign direct investment (FDI), and natural disasters as control variables. The

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Govindasamy, Geetha, and Muhammad Danial Azman. "Regime Change and Malaysia – Japan Relations: Explaining Shifts and Continuity In Foreign Policy." International Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2020): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol9no1.6.

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The article offers an initial exploration into the causal linkage between domestic political regime change and foreign policy recalibration in Malaysia. While not popular, the notion that foreign policy objectives are more often than not shaped by internal dynamics is rather true in the Malaysian case. The discussion examines Malaysia’s relations with Japan during the Pakatan Harapan government which began in May 2018 but collapsed by February 2020. After being sworn in as the Prime Minister of Malaysia for the second time, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pledged to re-energize the Look East Policy to fa

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Zhao, Xinlei, and Jun Hui Zhang. "Exploring the Feasibility of the Taking Sides Strategy in Southeast Asian Countries -- Malaysia's Response to the US-China Conflict as an Example." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Analysis 06, no. 04 (2023): 1458–67. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7805011.

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Although it has been widely accepted in international relations discourse that Southeast Asian states generally adopt hedging strategies when faced with conflicts from external powers, however, this paper argues that when the intensity of confrontation and conflict between major powers exceeds the capacity threshold of small states, they tend to adopt either direct or ambiguous taking sides strategies in order to maintain their security by actively adhering to or being forced to follow a major power. According to Robert Putnam’s two-level games theory, leadership characteristics, capabil

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Jia, Ruixue. "Precarious Ties: Business and the State in Authoritarian Asia." Journal of Economic Literature 62, no. 3 (2024): 1263–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.62.3.1256.r5.

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Ruixue Jia of University of California, San Diego reviews “Precarious Ties: Business and the State in Authoritarian Asia” by Meg Rithmire. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Examines trust and financial control at work in creating patterns of state-business relations in Malaysia, Indonesia, and China, exploring the strategies that authoritarian political elites adopt to manage the business class.”

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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Social Capital in Ten Asian Societies." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 1 (2004): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001379.

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On the basis of seven questions asked in the AsiaBarometer survey conducted by the author in 2003 in ten Asian societies, Uzbekistan, India, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Malaysia, China, Korea and Japan, the author analyzes the key dimensions of social capital, permeating the ten societies, (1) general trust in interpersonal relations, (2) trust in merit-based utility; and (3) trust in social system and comes up with the five groups of societies on the basis of three major dimensions of social capital and comes up with the five groups of societies (1) China and Vietnam, (2) Sri Lanka

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MURATSHINA, Ksenia G., and Еvgeniya A. BORODINA. "CHINA’S CULTURAL ACTIVITY IN ASEAN COUNTRIES DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-57-231-240.

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This paper analyses, how the People’s Republic of China develops the cultural aspect of its contacts with the countries of Southeast Asia in the conditions, which are completely new for international diplomacy, – during the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors have studied China’s initiatives in its bilateral relations with Brunei, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Philippines and Singapore in 2020, 2021 and partly in 2022.

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