Relevant bibliographies by topics / China, Relations with Cambodia

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'China, Relations with Cambodia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 19 February 2023
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "China, Relations with Cambodia"

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Bektimirova, Nadezhda N. "Prospects of Cambodia-USA Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-155-165.

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The article evaluates the prospects of Cambodia-USA relations under President Joe Biden’s administration. The author shows that traditionally relations have been developing unevenly. Over the past decade the shape of bilateral relations has been strongly influenced by a third party – China. Cambodia’s close cooperation with China is viewed negatively by US officials. Since Cambodia’s foreign policy agenda for the next three years is highly likely to be determined by the country’s electoral cycles, Hun Sen has little room for manoeuvre, given the USA’s support of Cambodian opposition parties and harsh criticism of human rights in Cambodia. Under these circumstances Hun Sen feels compelled to increasingly lean towards China.
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Pheakdey, Heng. "Cambodia-China Relations: A Positive-Sum Game?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100203.

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China has re-emerged to become a dominant foreign player in Cambodia. Politically, Cambodia is one of China's oldest and closest allies. Economically, China is Cambodia's top foreign investor, a major donor, and an increasingly important trading partner. Culturally, Chinese values are deeply embedded in many aspects of Cambodian society. However, China's dominance is surrounded by renewed controversies. While the government warmly welcomes Chinese aid, saying that it comes with no strings attached, many experts are concerned that China is providing aid for more nefarious reasons. Critics also accuse Chinese investment and aid of having exacerbated corruption, weakened governance and harmed human rights, and of ruining Cambodia's natural resources and environment. With such controversies, it is relevant and significant to assess the roles that China has played and continues to play in Cambodia's socio-economic development. Using expert interviews, media analysis and an extensive literature review, this paper uniquely contributes to the existing discussion on China–Cambodia relations by closely examining the controversies of China's investment and aid, critically analysing China's interests in Cambodia, and asking if the relationship between the two nations is a positive-sum game.
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Po, Sovinda, and Christopher B. Primiano. "It’s All about the Coalition." European Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (December 4, 2020): 325–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01902004.

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Abstract Since its creation in 2013, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has received ample attention in the media and from government officials and scholars. Many different, and often polarising, views exist on BRI. While some view it as China’s grand strategic goal of remaking the world in its own image, others perceive it as consistent with the international system. Using interviews conducted in Cambodia and an examination of press sources, this article draws from the selectorate theory to examine both why the Cambodian government is siding with China regarding economic ties, specifically regarding BRI, and the impact that is having on popular perception in Cambodia. The small coalition in Cambodia that Hun Sen seeks to placate results in a negative view among a significant segment of the Cambodian populace regarding Cambodia’s relations with China, and Chinese investments in particular.
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Kucherenko, Grigory N. "The Taiwan Factor in Cambodian-China Relations." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2(51) (2021): 220–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-2-2-51-220-231.

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Cambodia has been developing relations with China for decades, now both countries are perceived as stable partners, the kingdom supports Beijing on a number of international issues, including the status of Taiwan, but this state of affairs was not always the case. From its independence until 1997, Cambodia made several attempts to establish relations with Taipei in pursuit of its foreign policy goals. This article examines the specifics of relations between Cambodia and the PRC through the prism of interaction between Cambodia and Taiwan.
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Po, Sovinda, and Christopher B. Primiano. "An “Ironclad Friend”: Explaining Cambodia’s Bandwagoning Policy towards China." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 3 (February 14, 2020): 444–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420901879.

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In this article, drawing from both interviews and secondary sources, we examine why Cambodia welcomes the rise of China when other states appear to be less enthusiastic. Despite the alarm in the region at China’s assertiveness, Cambodia, unlike some other nation states, has chosen to bandwagon with China. While some states in the region are pursuing a mixed strategy of economic engagement with China on the one hand and security alignment with the United States on the other (i.e. hedging), which allows such states to be on good terms with both the United States and China, Cambodia has embraced China almost exclusively. Situating the issue within the IR literature of bandwagoning, balancing, and hedging, this article presents four variables explaining the motivations behind Cambodia’s bandwagoning policy towards China. Towards the end, we offer some suggestions for Cambodia to move forward.
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Un, Kheang. "Cambodia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.202.

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Abstract Cambodia's economy in 2011 recovered from the global economic downturn with a rise in garment exports. Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People's Party further consolidated power via the exercise of rule by law and patronage politics. Relations with Thailand returned to normal; ties with China strengthened with increased assistance and trade. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal proceeded amid allegations of political interference by the Cambodian government, making the further expansion of indictments unlikely.
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Ciorciari, John D. "Cambodia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.123.

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In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.
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Kucherenko, G. N. "Features of Cultural Interaction between Cambodia and China in the Context of Soft Power Policy." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 370–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-370-378.

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The article is devoted to the study of the problem of Chinese "soft power" in relations with Cambodia, namely, its cultural component. Chinese culture in Cambodia is gaining more and more popularity, and the language is becoming an instrument of communication in many areas, among which it is worth highlighting the economy and cooperation in the field of security. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the penetration of Chinese culture has negative sides, which are also discussed in the article.
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Ku, Samuel C. Y. "Laos in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.148.

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Laos’ economy declined slightly in 2015, but its political and economic integration with neighboring countries gradually deepened. While China continued to be a key actor in Vientiane’s foreign relations, Laos’ ties with neighboring Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, and even Japan and South Korea also strengthened in 2015.
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Chenyang, LI. "China–Myanmar Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership: A Regional Threat?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100104.

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This paper analyses the China-Myanmar ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ in the framework of China's diplomacy in the post-Cold War era and concludes that the partnership has no ‘significant negative impact’ on regional relations. China pursues its partnerships with Myanmar and other states to create a ‘stable’ and ‘harmonious’ surrounding environment, itself a ‘major’ prerequisite for China's peaceful development. The author argues that China has not focused its diplomacy on Myanmar at the expense of other states; rather, he notes that in fact China established a ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ with three other ASEAN states (Vietnam in 2008, Laos in 2009, and Cambodia in 2010) before it did so with Myanmar in May 2011. The article argues that the scope and depth of China's partnerships with states such as Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia are actually above that of its partnership with Myanmar. It also argues that Myanmar's strong nationalism will prevent China from, for example, building a base on Myanmar's soil. The author also asserts that China does not seek to use Myanmar as an ally to weaken or dilute ASEAN or its unity on the South China Sea issue.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "China, Relations with Cambodia"

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Nowosad, Orest J. W. "Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.

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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975, the further development of a relationship between a weak and a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the modern age.
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Chanthalath, Bounthanongsack. "Small and Medium Sized States’ Responses to Rising China:Comparing Cambodia, Laos and Thailand." Thesis, Griffith University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366850.

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China’s meteoric rise has produced a series of challenges for states around its periphery. In Southeast Asia, small and medium sized states are exposed to different challenges accompanying China’s rise, the nature of which depend on their geographical location, historical relations with China, and their contemporary political and economic interdependence with China. While maritime Southeast Asian states view China’s approach to the South China Sea dispute cautiously, mainland Southeast Asian states have no major territorial disputes with China and remain more optimistic about its regional role. Whether these states are really moving into China’s sphere of influence is an open question, but how they are reacting is important because they will likely shape the dynamics of regionalism in Asia for some time to come. They will also be important in shaping the nature of the US-China relationship in Asia, which will in turn have global implications. This thesis investigates the strategies being adopted by small and medium sized states in Southeast Asia ─ Cambodia, Laos and Thailand ─ toward rising China and the reasons why they are adopting it. It will be argued that these three states are neither forming alliances with other states to balance China’s influence, nor are they fully bandwagoning with China. Although China’s economic and political rise is furnishing them with tangible economic benefits for their development, it is unlikely these states will terminate their alliances with the U.S. (in Thailand’s case), or Vietnam (in the case of Cambodia, and Laos). Instead, they will continue to hedge on China.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Millard, Jeffrey Paul 1967. "Chinese involvement in Cambodia, 1978-1991." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291845.

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The years 1978 and 1979 were critical in shaping mainland China's foreign policy towards Cambodia during the 1980s up until the international peace treaty of 1991. For China, this involved utilizing Cambodian forces to halt the spread of Vietnamese hegemony in Southeast Asia while countering an increased Soviet presence on its southern periphery. Unfortunately, China's policy of supporting both Prince Sihanouk politically and the Khmer Rouge militarily was instrumental in reestablishing the Khmer Rouge as the most powerful faction in Cambodia's uncertain future. Therefore, the Khmer Rouge became something of a Chinese enigma, nurtured by Beijing to fight the Vietnamese but completely free from PRC control or responsibility.
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Deth, Sok Udom. "Factional politics and foreign policy choices in Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17000.

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Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine umfassende Analyse der kambodschanisch-thailändischen diplomatischen Beziehungen von 1950 bis 2014 zu liefern. Die Arbeit geht über einen rein historischen Bericht hinaus, da sie darauf abzielt, die Wechselhaftigkeit der kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen zu erklären. Als Grundlage dient hierzu ein Ansatz sozialen Konflikts, der Staaten nicht als homogene Akteure ansieht, sondern vielmehr als eine Konfiguration konfligierender Kräfte, die ihre außenpolitischen Ziele im Einklang mit ihrer eigenen Ideologie, ihren Interessen und ihren Strategien verfolgen. Daher postuliert die Arbeit, dass die kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen nicht als Produkt einheitlicher Staaten angesehen werden sollten, die entweder miteinander kooperieren oder sich voneinander abschotten, sondern als Matrix sich überlappender Beziehungen zwischen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Gruppen beider Staaten, die konkurrierende Ideologien und/oder Interessen zur Förderung ihrer innenpolitischen Machtposition beherbergen. Das Projekt bringt zwei mit einer verknüpfte Argumente hervor. Erstens, kambodschanisch-thailändische Beziehungen sind wahrscheinlich dann kooperativ angelegt, wenn es sich bei beiden Machthabern um zivil-demokratisch gewählte Regierungen mit ähnlichen Ideologien, ökonomischen Interessen und Sicherheitsbedenken handelt. Umgekehrt verschlechtern sich die Beziehungen, wenn diese Faktoren nicht reziprok sind. Dies ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn eine der beiden Regierungen mehr mit der Opposition der anderen gemein hat. Zweitens, auch wenn antagonistische Nationalismen auf beiden Seiten bestehen, handelt es sich keinesfalls um eine Determinante, die die Außenpolitik beider Seiten festlegt. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass Nationalismen nur dann aufgerufen werden, wenn zumindest eine der beiden Regierungen ihre Legitimität in der Heimat stärken muss und die andere Regierung nicht dieselbe Ideologie und strategischen Interessen teilt.
This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past six decades, specifically from 1950 to 2014. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which is comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home. Two inter-related arguments are therefore put forward in this research. Firstly, Cambodian-Thai relations are likely to be cooperative when both governments in power are civilian-democratically elected regimes and share similar ideologies, mutual economic interests, as well as security outlooks. Conversely, relations between them tend to deteriorate when these factors are not reciprocal. This is particularly true when one government has more in common with the dissidents of the government of the other side. Secondly, though antagonistic nationalism does exist between Cambodia and Thailand, it is not a determinant of the two nations’ foreign relations. This research argues that nationalism and historical animosity are invoked only if at least the government on one side needs to bolster its own legitimacy at home, and the government on the other side does not share a similar ideology or strategic interests with its own – the second aspect being the more important factor here.
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Hallsey, Joshua. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.

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Canzutti, Lucrezia. "State-diaspora relations in illiberal contexts : the case of the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21998/.

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The thesis investigates the reasons, modalities, and consequences of the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments’ engagement with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia. The case of the Vietnamese in Cambodia is of particular interest because, unlike most existing studies on state-diaspora relations, it examines a group which stands between two illiberal countries and, partly as a consequence of this, does not represent a significant threat and/or resource to either the host-state or the homeland. Furthermore, despite having lived in the host-state for generations, the Vietnamese in Cambodia have been unable to access Cambodian citizenship and hold virtually no documents from Vietnam: they are de facto stateless. This thesis seeks to answer two, interrelated questions: how do the Cambodian state and the Vietnamese state perceive of and engage with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia? What are the implications of their engagement on this diaspora’s enjoyment of citizenship? To answer these questions, the research uses documentary sources from the two governments and eighty-three in-depth interviews with Vietnamese villagers, members of the Association of Khmer-Vietnamese in the Kingdom of Cambodia (AKVKC), representatives of the Cambodian government, experts, and representatives of civil society organisations. Departing from existing perspectives on state-diaspora relations, the thesis argues that the governments of Cambodia and Vietnam have viewed the diaspora as “inconvenient subjects” and engaged, respectively, in the bounded exclusion and the bounded inclusion of the group. Rather than taking full responsibility of the diaspora, the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments have shared the custody of the Vietnamese, alternating care and control and co-governing it through the work of the AKVKC. This deliberately ambiguous strategy has resulted in the Vietnamese’ de facto enjoyment of some citizens’ rights in Cambodia and Vietnam; yet, it has also (re)produced a multi-level liminal space in which the Vietnamese are more easily governable.
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Maeda, Mitsuko, and 前田美子. "Power relations among actors in development cooperation: patterns, concepts and approaches in a Japanese-assistedteacher training project in Cambodia." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38233575.

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Sola, Richard. "La politique de la Chine en Indochine : (1975-1982)." Paris, INALCO, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988INAL0013.

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Zhang, Shu. "Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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Books on the topic "China, Relations with Cambodia"

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China, Cambodia, and the five principles of peaceful coexistence. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009.

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Woodard, Garry. Human rights in Australian foreign policy: With special reference to Cambodia, Burma, and China. East Melbourne, Vic: Australian Institute of International Affairs (Victorian Branch), 1992.

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Regionalism in China-Vietnam relations: Institution-building in the greater Mekong subregion. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Brothers in Arms: Chinese Aid to the Khmer Rouge, 1975-1979. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014.

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Yi, Ch'ang-jae. Han, Chung, Il 3-guk ŭi tae K'ambodia kaebal hyŏmnyŏk pigyo yŏn'gu: Comparative study on development cooperation of China, Japan and Korea vis-à-vis Cambodia. Sŏul T'ŭkpyŏlsi: Taeoe Kyŏngje Chŏngch'aek Yŏn'guwon̆, 2011.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific. A resolution expressing concern about the deterioration of human rights in Cambodia and a concurrent resolution expressing the sense of the Congress that the United States is committed to the military stability of the Taiwan Straits and United States military forces should defend Taiwan in the event of invasion, missile attack, or blockade by the People's Republic of China: Markup before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 345 and H. Con. Res. 148, March 13, 1996. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1997.

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Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security. The return of Vietnam to the international system. Ottawa: CIIPS, 1988.

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Jackis, Jerry. Goodbye Cambodia. Salt Lake City, Utah: NPI, 1996.

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Lambertson, David F. Update on Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Lambertson, David F. Update on Cambodia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "China, Relations with Cambodia"

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Yiseang, Chhiv. "Perspective on Cambodia–China Relations." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 15–17. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_3.

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Tjhin, Christine Susanna. "Cambodia–China Relations: An Indonesian Perspective." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 59–67. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_9.

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Kaseka, Phon. "Cultural Relations Between Cambodia and China." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 141–52. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_17.

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Bunny, Chan. "Cambodia–China Relations: Socio-Cultural Aspects." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 153–70. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_18.

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Touch, Sok. "Cambodia-China Relations at a New Height." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 1–4. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_1.

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Wang, Linggui. "Building the China–Cambodia Community with a Shared Future: China–Cambodia Relations Toward a New Era." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 5–13. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_2.

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Hoang, Nguyen Huy. "Cambodia–China Economic Relations in the Context of BRI." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 85–90. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_12.

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Neak, Chandarith, and Sothearak Sok. "Cambodia’s Response to COVID-19 and Its Impacts on Cambodia–China Relations." In The Reshaping of China-Southeast Asia Relations in Light of the COVID-19 Pandemic, 51–67. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4416-7_4.

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Kim, Sun. "Cambodia–China: True Friends." In Cambodia-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Towards a Community with a Shared Future, 43–50. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9155-4_7.

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Ear, Sophal. "Greater China, Cambodia, and the Garment Industry." In Understanding China, 119–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24232-3_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "China, Relations with Cambodia"

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Jiménez Esteller, Laureano, Alba Molas, Dieter Boer, and Karsten Krüger. "DEVELOPMENT OF DUAL ENGINEERING PROGRAMS IN CAMBODIA, CHINA, INDIA AND RUSSIA." In 11th International Conference on Education and New Learning Technologies. IATED, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/edulearn.2019.0051.

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Hao, Yichen. "Explain the EU’s Sanctions Towards Cambodia, 2017-2021: Human Rights and the EU’s Strategies." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.238.

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ARAI, TOMIHIRO, KALYAN CHAKRABORTY, and SHIGERU KANEMITSU. "ON MODULAR RELATIONS." In The 7th China–Japan Seminar on Number Theory. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814644938_0001.

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Qian, Xuming. "Cyberspace Security and U.S.-China Relations." In AICS 2019: 2019 International Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Computer Science. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3349341.3349495.

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Rahmadini, Anggia, and Citra Hennida. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy China Aggressive Stance in South China Sea under Xi Jinping." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278404340440.

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Chen, Jinling, and Zhongyi Bao. "History of Russia China Foreign Trade Relations." In 2022 3rd International Conference on Language, Art and Cultural Exchange（ICLACE 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220706.015.

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Bakhotmah, Fawaz Abid, and Mingxi Tang. "Saudi-China friendship-From relations to innovations." In 2013 IEEE Tsinghua International Design Management Symposium (TIDMS). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tidms.2013.6981210.

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Li, Pengchong, and Yongping Niu. "Research on China–US Economic and Trade Relations." In Proceedings of the 2019 3rd International Conference on Education, Economics and Management Research (ICEEMR 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.191221.061.

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Li, Xiaona. "THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA, MONGOLIA AND CHINA." In 6th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2019v/1.1/s12.053.

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Babushkin, Andrey. "ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA." In Россия и Китай: история и перспективы сотрудничества. Благовещенский государственный педагогический университет, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.48344/bspu.2020.69.70.034.

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Reports on the topic "China, Relations with Cambodia"

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Baker, Carl. China-Philippines Relations: Cautious Cooperation. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada627494.

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Nawawi, Ahmad H. M. China-Asean Future Relations-An Analysis. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432723.

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Nacht, M., S. Laderman, and J. Beeston. Strategic Competition in China-US Relations. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), October 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1635777.

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Roy, Denny. China-Japan Relations: Cooperation Amidst Antagonism. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada627502.

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Henderson, James, and Tatiana Mitrova. Energy Relations between Russia and China. Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, August 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.26889/9781784670641.

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Caliendo, Lorenzo, and Fernando Parro. Lessons from U.S.-China Trade Relations. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w30335.

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Bellacqua, James. The China Factor in U.S.-Vietnam Relations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada560712.

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Kondapalli, Srikanth. India, China relations threaten to freeze over. Edited by Reece Hooker. Monash University, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/cab1-dfd3.

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Stern, Lewis M. Strategic Forum. Number 251, December 2009. U.S.-Cambodia Defense Relations: Defining New Possibilities. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada514282.

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Montaperto, Ronald N., James J. Przystup, and Gerald W. Faber. One China and Relations Across the Taiwan Strait. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada385882.

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