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1

Lyudmila Podobedova. "LET US INTO CHINA." Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, The 68, no. 028 (July 11, 2016): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.46978650.

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2

Telford, Mark. "China-US institute formed." Materials Today 8, no. 8 (August 2005): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1369-7021(05)71023-3.

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3

Feder, Toni. "US—China nuclear cooperation." Physics Today 64, no. 3 (March 2011): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3563817.

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4

Clarke, Maxine. "US–China nuclear deal." Nature 317, no. 6040 (October 1985): 759. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/317759a0.

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5

Zhang, B. "Is there co-movement between the China and US agricultural futures markets?" Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 61, No. 5 (June 6, 2016): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/134/2014-agricecon.

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6

Zhang, X., W. Z. Liu, R. Bingner, Y. Yuan, R. S. Van Pelt, and T. M. Zobeck. "US-China collaboration on conservation." Journal of Soil and Water Conservation 63, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 22A—23A. http://dx.doi.org/10.2489/jswc.63.1.22a.

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7

Izadnia, Rodd. "US Countervailing Measures (China) (DS437)." World Trade Review 14, no. 3 (July 2015): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745615000312.

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8

Guha, Martin. "Handbook of US-China Relations." Reference Reviews 31, no. 4 (May 15, 2017): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr-01-2017-0020.

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9

Rosecrance, Richard. "Australia, China and the US." Australian Journal of International Affairs 60, no. 3 (September 2006): 364–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710600865648.

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10

Baker, Monya. "China buys US sequencing firm." Nature 489, no. 7417 (September 2012): 485–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/489485a.

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11

Agarwal, Manmohan. "China, India and the US." China Report 47, no. 3 (August 2011): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700301.

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12

Stalling, Jonathan. "US–China Poetry Dialog, 2018." Chinese Literature Today 7, no. 2 (July 3, 2018): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21514399.2018.1530930.

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13

Hays Gries, Peter. "Forecasting US–China Relations, 2015." Asian Security 2, no. 2 (August 2006): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850600672061.

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14

Lee, Dong Sun. "US Preventive War against China." Asian Security 3, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 174–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850701340691.

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15

Jain, Girilal. "The US–Soviet–China Triangle." Strategic Analysis 34, no. 5 (August 23, 2010): 786–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2010.501611.

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16

Jiang, Xiandeng, and Yanlin Shi. "Does US partisan conflict affect US–China bilateral trade?" International Review of Economics & Finance 69 (September 2020): 1117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.iref.2018.12.005.

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17

Yanli, Gao. "Judd's China: a missionary congressman and US–China policy." Journal of Modern Chinese History 2, no. 2 (December 2008): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17535650802489500.

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18

Wang, Xiujuan, Jie Pan, and Jilian Hu. "US Domestic Support Policy on China-US Animal Husbandry Trade." American Journal of Industrial and Business Management 08, no. 12 (2018): 2275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ajibm.2018.812152.

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19

Bhanumurthy, K. V., and Harish Kumar. "US-China Trade: What does Revealed Comparative Advantage Tell Us?" FOCUS : Journal of International Business 8, no. 1 (June 3, 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17492/jpi.focus.v8i1.812101.

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20

Ignatova, O. V., and O. A. Gorbunova. "US-China trade war: Russia's risks." Issues of Risk Analysis 17, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/1812-5220-2020-17-2-56-65.

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The article is devoted to one of the urgent problems of the world economy: the trade opposition of the United States and China. Due to the fact that these countries occur to be the largest economies in the world, their conflict cannot in one way or another be reflected in other subjects of international economic relations. The article analyzes the main stages of the trade war between the United States and China and formulates the causes of the crisis.On the basis of a regional approach and analysis of statistical data it became possible to make an assessment of the effects that the US-PRC rivalry has on mutual trade, investment and energy cooperation between Russia and China. It is noted that in connection with the trade conflict, Russian-Chinese relations are reaching a new level of development, the number of joint economic projects is growing. However, the confrontation between the United States and China brings not only opportunities, but also risks for Russia. The authors make a forecast about the impact of the trade war on the economy of the Russian Federation in the short and medium term.
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21

Guilhon-Albuquerque, José-Augusto. "Brazil, China, US: a triangular relation?" Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 57, spe (2014): 108–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400207.

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This article is divided in three sections. The first one explores the so-called "strategic partnership" between Brazil and China. In the second section we shall examine how US-China relations in the global system could affect both Brazil-US, and Brazil-China bilateral relations. A final section presents some recommendations for Brazil strategic orientations regarding the current systemic transition in the allotment of global power.
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22

Jain, Manjula, and Saloni Saraswat. "US–China Trade War: Chinese Perspective." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.895478.

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The US–China trade relationship has expanded immensely after China’s reformation of its economy and liberalization in 1979. A very huge amount of trade takes place between the United States and China in terms of monetary value and quantity. China benefits the United States in several forms other than just trade, such as US firms seeking investment opportunities in China for their assembly units. Subsequently, China holds a huge amount of US treasury securities, and purchases US debt securities, which helps them to keep their interest rates low. However, even after the development of such a trade relationship, the United States has certain concerns relating to China’s intentions. From the United States’ point of view, China is not involved in a fair practice of trade. China has imposed state-directed policies that bend the flow of trade and investment opportunities. Furthermore, the United States has allegations against China pertaining to the issue of intellectual property rights along with mixed records on implementation of WTO obligations, establishment of procedures for impacting the value of its currency and restrictions on FDI. The United States claims that such policies from China’s side make a great impact on the US economy and thus is the concern of the Congress. The current president, Mr. Donald J. Trump, has pledged to promote the free and fair trade policy. So his administration has taken some severe steps to reduce the US bilateral trade deficit. The president first announced the imposition of tariffs on steel and aluminum at 25% and 15%, respectively. To this action of the United States, China retaliated by raising the tariffs on various goods that are imported from the United States. Furthermore, the United States claimed that it would take actions against Chinese intellectual property rights policies that could be a hindrance to the US stakeholders. Later, the United States released a two-stage plan to impose tariffs on Chinese imports that would directly affect Chinese industrial policies for which again there was retaliation by China by releasing their own two-stage plan for American imports that would adversely affect American industries. This paper is an attempt to analyze the effect of the trade war between the United States and China and briefly discusses about the impact of this war on China and the probable measures implemented by the country.
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23

Ignatova, Olga V., Olga A. Gorbunova, and Olga Yu Tereshina. "US–China Trade War: Russia’s Interests." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.939744.

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The article is devoted to one of the urgent problems of the world economy: the trade opposition of the United States and China. Due to the fact that these countries occur to be the largest economies in the world, their conflict cannot in one way or another be reflected in other subjects of international economic relations. The article analyzes the main stages of the trade war between the United States and China and formulates the causes of the crisis. On the basis of a regional approach and analysis of statistical data, it became possible to make an assessment of the effects that the US–PRC rivalry has on mutual trade, investment, and energy cooperation between Russia and China. It is noted that in connection with the trade conflict, Russian–Chinese relations are reaching a new level of development, and the number of joint economic projects is growing. However, the confrontation between the United States and China brings not only opportunities but also risks for Russia. The authors make a forecast about the impact of the trade war on the economy of the Russian Federation in the short and medium term.
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24

Singh, Gunjan. "China–US Trade War: An Overview." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.945413.

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The paper attempts to provide an overview of the ongoing trade war between the United States and China. The major focus is to discuss the recent developments and discuss a time line of the events. It also looks at some of the other aspects that are linked with the ongoing trade war such as the Foreign Investment Law, the White Paper issues by the Chinese government discussing the trade war, and the Huawei issue.
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25

Kramer, David. "US, China settle on nuclear terms." Physics Today 62, no. 1 (January 2009): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.3074257.

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26

Liff, Adam P. "China and the US Alliance System." China Quarterly 233 (April 24, 2017): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741017000601.

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AbstractIn recent years, scholarship examining US and security allies’ responses to China's rapidly growing power and “assertive” policies towards its neighbours has proliferated. The English-language literature remains relatively one-sided, however. Crucial to understanding the complex forces driving strategic competition in the contemporary Asia-Pacific are comprehensive surveys of how Chinese views are evolving. This study draws extensively on Chinese sources to update existing scholarship, much of it two decades old, with a particular focus on recent Chinese reactions to major developments concerning the US-centred alliance system – a foundational element of the 65-year-old regional order. Beijing expresses deepening frustration towards, and even open opposition to, recent alliance strengthening, and instead champions alternative security architectures free of what it alleges to be “exclusive,” “zero-sum,” “Cold-war relic” US-centred alliances. Proposals for concrete pathways to operationalizing these abstract visions that take into account contemporary political and security realities (for example, North Korea), however, appear less forthcoming.
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27

Goldstein, Lyle J. "Resetting the US–China Security Relationship." Survival 53, no. 2 (March 30, 2011): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2011.571014.

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28

Friedberg, Aaron L. "The Debate Over US China Strategy." Survival 57, no. 3 (May 4, 2015): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2015.1046227.

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29

Lieberthal, Kenneth. "The China-US Relationship Goes Global." Current History 108, no. 719 (September 1, 2009): 243–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.719.243.

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If the two sides can engage effectively…, Sino-US relations will enter a new stage in which ties will become deeper, stronger, more stable, and more important for the international system than ever before.
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30

Sloan, Elinor. "US-China Military and Security Developments." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 66, no. 2 (June 2011): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070201106600203.

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31

Paul, T. V., and Erik Underwood. "Theorizing India–US–China strategic triangle." India Review 18, no. 4 (August 8, 2019): 348–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2019.1662190.

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32

Jain, Romi. "Taiwan Conundrum in US-China Relations." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 3 (July 2007): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492840706300307.

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33

Modebadze, Valeri. "US-CHINA RIVALRY FOR GLOBAL HEGEMONY." Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 2 (2020): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2020167m.

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34

Weinrod, W. B. "US and European Approaches to China." Mediterranean Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-003.

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35

Ping, Huang, Tao Wenzhao, Wang Rongjun, Yuan Zheng, and Zhao Xingshu. "China-US Relations, Tending Towards Maturity." International Spectator 44, no. 2 (June 2009): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720903021079.

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36

Harris, Jerry. "China–US Tensions: Is Globalisation Dead?" International Critical Thought 10, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2020.1775026.

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37

Tammen, R. L. "Power Transition and China-US Conflicts." Chinese Journal of International Politics 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pol003.

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38

Yan, X. "The Instability of China-US Relations." Chinese Journal of International Politics 3, no. 3 (August 13, 2010): 263–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poq009.

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39

Palmore, Julian. "US ballistic missile defense and China." Defense & Security Analysis 19, no. 4 (December 2003): 369–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475179032000149430.

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40

Schuster, Larry. "US Researcher Building China SCI Network." Neurology Today 7, no. 17 (September 2007): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nt.0000291696.08652.55.

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41

Yueh, Linda. "The US, China, and global imbalances." China Economic Journal 3, no. 1 (June 23, 2010): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2010.487350.

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42

Rosen, Daniel H., and Thilo Hanemann. "The changing US–China investment relationship." China Economic Journal 7, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2013.874071.

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43

Qiu, Larry D., and Xing Wei. "China–US trade: implications on conflicts." China Economic Journal 12, no. 2 (April 2, 2019): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2019.1598014.

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44

Tollefson, Jeff. "US joins China in climate talks." Nature 460, no. 7256 (August 2009): 460. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/460670a.

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45

Thorbecke, Willem. "China–US trade: A global outlier." Journal of Asian Economics 40 (October 2015): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.asieco.2015.09.001.

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46

Savel'ev, A. "US Security Policy: Shift towards China." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2014): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-8-5-13.

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The article focuses on the main aspects of the US rebalancing towards Asia Pacific which was declared by President Obama in November 2011. The examination of numerous US official and non-official documents shows that practically all US activities in this direction are connected with rapid economic and military growth of China. The United States are mostly concerned about Chinese attempts to transfer its economic strength into political influence and military strength which expand fare beyond the present frontiers. A number of examples of Chinese “unacceptable behavior” are given, such as: aggressive way of resolving its maritime disputes with neighbors; rejection of multilateral approach to such problems; China’s “cyber-activities” in the field of large scale cyber-espionage; military modernization aimed to limit the US free access to the region; the development of advanced short- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, counter-space weapons and military cyberspace capabilities. The article also analyses the main implementation stages of this new American policy, and the role of the US Congress in formulating it. The positions of different US Agencies are also under consideration, including the position of the US Treasury, State Department and Defense Department. The author comes to a conclusion that a number of serious limitations and difficulties exist on the way of the US security interests promotion into the region. As for the position of Russian Federation, it is suggested that Russia can become one of important participants in resolution of security problems in the region. At the same time possible benefits may be gained if Russia managed to preserve the “equal distance” from the main players in the region – China and the US. But if the situation demands to make a clear choice, Russia will most probably take the Chinese side, regarding the present state of the US-Russian relations.
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47

Lomanov, A. V. "Global Consequences of US‒China Confrontation." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 91, no. 4 (July 2021): 410–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331621040067.

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48

Murthy, K. V. Bhanu, and Anjala Kalsie. "US-China currency and trade war: round one to China!" Transnational Corporations Review 11, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 290–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19186444.2019.1684134.

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49

Lin, H., T. Glauben, J. Yang, and L. Y. He. "  Impacts of the US Farm Bill 2008 on China’s agricultural production and rural poverty." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 58, No. 4 (April 19, 2012): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/122/2011-agricecon.

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Whether the US Farm Bill 2008 has any impacts on China’s agriculture, is highly related to the China’s rural poverty alleviation and it deserves to be explored to see what will happen. According the existing empirical studies in the past, we expect that the US Farm Bill 2008 will exert an influence on the agricultural production and rural poverty in developing countries, especially China. In order to fully capture such an effect, we link two equilibrium models together: the multinational CGE model – GTAP and the China’s partial equilibrium model – the China’s Agricultural Policy Simulation and Projection Model (CAPSiM). A scenario based on the US Farm Bill 2008 will be constructed and compared with the baseline. A more liberalized scenario is also built for the simulation. The results have shown that the US Farm Bill 2008 has a little positive impact on the China’s farmer income, and that the more liberalized the policy is, the more China will benefit.    
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50

Kim, Sung-han. "Three Trilateral Dynamics in Northeast Asia: Korea-China-Japan, Korea-US-Japan, and Korea-US-China Relations." Journal of International Politics 20, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18031/jip.2015.04.20.1.71.

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