Academic literature on the topic 'China. Yu shi tai'

Late Tang Shi Jing-tang called on Kithan to aid after the rebellion.
 As a result, Kithan dispatched troops to destroy Late Tang and help Shi Jing-tang to establish Late Jin. Shi Jing-tang gave Yan-yun-shi-liu-zhou to Kithan in return for this support and paid a huge regular payment of property every year.
 Shi Jing-tang devoted himself to Kithan's Tai-zong through his reign; the provision of supplies was also faithful. Due to this attitude of Shi Jing-tang, no problems occurred between Kithan and Late Jin during his reign.
 However, change occurred in 942 when Shi Jing-tang died. Late Jin refused to call himself a servant to Kithan. Kithan then angered and decided on the policy of the invasion of Late Jin. Kithan began the invasion in 946 and destroyed Late Jin. In 947, Tai-zong of Kithan entered Kaifeng, the capital of Late Jin. Since then, Tai-zong has also tried to stabilize order immediately.
 Tai-zong, after stabilizing Kaifeng's situation, performed a ceremony to be crowned emperor. His emperor's ceremony followed thoroughly Chinese conventions. The country's name was also changed to Liao.
 Tai-zong hoped to be accepted as a Chinese monarch by the people of North China.
 He was directed toward Chinese domination and Chinese monarchy, but lacked understanding of the principles of Chinese administrative organizations, and thus the domination of Liao caused resentment of the people in various places. In this situation, in March 947, Tai-zong of Kithan abandoned direct rule of North China and returned to the north. The withdrawal of Tai-zong was apparently an arbitrage of failures over North China's rule.

Abstract This article explores the lexical field of “text” in early China. It argues that words pertaining to it should not be understood as referring to textual genres, but as conveying an abstract notion of “(written) text.” In particular, it treats the word shi 事 in Liu Xiang’s 劉向 (79–8 BCE) editorial reports as well as yu 語 in many different early sources. Especially the second term has been understood as denoting a certain textual genre. This is incorrect as can be shown by analyzing occurrences of this word in relevant contexts. Rather, yu first referred to short proverbs and later, by way of semantic derivation, came to acquire the meaning “text” in general. This meaning also applies to the word’s usage in designations of early compilations such as Lunyu. Accordingly, the latter title should simply be understood as “compiled texts.”

“Zouyi” is a kind of official document written by court officials and submitted to the emperor in ancient China, which serves the purpose of persuading. Aristotle’s “three appeals”, which consist of ethos, pathos and logos, perform the rhetorical function of persuading. Based on this, some correlation between China’s classics and Western classic thought comes into view. This paper selects three representative Zouyi: “qian chu shi biao”, “zhi an ce” and “jian Tai Zong Shi si shu” and gives primary attention to analyzing the “three appeals” presented in the selected discourses. This analysis will gain a glimpse into the rich political and cultural codes hidden within ancient China’s memorials, the relationship between the emperor and his ministers/officials, and the deep patriotism of the ministers in ancient China.

This article will briefly describe the features, methods, goals of family education in ancient China, as well as the relevant educational roles of the father and mother in the family. The article will also analyze one of the most unique characteristics of ancient Chinese family education: in each family fixed a tablet with the words 天地君亲 Tian Di Jun Qin Shi (Heaven, land, rulers, ancestors, sages). In ancient China, people believed that teachers and relatives, and heaven, earth, and monarchs, were objects that people should respect and worship. Obviously, this clearly differs from the traditions of most other countries. The idea of Tian Di Jun Qin Shi first appeared in Guo Yu (国语), and in Xunzi (荀子) you can see the initial form of this thought. Over the next 2000 years, these five words penetrate deeply into people's minds, and people often mention them in their daily lives. Their importance and value in Chinese culture and Chinese life are very important and indispensable. The role played by the idea of Tian Di Jun Qin Shi in ancient Chinese family education is more effective than any classical legal practice.

At present, there are abundant researches and writings on a Dream of Red Mansions. It is also common to study the mythological structure in it. However, the imagists pay little attention to the “bird”, which is rich in connotation, and there are few works to explain it from the perspective of archetypal criticism. This paper aims to enrich the mythological structure of A Dream of Red Mansions, using archetypal criticism and mythological criticism methods, to study the formation mechanism of the god bird worship in ancient China and its influence on the collective unconsciousness of Cao Xueqin, author of A Dream of Red Mansions, and through analyzing characters such as Hsi-feng, Pao-yu, Tai-yu, and Lady Dowager, this paper confirms the existence of the god-bird worship psychology, which believes that a large number of bird images in A Dream of Red Mansions are rooted in the consciousness of Chinese ancestors, and they have unique connotations at the same time.

The article gives a overview of translations of I.A. Krylov’s fables in China. The first of them appeared more than 120 years ago, but the real acquaintance of Chinese readers with his work took place in the 1950s because of the translations of Meng Hai and Wu Yan. From the late 1970s to the present, the number of translations and editions of Krylov’s fables has been constantly increasing. Now in China there are more than 300 separate editions of his selected fables and 33 complete collections. At various times, at least 64 translators worked on translations of Krylov’s fables into Chinese, and 15 of them translated all nine books of the collection of his fables (these are Wu Yan, He Shiying, Feng Jia, Gu Yu, Xin Weiai, Han Guiliang, He Maozheng, Pei Jiaqin, Qu Hong, Yue Yan, Shi Guoxiong, Ding Lu, Zhu Xiansheng, Qiu Jingjuan and Yang Jianfeng). Some translations are made in prose, but some in poetry. The article summarizes the history of translations of Krylov’s fables in China and provides information about the most important translations and translators.

The extant Keteleeria is endemic to east and southeast Asia, while Keteleeria-like trees were widely distributed in the northern hemisphere in Earth’s history. In this paper, we reported a novel wood fossil of Keteleerioxylon changchunense Shi, Sun, Meng et Yu sp. nov., collected from the middle part of the Yingcheng Formation, Yingcheng Coal Mine, Changchun City, Jilin Province, northeast China. The quantitative growth-ring analyses of K. changchunense indicate that it was evergreen with a leaf longevity of 1–3 years, which is consistent with the foliar retention of extant Keteleeria. Its high ring-markedness index (RMI) indicates that the climate seasonality was pronounced during the Early Albian period in the Songliao Basin, northeast China. The fossil records of Keteleeria and closely related taxa indicate that this group might have originated from high latitudes in the northern hemisphere, then spread and migrated southward during the Late Jurassic and Cretaceous periods, gradually decreased in the Cenozoic period, and so far only survives in east and southeast Asia.

Wen Xin Diao Long is a classical literary commentary in ancient China, which has both Chinese traditional literary thoughts and educational values. Based on the vigorous development of Chinese traditional literature translation study and the present situation of English translation research on Wen Xin Diao Long, this paper aims to study the commonality and differences between the three translators Shi Youzhong[Vincent Yu-chung Shih], Huang Zhaojie and Yang Guobin in dealing with the phenomenon of creative treason and cultural imagery transmission in the English translation of Cheng Qi in Wen Xin Diao Long from the perspective of Medio-translatology, explores the different ways of dealing with the original text and the translation of traditional cultural elements in the three translators’ translation, and discusses the role and influence of translators’ subjectivity and cultural factors, with a view to promoting its overseas translation and English translation studies.

Hagiographical tales tell us that some Buddhist monks who lived during the Early Medieval China (220–589) possessed considerable medical skills. Some were proficient in foreign medicine, while others had mastery over traditional Chinese medicine. The outstanding medical practitioners among these monks included Yu Fakai 于法開, Zhi Facun 支法存, Sengshen 僧深, and Shi Daohong 釋道洪. In addition to having a background in traditional Chinese medicine, these individuals are said to have had access to foreign medical knowledge due to their status as monks. However, the literature on these physician-monks’ medical skills is limited, which is why the present paper aims to explore this matter further, especially by introducing and elaborating upon some modern Chinese research which has generally gone unnoticed in international scholarship. To this end, this paper critically analyzes various historical records detailing these monks’ lives. It shows that, in addition to having extraordinary medical skills, some of these physician-monks mastered methods to cure specific diseases (such as beriberi [jiaoqi bing 腳氣病] (This is the name of the disease in traditional Chinese Medicine. It refers to a disease characterized by numbness, soreness, weakness, contracture, swelling, or muscle withering in the legs and feet.)). It also shows that they were usually more accurate in syndrome differentiation, while the treatments they prescribed were unique. However, given the lack of information, further research is required to clarify how these physician-monks learned methods as well as the impact of their foreign medicine knowledge on their methods.

Can Gio mangrove forest (CGM) is located downstream of Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC), situated between an estuarine system of Dong Nai - Sai Gon river and a part of Vam Co river. The CGM is the largest restored mangrove forest in Vietnam and the UNESCO’s Mangrove Biosphere Reserve. The CGM has been gradually facing to numeric challenges of global climate change, environmental degradation and socio-economic development for the last decades. To evaluate sediment quality in the CGM, we collected 13 cores to analyze for sediment grain size, organic matter content, and trace element concentration of Cd, Cr, Cu, Ni, Pb, Zn. Results showed that trace element concentrations ranged from uncontaminated (Cd, Cu, and Zn) to very minor contaminated (Cr, Ni, and Pb). The concentrations were gradually influenced by suspended particle size and the mangrove plants.ReferencesAnh M.T., Chi D.H., Vinh N.N., Loan T.T., Triet L.M., Slootenb K.B.-V., Tarradellas J., 2003. 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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (M.A.--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1989) entitled: Wan Qing Zhongguo Jidu tu dui zong jiao xin yang yu wen hua huan jing di diao shi, 1860-1911 = The adaptation of faith and culture in China.<br>T.p. verso: Chinese Study Series 2, Cultural accommodation and Chinese Christians, 1860-1911 / Ying Fuk-tsang. Includes bibliographical references (p. [199]-209).

Abstract Shortly after completing his conquest and establishing the unified empire in 221 bc, the Qin First Emperor, accompanied by his court classicists, began to tour the newly conquered eastern regions. Here, he erected a series of stele inscriptions on the top of venerated mountains. The Shi ji, which preserves six of the altogether seven inscriptions, provides the following chronology for them: 219 bc on Mt. Yi, Mt. Tai, and Mt. Langye; 218 bc on Mt. Zhifu and on its ‘eastern vista’ (Zhifu dongguan); 215 bc at the ‘gate’ of Jieshi (Jieshi men); and December 211 or January 210 bc on Mt. Kuaiji. In the First Emperor’s ‘Basic Annals’ in the Shi ji, the brief entry on the first inscription, placed on Mt. Yi in 219 bc, reads as follows: