Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Chinese Emperors'

Thirty years after its initial implementation, China’s one child per family policy has been undeniably successful statistically speaking. Over 400 million births can be estimated to have been prevented, and the birth rate per family has lowered from 2.47 in 1979 at its implementation, to 1.6 most recently in 2010. These numbers cannot be ignored. However, attributing this success to the policy restrictions alone would be viewing it outside of the context of a thirty year evolution of substantial social, political, cultural, and economic changes which have completely changed the face of China. This paper examines the far reaching effects of the one child policy as it is informed by Foucauldian post structuralist theory which defines power as productive, and re conceptualizes the policy as that which is a crucial manifestation of rising biopolitically strategic forms of governmentality which enhance nations through the subjugation, enhancement and creation of the bodies of their subjects. Critical to China’s case is rising ‘non-resistant’ behaviors and attitudes which not only comply with, but actively agree with the one child policy limitations once considered abhorrent. This paper complicates the logic behind the rise of these ‘non-resistant’ attitudes, by suggesting that they are evidence to the fact that this ‘modern’ Chinese subject is the productive outcome of several discourses which proliferated in the last thirty years during the juxtaposed implementation of both economic reforms and family planning limitations. This paper chronicles two of the productive discourses involved in the making of this newly emergent ‘modern’ Chinese subject: the culturally productive discourse involved in the care and feeding of ‘little emperors‘ and the socially exclusive discourse with paints the rural population as internal ‘rural others’.

The Amherst Embassy to the Qing court in 1816 remains little researched in comparison with the earlier Macartney Embassy (1792-94). This dissertation offers the first comprehensive account of the Embassy and reassesses its importance for Anglo-Chinese relations in the period before the First Opium War of 1839-42. It addresses why the British thought the Amherst Embassy would succeed where the Macartney Embassy had failed and how the latter’s legacy led the British to misjudge the response of the Jiaqing court. Largely ignored primary sources, in addition to the East India Company records, have provided important new insights into British motivations for dispatching the Embassy and for assessing Amherst’s role as the leader of the mission. The popular view that Amherst was indecisive and overly influenced by the Second Commissioner, George Staunton, in refusing to kotow before the Jiaqing emperor thereby consigning the Embassy to its premature dismissal, is rejected. Amherst emerges as an effective leader whose options were constrained by earlier flawed assumptions about British standing in China, ambiguous and conflicting instructions and an uncompromising Qing court determined to reinforce the protocols of the tributary system. The intense diplomatic encounter endured by the Amherst Embassy is examined within a traditional historical approach of causes, responses and outcomes although aspects of the resulting cultural clash lend themselves to an anthropological and sensory analysis. A revised British assessment of China arose from the diplomatic ashes of the Embassy’s failure. Views of the Qing emperor changed from a civil and enlightened despot to a degenerate potentate ruling over a decaying empire whose arrogance and ignorance rendered futile any further British diplomatic overtures. It was already apparent to some officials that force might be required in future to achieve British aims in China.

Sui Yangdi Yanshi (The Sensational History of Sui Emperor Yang) is a historical novel published in China in 1631. It portrays, in sometimes graphic detail, the rise and decline of Emperor Yang (reigned 605 - 613) whose obsession with massive construction projects and pursuit of sensual pleasure resulted in the collapse of the dynasty. The novel sank into relative obscurity upon the accession of the more conservative Qing dynasty (1644 - 1911). The major reason for the decline of the novel may be attributed to its inclusion in a later novel, Sui Tang Yanyi (Romance of the Sui and Tang Dynasties) which diluted the more graphic elements of the earlier work and embraced a more conservative social vision. This thesis utilises a critical methodology based on aspects of the work of the Russian critic Mikhail Bakhtin - specifically the concepts of genre, polyphony and intertextuality - to argue that the emerging vernacular novel form in seventeenth-century China is an open-ended and complex form which is capable of accommodating a variety of discourses, and which provides an environment in which a multiplicity of views are revalorised. It is argued that the novel form was regarded by intellectuals of the period as the best means of conveying human truth within the context of historicity and was a superior vehicle for the expression of the human condition than more institutionalised forms such as the Standard Imperial Histories. The thesis demonstrates that vernacular fiction displays an awareness of its fictionality and analyses the relationship between the narrative body and appended critical commentary. The final chapter utilises the concept of intertextuality to argue that creative understanding of vernacular fiction allows the reader to extend the range of meaning and exploit the latent potential of the vernacular novel form.

En lançant la politique de l’enfant unique (1979) simultanément aux grandes réformes économiques (1978), le gouvernement chinois entendait accélérer la modernisation du pays. Bien qu’il se réclame toujours du marxisme, le «socialisme de marché» est désormais prôné. La population est encouragée à s’enrichir et le pays se trouve de plus en plus intégré dans les processus de la mondialisation. À partir d’une étude de terrain menée dans la ville nouvelle de Langfang (province du Hebei), site d’une modernité utopique, je m’interroge sur le façonnement de la génération des enfants uniques née dans ce contexte radicalement nouveau. Alors que les structures de parenté sont complètement bouleversées, que transmettent les familles ? Qu'en dire au regard de l’éducation scolaire qui met directement en application les volontés gouvernementales ? Qui sont les nouveaux sujets chinois, «petits empereurs» d’un pays communiste qui pratique le libéralisme économique ? Force est de constater que les enfants uniques se réapproprient et transforment aussi ce qu’ils reçoivent pour créer une nouvelle culture
At the time of great economic reforms, Chinese government was trying to accelerate the modernization of the country by launching the policy of the unique child. Despite the state still claims for Marxism, the “socialist market economy” is now promoted. The population is encouraged to “get rich”, and the country is everyday more enrolled in the globalization process. From a field research based in the new city of Langfang (Hebei province), place of a utopian modernity, I question the formation of the unique child generation, born in this radically new context. While the kinship structures are dramatically overturned, what do the families transmit to their children? What can we say about education at school which directly applies government guideline? Who are the new Chinese, “little emperors” of a communist country with a capitalist economy system? We must also consider that those unique children appropriate and transform what they receive in order to create a new culture

Chen Cheng (1365-1457) fut diplômé jinshi en 1394, sous Hongwu (r. 1368-1398), le premier empereur des Ming. Affecté au Bureau des envoyés, il se rendit en Annam en 1397. Un échange de sept missives subsiste de cette rencontre qui devait régler un litige de frontière mais se changea vite en une controverse doctrinale sur la validité des Classiques confucéens. Sous Yongle (r. 1430-1424), la Chine connut un temps d'ouverture sur le monde non sinisé et Chen Cheng, bien que moins en vue que Zheng He et ses flottes au long cours, obtint une certaine notoriété parmi ses pairs grâce à la relation qu'il rapporta d'une ambassade auprès de Shahrukh (1414-1415), lequel, fils de Tamerlan, était établi en sa capitale d'Hérat. Le "Mémoire sur les royaumes indigènes des terres d'Occident" est accompagné d'un "Journal de voyage dans les terres d'Occident" mentionnant l'itinéraire suivi en 1414 de l'actuelle Xi'an jusqu'à Hérat. Une suite de "Poèmes de route" constitue un contrepoint de ces deux compositions officielles. Après une partie liminaire présentant le cadre historique des années de formation et de carrière de Chen Cheng (1365-1425), la partie 1 rassemble une somme d'éléments biographiques et philologiques regroupés sous trois aspects : l'homme et sa carrière, le voyageur, l'auteur et ses écrits. Les parties 2 et 3 contiennent les traductions commentées des textes cités. Chen Cheng transparaît dans ses écrits, ses acquis culturels surtout, références d'appréciation du monde non chinois. L'introduction générale situe cette recherche à la suite des travaux existants ; la conclusion générale, en forme d'essai, tente d'établir le rapport de l'élite lettrée au texte annalistique
Graduated as a Jinshi in 1394, during Hongwu's reign (1368-1398), the founder of the Ming dynasty, Chen Cheng (1365-1457) was appointed to the Bureau of Envoys and sent to Annam in 1397. Seven letters written by the Annam rulers and Chen Cheng are remaining from that embassy. A boundary conflict should be solved first but soon it turned into a controversy in concern of Confucian Classics. Under Yongle rule (r. 1403-1424), China enlarged its relationship on the Non-Chinese world. Even not as famous as Zheng He Admiral and his long haul fleets, Chen Cheng was recognized by his peers after his report from an embassy to the son of Tamerlan, Shahrukh in his capital of Herat. The 'Record of Indigenous Kingdoms in Western Lands' is paired by the 'Diary of a Journey in Western Lands' plotting the way followed from modern Xi'an to Herat, in 1414. A collection of 'Journey Poems' comes as a counterpoint of these official writings. Following a preliminary part introducing to the historical background of the education achievement and career periods of Chen Cheng (1365-1425), biographical and philological materials are summarized in a part 1, viewing in turn the man and his career, the traveller the author and his writings. In parts 2 and 3 are included the French translations and commentaries of the above mentioned texts. Chen Cheng appears through his writings, mainly his cultural acquirements he is referring to, when describing Central Asia. A general introduction sets that dissertation thesis with regard to the relevant studies. The general conclusion is a short essay highlighting the relationship of the scholar elite to the Chinese historical records

Depuis longtemps, la Chine a pris une place très importante aux yeux des Européens. Ceux-ci ont considéré, dans leurs travaux, la Chine comme un phénomène exceptionnel. Le choix de ce sujet permit d’explorer certains récits occidentaux parlant de plusieurs aspects concernant la Cour de l’Empereur chinois. Cette recherche traite les récits des Européens sur la Cour impériale de la dynastie des Qing de 1696 à 1865. Elle se base sur quinze récits rapportés en Europe par des Européens ayant visité ou vécu en Chine. Ces récits ont été décrits par des missionnaires jésuites, des ambassadeurs et des marchands. Le rôle de ces différentes descriptions est considérable. Elles nous donnent des informations de nombreux aspects de la vie dans la Cour de l’Empereur chinois. La plupart de mes recherches ont été effectuées à la Bibliothèque Municipale de Dijon, et la Bibliothèque municipale de Lyon. Mise à part l’introduction et la conclusion, ce travail se divise en trois grandes parties, et chaque partie se compose de différents chapitres. La première partie de cette recherche expose la présence des Européens en Chine : voyageurs, missionnaires et ambassadeurs européens. Cette partie explique aussi les causes de cette présence dans l’Empire du milieu et la question de la guerre de l’opium. La deuxième partie de cet ouvrage est consacrée à l’Empereur : son pouvoir, les aspects significatifs de son autorité et sa vie quotidienne. La dernière partie traite les différentes descriptions concernant l’Empereur dans la Cour. Les trois chapitres qui constituent cette partie sont l’entourage administratif, le pouvoir militaire et les proches du Fils du Ciel
For a long time, China has taken a very important place in the eyes of Europeans. Those considered China, in their work, as a unique phenomenon. The choice of this subject allowed us to explore some western writings talking about some aspects of the Court of the Chinese Emperor. This research discusses the narrations of Europeans on the imperial court of the Qing dynasty from 1696 to 1865. It is based on fifteen stories reported in Europe by Europeans who had visited or lived in China. The texts were written by Jesuit missionaries, ambassadors and merchants. The role of these different descriptions is significant. They provide information on certain aspects of life in the court of the Chinese Emperor. Most of my research has been conducted at the Municipal Library of Dijon, and the Municipal Library of Lyon. Except of the introduction and the conclusion, this work is divided into three parts and each part consists of various chapters. The first part of this research refers to the presence of Europeans in China: travelers, missionaries and European ambassadors. This section also explains the cause of this presence Westerners in the Middle Kingdom and the question of the opium war. The second part of this work is dedicated to the Emperor’s power, the significant aspects of his authority and his daily life. The last part deals with the different descriptions of the Emperor in the Court. The three Chapters of this part are the administrative entourage the military force and the relatives of the Son of Heaven

Prenant principalement appui sur des sources épigraphiques, ce travail est centré sur l'histoire politique et sociale d'un culte du Xe au XVe siècle. Ce culte, né dans la Chine du Nord, est inspiré de diverses sources autour d'un personnage nommé Cui Fujun. Il s'est d'abord développé dans des sociétés locales avant d'être officiellement reconnu à la fin du Xe siècle pour avoir légitimé plusieurs successions impériales ou avoir protégé le territoire de l'empire. Plusieurs dynasties d'origines ethniques différentes trouvèrent des intérêts à s'approprier ce culte. Cette faveur dynastique a contribué à sa popularité dans les sociétés locales qui créèrent à leur tour des sources pour alimenter cette croyance. Notre étude se déroule en deux étapes et sur deux terrains. D'abord, nous étudions le rôle politique du culte de Cui Fujun, d'abord au sein d'une seule dynastie, celle des Song (960-1279), pour analyser son rôle dans les crises de succession impériales ; puis entre deux dynasties rivales, les Jin (1115-1234) et les Song, qui se disputaient des territoires. Les premiers firent de Cui Fujun le substitut du dieu du Pic du Sud, situé dans le territoire administré par les Song du Sud, afin de rendre des sacrifices complets aux cinq Monts sacrés, symbole de la souveraineté sur tout le territoire ; les deuxièmes vénéraient Cui Fujun comme dieu protecteur de la famille impériale puisqu'il était censé avoir fait des miracles aux deux premiers empereurs. Ensuite, notre regard porte sur divers aspects des sociétés locales entre les XIIIe et XVe siècles. Considéré comme un fonctionnaire modèle, représentant de la justice et protecteur du peuple et défenseur du territoire, Cui Fujun fut vénéré au nord, dans les lieux d'origine de son culte, les divers milieux sociaux organisaient la vie collective et assuraient l'ordre social autour des activités cultuelles ; et au sud, sur les lieux d'extension du culte qui a suivit un processus d'intégration et d'adaptation à des situations variées
Based on an extensive survey of stone inscriptions, this work analyzes the social and political history of China from 10th to 15th century through the cult of a single deity, Cui Fujun. Appearing around 9th century in North China, it is dedicated to a deity who was said to be a local magistrate as well as a judge in the underworld. Over time, this deity extended to to North and South China. It was adopted by several imperial governments founded by the different ethnic groups, which each promoted it for various political reasons. This imperial support contributed to its popularity in local society. This study analyzes the Cui Fujun cult on two levels: dynastic politics and local society. First, it looks at the roles that the worship of Cui Fujun played in imperial politics in the Northern and Southern Song (960-1279), and then between two rival dynasties, the Southern Song (1127-1279) and the Jin (1115-1234). The emperors of the Song promoted the deity in hoping that his mythical power of underworld judge could help them solve their succession crisis. During the period of the Jin and the Southern Song, the first made Cui Fujun a substitute for the deity of South Sacred Mountain, located in Southern Song territory to claim their legitimacy and rulership; while the second worshipped the same deity as a protector of the imperial family because he was said to have done miracles for the benefit of the first two emperors, which enforced their legitimacy. Secondly, we examine various social issues between the 13th and 15th centuries relating to the worship practice. Considered as a model official, a defender of justice and a territory protector Cui Fujun was worshipped in the North as well as in the South. In the North, essentially in his two places of origin, persons as officials, local gentlemen, villagers, dealt with templi construction, donation, and prayer in order to ensure social order and value transmission. In the South, at the places where the worship extended, we examine its integration process and it adaptation to various local situations, even among "minority" peoples

Nos travaux sur l'orientation esthétique chez Victor Segalen, le cas du Fils du ciel nous avaient conduit à aborder les différences existant entre l’édition courante du Fils du ciel et les manuscrits déposés à la Bibliothèque nationale de France. Le personnage de l'empereur de Chine, figure sublime pour Segalen, est devenu une sorte de héros mythique : « l'empereur éternel ». Si ce personnage est à la fois chinois et segalenien, la dimension segalenienne l'emporte. La Chine n'a pas été pour Segalen un simple cadre de son œuvre et moins encore un déguisement exotique de sa pensée. C'est son être intime qui s'est nourri de la Chine et son génie s'en est trouvé transfiguré. Si les stèles en Chine lui offrent une forme poétique idéale, la pratique chinoise de l'allusion lui apporte une façon efficace d'exprimer beaucoup en peu de mots. Par l'analyse des composants du Fils du ciel, notamment celle des sources venues du Shijing et du choix de documents, nous avons dressé un inventaire permettant de voir en quoi l'auteur s'est nourri du monde chinois et à quel point il l'a fait sien. Ensuite, « l'exotisme du moi » traité à travers l'étude en parallèle de René Leys et du Fils du ciel - deux livres autour de la même figure, l'empereur Kouang-Si - a abouti à la révélation d'une âme obsédée par le caractère éternellement changeant de l'être, séduisant mais souvent insaisissable. Enfin, « le mythe de l'empereur » dans l'œuvre de Segalen, qui couvre plusieurs millénaires, se révèle être une allégorie de son « exotisme du moi ». La quête de soi est pour Segalen synonyme de la quête de l'être, et l'un comme l'autre sont ceux qui nous ressemblent mais nous fuient. Voilà pourquoi l'œuvre de Segalen trouve souvent une issue dans la mort, l'oubli ou le vide.

With the rising presence and importance of Chinese people in international institutions, the paper set out to investigate “Chinese struggle to mingle abroad” phenomenon. Considering Chinese “onechild- policy”, we seek to understand if being only children affects integration experience, and how Chinese only-borns interpret three influential factors: investment, brotherhood, and motivations. Results show that Chinese integration difficulties were not explained by single children, but other factors that prevent best integration were spotted. Additionally, a three-dimensional integration model was proposed specifically for Chinese population abroad, and suggestions were provided for foreign institutions in order to foster a smoother acculturation and integration.

碩士
輔仁大學
歷史學系碩士班
104
This work will discuss the image of the Chinese emperors as seen in “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine” from the Manufacture Royale de Beauvais in Europe in the 18th century. In the 17th century, many travelers and missionaries went to China and they wrote comprehensive reports about the Chinese emperors, on politics, animals, plants, and architecture. For many Europeans, these reports provided significant knowledge about China in the 17th century. These documents, in addition, provided not just writing, but also pictures. Those images became the inspiration for the art form known as “Chinoiserie,” and are seen in “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine.” Chinoiserie was an artistic trend in 17th and 18th century Europe that imitated the images and art of China. In the age of Louis XIV (1638-1715) there was extensive production of Chinoiserie works such as porcelains, lacquers, and architecture. Under the patronage of the French aristocracy, Chinoiserie became widely fashionable in Europe. The series of “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine” was the first series of tapestries in which the theme of Chinese emperors was presented in Europe. These tapestries showed European ideas of the image of the Chinese emperors and became the most representative Chinoiserie tapestries of the 18th century. In addition to the “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine,” there were other Chinoiserie works in France, England, and Germany in the 18th century. The Chinoiserie works of Jean-Antoine Watteau (1684-1721) and François Boucher (1703-1770) established the Rococo Chinoiserie images. Art from France, England, and Germany made extensive use of Chinese images from the 17th century. This not only reflected 18th century European ideas of the image of China, but also reflected the importance of these images in European culture. The “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine” from Manufacture Royale de Beauvais expressed the image of the Chinese emperors, combining it with notions of enlightenment, rationality, and esteem for agriculture. The tapestries show the Chinese emperors’ attention to astronomy, science, and agriculture, suggestive not only of their vast knowledge, but also their devotion to agricultural production and the lives of their subjects. “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine” successfully established the image of the Chinese emperor in the Age of Enlightenment as one of enlightened despotism and physiocracy. From the 17th century to the end of the 18th century, the image of the Chinese emperors changed several times. At the very beginning in the 17th century, there were many images from the documentary reports of travelers and missionaries. However, the Europeans’ understanding of the East changed with “Tenture de l'Empereur de Chine.” Furthermore, the European image of the Chinese emperors changed from that of “a foreign king” to“the representative of enlightened despotism.” By the end of the 18th century, however, Europeans no longer had this benign and utopian perception of China. Chinoiserie integrated with the art of other foreign cultures and was generally taken as a form of exoticism.

This thesis examines the medical case records of the Imperial Qing Palace. The case records were examined with a view to see how Chinese medicine was practised in the Qing period in China. I also analysed the role of medical cases as another way of adding to an understanding of history. My primary sources were the archive medical case records of the Qing Imperial Palace as compiled by Chen Keji. I also used selected secondary sources, particularly research by Chang Che-Chia on the Qing cases. I concentrated my research on selected emperors and the Empress Dowager. I analysed the case records of Kangxi, Qianlong, Tongzhi, Guangxu and Cixi. Each of these figures were analysed using medical analysis and historical analysis. Using clinical knowledge, I analysed each of these political figures considering the historical and social context of the time. While analysing selected cases I also analysed the medical approach and style of one doctor of the nineteenth century, Ma Peizhi. This physician was selected as representative of elite doctors in China in the late Qing period. Using the methodology of textual analysis I supplemented analysis of the primary sources with examination of secondary sources such as biographies and other journals. In medical terms, I found that the practice of Chinese medicine changes according to social and historical circumstances. In line with the social norms of the elite at the time in Qing China, medicine was practised with the approach of gentleness and balance. This distinctive style, practised by Ma Peizhi, saw the root of physical disease in mental unease. In historical terms, I found that the medical records provided primary evidence for trends in Qing history. The Kangxi emperor looked askance at Chinese medicine, while avidly practising his Manchu shamanic rituals. His grandson, Qianlong, in contrast, presented himself as a patron of Chinese classical learning, of which he saw Chinese medicine as an important component. This was evidence that the sinification of the Manchu conquerors was almost complete. A key finding of the thesis was that the realities of the Qing emperors and the Empress Dowager Cixi differed from the personas they had projected to the public. The Qing emperors and the Empress Dowager were, on the whole, frail in health, psychologically vulnerable and suffering from chronic anxiety, if not depression. The Qing images of power did not fit the reality.

碩士
國立臺東大學
兒童文學研究所
95
The thesis is based on the adaptation of the picture book The Emperor’s New Clothes in Taiwan. Han Christian Andersen had finished the fairy tale ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’ in 1837, and after that, it has been published as various types in children’s literature. There is no lack of different kinds of children’s books, the Chinese-English contrast story books and picture books, etc. It is not easy to gather and collect the picture books of The Emperor’s New Clothe. Besides, most picture books of this story are lost and broken in the internal libraries, so that I decided to choose the picture books The Emperor’s New Clothes published during the year 1973 to 2005 as examples, try to discuss the variations of the illustrations and the layouts of them, and the meanings of the evolvements of the endings. This thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter One is an introduction. It is describing the background and the motives, the purposes and the issues inside, the progress and the methods, the ranges and the limitations, and the references of it. Chapter Two would explain the author, Han Christian Andersen’s life and his works, the adaptation of the relativity of Spanish folk tales, and try to sort out the fairy tales written by Han Christian Andersen and the publications in Taiwan as the frame of statements in Chapter Three and Chapter Four. Chapter Three： The picture book The Emperor’s New Clothes I chose is divided into four important parts: the appearance of the King, the deceitfulness of courtiers, the showcase in the parade and the truth. I would describe with image description through these four parts. Chapter Four is discussing the scales and the interactions of the pictures and the compositions, the format and the designs inside the book The Emperor’s New Clothes. I would treat the variations of the content format in the picture book, and debate whether there is a variation as the evolution of the history. Chapter Five is the conclusion of The Emperor’s New Clothes. It could be divided into three types. What the changes of the ending in the picture book The Emperor’s New Clothes could be happened within the effects through Romanticism to Postmodern Thoughts? This thesis would try to search the readers’ affinities and analyze them according to the response tests of the readers. Chapter Six is the conclusion. I would explicate my thoughts after the ending of the study and the changes of picture books in Taiwan through the past into the future. I hope it could provide some suggestions and directions to the following researchers in the future.

碩士
輔仁大學
翻譯學研究所在職專班
93
Robert van Gulik (1910-1967) was a Dutch diplomat and Sinologist. He was inspired by a Ching Dynasty (1644-1911) Chinese detective novel and rewrote it as a series of English mystery novels –Judge Dee Mysteries –in the 1950’s and 60’s. The Judge Dee Mysteries were later translated into Chinese by the following professors of the Foreign Language Institute of the Shanghai University: Ji Zhendong, Kang Meijun, Zhu Zhenwu, Yin Yongqing, Chen Haidong, Shen Xia, Jing Yiqing, Liang Su, and Wang Renfang, etc. in the last few years. 　　The changes in the presentational format of the Judge Dee Mysteries are unique in many aspects. In terms of language, the stories were first originated from a Chinese detective novel written more than one hundred years ago and then translated back into Chinese in the 21st century. In terms of time and cultural background, they moved from the fictional years of the 7th - 10th century (Tang Dynasty) to the present and then returned to the ancient times again. Will the exoticism, which amazes the Westerners, still attracts modern Chinese readers? Which kind of writing style do modern Chinese readers appreciate? Will they be intrigued by the elaborated translation produced by the translator? These are challenging and interesting questions needed to be addressed. 　　This present study is aimed at examining the translation of one of the stories, The Emperor’s Pearl’. The focus of this study is to look into the degree to which the writer employs the writing style of another age and also to find out which kind of writing style (classic, modern or something in-between) might be suitable for this kind of texts. This study thus considers the need for the translator to make changes to the original context or to apply Chinese idioms or proverbs in order to please modern readers. This study also includes the study of other possible alternatives for translating Robert van Gulik’s Judge Dee Mysteries. 　　Key words: translation, Robert van Gulik, Judge Dee 　　　　　　　　　　　Mysteries, detective novel, mystery novel, 　　　　　　　　　　history, writing style, exoticism

碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
翻譯研究所
95
This thesis studies the three-time translation involved in writing and translating Emperor of China: Self-Portrait of K’ang-hsi, a work of Jonathan D. Spence. Published in 1974, Emperor of China is a pseudo-autobiography, narrated in first-person by the K’ang-hsi Emperor of the Ch’ing Dynasty. Spence selected, patched and translated historical records from various sources to compose a coherent account of K’ang-hsi’s life. Every word in Emperor of China is quoted from historical archives. Parts of the early Ch’ing Dynasty archives used by Spence were translated from Manchu into Chinese, which can be considered as the first-time translation. The reorganization and translation of the historical materials by Spence is the second-time translation. In 2005, the Chinese translation of Emperor of China, K’ang-hsi, was published in Taiwan, which is the third-time translation. This thesis uses stylistics’ research approaches to analyze these translation processes. However, due to the author’s limited ability, the first-time translation is only briefed introduced. This research focuses on the second- and the third-time translation in order to distinguish the difference between the image of K’ang-hsi portrayed by Spence in English, and the image drawn in the “wen yan”(classical Chinese) back-translation by the translator Wen Chia-yi.

本論文題為「天子腳下:初唐詩人筆下的長安」，以三個方面展開論述。初唐由於詩歌存留較少，且多被視為酒宴歌席的應制詩。然而筆者嘗試從幾個前人從未剖析的角度切入，嘗試理解初唐詩歌中蘊涵的幾層意涵。
第一個方面將觀察初唐君臣在建國之際，初盛唐交界處，君主與臣子在詩文中展現的憂患，面對過去的歷史抑或當下的建設充滿不安。筆者進而發現，從漢魏六朝開始，揚雄的歷史形象不斷出現，作為讀書人在不得志的時代的精神典範，其閉門讀書而著述有成的態度為後世所推崇，並在詩文中展現。過往我們對於讀書人與長安相互關係的討論較為單一化，多從追名逐利或建功立業的角度看待他們奔往長安的意圖，較少關注他們對於長安在轉變過程中的批評。
筆者將從公共風景區與建築思想探討詩人足跡下的筆墨之跡。此處主要論述集中在筆者採集所得最多、最有意義的地點昆明池、樂遊原、曲江為考察對象，試圖找出記憶與地方之間的關係。昆明池，集合了詩人們對於神話的集體記憶。樂遊原上的酒宴歌席，成了中晚唐詩人懷念大唐繁盛的記憶。而曲江，更成了詩人們遊賞之地，為後來者一再詠懷。
筆者嘗試從廟宇與宮殿觀察初唐人蘊含在詩歌中的建築思想。一棟又一棟的建築，是天子腳下的宮殿又或神聖的神殿，詩人們透過自身對於建築的吟詠，描寫了建築的細緻雕刻，隱約間也透露集體對於建築的想像及寄託。筆者將從大量的詩歌中歸納其中特質。
本論文試圖從前人豐碩的唐代長安研究中，尋找一些被忽略的思想特質，並以此補充一般觀念上缺失忽略的，讀書人與長安的關係。
The paper entitled "Under emperor’s feet: Chang An as Described by Poets of Early Tang Dynasty" will discuss the topic from three aspects. There are only very few early Tang poetry remained and they are mostly considered as banquet poetry. I will try to analyze them from several unprecedented angles and try to understand multiple implied meanings in the early Tang Poetry.
The first aspect is from the sense of urgency as the starting point. By observing how the founding members of the Early Tang Dynasty expressing their worries, especially during the transition to the great era, we can see their anxieties when dealing with the past and also the development at that point of time. It then found that, from the beginning of the Six Dynasties, Yang Xiong’s historical image kept emerging as the scholars’ spiritual model during unsuccessful times. His focusing on reading and writing successfully won the respect of the future generations, and is demonstrated in poems. In the past, we tend to view the relationship between scholars and Chang An towards chasing the fame and making contributions, and less focus on their critics towards Chang An in the process of transition.
In addition, I will discuss the poets’ writings as influenced by the public sceneries and architectural ideas. The third chapter discusses my most concentrated collection and significant place in Kunming pool, Le Youyuan, Qujiang as the studies subject, trying to figure out the relationship between memory and place. Kunming pool, a collection of poets to the myth of collective memory. Le Youyuan banquet song on the late Tang became nostalgic memories of prosperous Tang. The Qujiang, became poets touring place and was remembered by future generations.
Finally, I try to observe from the architectural perspective of the temples and palaces, and see the architectural thinking embedded in poets’ writings. Buildings after buildings are under the emperor’s foot and these buildings consist of palaces and temples. Poets described the buildings in their own chants, and describing the meticulous carving of the buildings. This vaguely revealed the collective imagination and sustenance towards the buildings. I will summarized the characteristics from the huge amounts of poems.
This dissertation attempts to find out some missing overlooked ideological character, about the relation between Tang’s poets and the Chang’an.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
高坤翠.
Parallel title from added title page.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2016.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 159-172).
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Gao Kuncui.

碩士
臺灣大學
歷史學研究所
98
Europe in the seventeenth century saw an era of a change. It was Early Modern, a time when the politics, religious, and the socioeconomic domains were being moved by the flow of silver in societies. China in the seventeenth century also saw a turbulent era. It was a time of political changes between dynasties. From Ming to Qing, the social climate went from vivacious to serious. Christian missionaries came to China and bridged the Eastern and Western cultures in this era of change. The systems of knowledge were the main catalyst in this encounter. Among the many encounters of Chinese and Western knowledge systems in the 17th century, Kangxi Emperor was a special case. As an emperor of an empire, Kangxi Emperor had the power to achieve many things, yet he was also restricted in many ways. He was able to engage personally with the Westerners who were technologically and scientifically superior to the Chinese at the time. He was also in the best position to learn from the new Western system, and he could even import Western academics into the imperial academic system. Because of his unique identity, however, Kangxi Emperor could not convert to Catholicism. In addition, due to political considerations, although he had been close with a lot of Westerners in his youth, he broke off ties with the Pope during his old age, which resulted in gradual decline of Chinese and Western cultural exchanges. And the change of Westerners’ status in the Qing court also witnesses to Qing’s ambition to become a successful ruler in a multiethnic empire of Asia. In Kangxi Emperor’s example, we can observe that when Chinese are undergoing the process of knowledge system interactions, they often choose to directly fit Western knowledge into the Chinese framework. Although Kangxi Emperor was a special emperor by personally taking part and studying Western academics, but from his example we can also learn that the meaning of studying Western knowledge for Chinese was mostly functional and applicability was more important than actually understanding the essence.

碩士
國立雲林科技大學
工業設計系
106
With the globalization of world economics, people's lives are constantly improving, and the demand for culture has also grown. As David Throsby point it out "Culture is the potential driving force of today's global economy", which reflects the development trend and trend of the aesthetic economy and experience economy under the knowledge economy in recent years. This shows that cultural design has become a new opportunity for design. Therefore, how to convey the cultural beauty of products through design is a top priority of contemporary design. This study takes the Chinese imperial culture as an example. Selected several images of the emperor with aesthetic representation. Designing and Kneading with Chinese Traditional White Porcelain. Through different shape of form to present, express different levels and types of cultural aesthetics, to test and experiment with scales, and finally put forward a set of innovative white porcelain design patterns. The results of the study found that the design patterns proposed in this study have the effect of creating innovative aesthetics. Compared with abstract and figurative shapes, the simplified form can be more balanced with the creativeness and culture of the form, but the shape-oriented (figurative, simplistic, abstract) and cultural shape aesthetics do not show a direct positive or negative correlation. It is through the use of different shapes to expresses a multi-faceted cultural beauty. Therefore, the core of the design of cultural beauty still needs to return to the true understanding of culture and the ideas of culture.

碩士
華梵大學
東方人文思想研究所
88
ABSRTRACT The tradition of the vegetarian culture of Chinese Buddhism is related to the abstention of wine and meat by the Liang Emperor Wu. The most important document in the abstention of wine and meat by the Liang Emperor Wu presented five principle in two meetings held in May 517. 1448 monks attended the first meeting. Emperor Wu declared vegetarian principle in person to the Buddhists and demanded all of them to obey. One who disobeyed would be punished and resumed secular life according to the law of Mahaparinirvanasutra （大般涅槃經） . Besides, his colleagues would be punished too if they did not report. But, some monks were not convinced. They believed that vegetarism was not in accordance with Buddhist principle. Therefore, Emperor Wu held the second meeting, in which he discussed vegetarism and Buddhist principle with several consultants. In the meeting, Emperon Wu discussed with them and declared that vegetarism was in accordance with the spirit of Buddhist mercy and statements in the Sutras of formation of the Tathagatagarbha theory. But in lack of principle guides, vegetarism was hard to be accepted by Buddhist. Therefore, the five principle which was compelling turned into , “ All monks should think about it ” （凡出家人，實宜深思）, “ Bodhisattva keep the mindful Precepts, therefore, they should not eat the meat of living creatures ”（菩薩人持心戒，故自無有食眾生理） , to advise the concept of abstention of wine and meat. Due to the lack of principle guides, Buddhist did not accept vegetarism. By May in 519, about one year later, Liang Emperor Wu finished one of his transcripts “ Receiving the Bodhisattva Precepts of Monks ” (出家人受菩薩戒法). The Brahmajalasutra* （梵網經）was introduced for the first time, and which contained abstention of wine and meat of Bodhisattva Precepts, by which vegetarism had become formally buddhism principle. In the same time, he also received the Bodhisattva Precepts and convinced people to follow it. As the Bodhisattva Precepts of “ Brahmajalasutra* ” （梵網經） was getting popular, vegetarism had turned to be the characteristic of Chinese Buddhism.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
歷史學研究所
100
This essay emphasizes on the issue of filial piety during the sinicization of Buddhism, aiming to investigate, in the context of the encounter between the Buddhist monasticism and the conventional Chinese filial piety, the integration and conflict between both, which, once integrated, leads to the emergence of the Buddhist filial piety. Unlike other researches that, mostly, set their eyes on Tang, Song dynasty when discussing the Buddhist filial piety, I attempt to trace further to Early Medieval China in order to inquire the origin of the integration and the subsequent social, political influences of contemporary China. I focus on the Buddhist gentries to consider how they discourse filial piety with their dual identities, and through so to investigate what Buddhist doctrinal recourses were applied in the discourse of integration with filial piety. Among all Buddhist gentries in Early Medieval China, Emperor Wu of Liang is the centerpiece of the research. How he, with his trio identity, a filial son, a piety Buddhist, and a ruler of Liang Dynasty, discourse and practice filial piety, of which Buddhist doctrines were frequently applied in his thoughts of filial piety and were relied as both fundamental intellectual contents and political ideological foundations, is rarely discussed by modern studies on Emperor Wu of Liang. In order to analyze this ignored subject, i.e. the emperor’s thoughts and govern policies and their affinity with Buddhist filial piety, I devote to historical narrative and contemporary literatures that records and reflects the emperor’s role. This essay is composed in four parts. The first part discusses the emperor’s dilemma between Buddhist doctrines and filial piety before coronation. The discussion would consider the Confucian legacy of filial piety inherited by the emperor, the emperor’s fierce filial sentiment, and how filial piety was practiced in political field at the time. I suggest that these three phases is the intellectual background of the emperor’s concept of filial piety in later years. The second part is tracing. I traced back to Hang dynasty to inquire how filial piety is political practiced, and that such practices lasted and influenced the world of Emperor Wu of Liang. Here the Classic of Filial Piety serves to be an important intermediate to understand the doctrine and the definition of filial piety in Hang dynasty. Through analyzing the Classic of Filial Piety, I propose that the government of Hang encouraged filial piety as the arch virtue, and that filial piety is highly woven with political institutions. The third part returned to the world after the coronation of the Emperor Wu of Liang. This part emphasized on how Buddhist doctrines were applied in the practice of filial piety, which mainly represented in four faces: 佛寺追思, 神不滅, 素食施行, 菩薩戒. This investigation how the importance of filial sentiments in Buddhist filial piety, through the emperor, transformed into the motivation and mobility of political, social reformation. The forth part turns to the combination between the emperor’s Buddhist filial piety thoughts and his political reformation, discussing how Buddhist filial piety replaces the conventional political filial piety inherited from Hang dynasty. This part of investigation presents that the Buddhist filial piety thoughts of the emperor is not restricted to personal sentiments alone, quite contrary, it expanded to the constitution of the Liang dynasty, and hence influenced the Buddhists inhabited in the empire. As the result of this research, I suggest to reconsider the periodization of current studies of Buddhist filial piety. Through investigating the interpretation and integration between Buddhist doctrine and filial piety, which nourishes the Buddhist filial piety, of Emperor Wu of Liang, I suggest that the integration of Buddhist monasticism and filial piety, i.e. the birth of Buddhist filial piety, has occurred in the Early Medieval China, due to Buddhists’ pursuit of the sentiment of filial piety and their application of Buddhist doctrines to enrich the contents of filial piety that eventually compensate the original absence of sentiment in filial piety. In this aspect, I suggest the other notion of the research of Buddhist filial piety. During the integration, Buddhist gentries played important roles in discoursing Buddhist filial piety. They, familiar with both ends of knowledge, applied Buddhist doctrines to nourish the conventional concept of filial piety, hence created the conceptual encounter of Buddhist monasticism and filial piety. Meanwhile, this encounter can be represented by the political practice of Buddhist filial piety of Emperor Wu of Liang’s political reformation. Buddhist filial piety, as fruit of the integration, not only changed the conventional concept of filial piety, but it also became new ideal political virtue to be practiced.

Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências da Cultura - Especialidade em Culturas do Extremo Oriente
A Europa e a Igreja Católica viviam um período conturbado, no contexto da Reforma Protestante do século XVI, quando a Companhia de Jesus surgiu, ajudando a garantir a posição do catolicismo no velho continente e tomando para si a missão de divulgar a fé a outros povos. Enquanto isso, Portugal descobria todo um Novo Mundo, graças à temeridade dos seus marinheiros e à ousadia dos seus reis. O jesuíta português Tomás Pereira foi um dos que partiu de Lisboa para o Oriente, sob as ordens do Padroado Português, para converter os infiéis ao catolicismo. Para isso, o religioso estudou a língua e cultura chinesas em Macau, antes de conquistar um posto em Pequim, junto do imperador Kangxi. A par do seu trabalho de proselitismo, Pereira foi um embaixador das ciências ocidentais e ocupou um importante cargo na corte Qing, desempenhando um papel de relevo nas negociações com a Rússia, na sequência da invasão de territórios chineses. O episódio da Controvérsia dos Ritos é revelador da influência que Tomás Pereira alcançou: após a proibição das missões na China e graças aos seus argumentos junto do imperador, o jesuíta conseguiu que o Édito de Tolerância ao Cristianismo fosse publicado. Para além disso, conhecedor que era da teoria musical, foi professor de música do próprio imperador e escreveu a primeira obra em chinês sobre a técnica musical ocidental. Enquanto o padre permaneceu em Pequim, foi registando os assuntos e acontecimentos mais importantes no seu diário, testemunho posteriormente entregue à Igreja Católica, em Roma. Muitas das suas memórias sobre Kangxi foram conservadas, permanecendo como documentos de grande valor histórico até à atualidade. Concomitantemente, a sua imagem permaneceu na literatura popular da China. O percurso de Tomás Pereira, que nasceu em Portugal mas passou a maior parte da sua vida na China, terá provocado uma metamorfose identitária. Através dele, é possível revisitar a história de Portugal no diálogo com a civilização chinesa: o seu contributo no domínio da interculturalidade é inegável. O grande objetivo do presente trabalho é precisamente estudar as relações culturais entre os dois países, a partir da ação dos jesuítas na segunda metade do século XVII e inícios do século XVIII, com especial enfoque na vida e identidade do padre Tomás Pereira (1645-1708).
The Europe and the Roman Catholic Church lived troubled times, in the context of the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, when the Society of Jesus was created, to help protect the leading but threatened position of Catholicism. The Society was also chartered with the mission to disseminate Catholicism all around the world. During the same period of time, Portugal discovered a whole New World, thanks to the temerity of the Portuguese navigators and the audacity of Portuguese kings. As a Portuguese Jesuit, Thomas Pereira left Lisbon for the East in order to accomplish a mission bestowed by God, and tasks by Portugal. He studied the Chinese language and culture in Macau, which enabled him to later serve the Emperor Kangxi in Beijing. Besides evangelization, Pereira also taught Western sciences to the Chinese and occupied important offices in the imperial court. When Russia invaded China, he helped the Chinese envoy and successfully settled the dispute. In addition, has he was a master of music, not only was he made music teacher of the Emperor, but he also wrote the first Chinese book introducing Western musical theory. During the Rites Controversy episode, Thomas Pereira's influence was proved: China banned evangelization but, through his painstaking and continuous persuasions put forth to the Emperor, made it possible for Catholicism to be legally preached in China. Whilst living in China, Thomas Pereira kept record of the most important events in the form of his diary, and delivered them to the Catholic Church in Rome. Many of his memories about Emperor Kangxi can be found today, all of which of great historical value. In addition, his image often appears in the popular literature in China. Although born in Portugal, Thomas Pereira spent more years of his life in China than in his home country. Therefore, the identity of Thomas Pereira is worth studying. Through Thomas Pereira the Jesuit priest, we can revisit the history of Portugal and the dialogue with the Chinese civilization: his contributions made in the field of intercultural exchanges will always be remembered. The main purpose of this paper attempts to study the cultural relations between both countries, centered around the activities of the Jesuit priests between the second half of the seventeenth century and early eighteenth century, with special focus on the life and identity of father Thomas Pereira (1645- 1708).
欧洲与天主教是两个密不可分的时代元素。在十六世纪宗教改革的背景 下，为了巩固天主教在欧洲的地位，罗马天主教总会建立了耶稣会。此外，耶 稣会还负有向全世界传播天主教的职责。而在同一时期，葡萄牙发现了新大陆。 作为葡萄牙耶稣会士的徐日升，肩负着祖国与耶稣会的双重使命，离开了里斯 本前往东方。1672 年，徐日升来到了澳门，并在这里学习中国语言及文化，随 后，凭借着自身过人的学识，得以赴诏进京，为康熙皇帝效力。 除了传播福音外，徐日升还向中国居民讲授西方科学，并在大清朝廷内 身负要职。另外，徐日升精通西方乐理，不但教授康熙帝学习西乐，并且撰写 了第一部用中文介绍西方乐理知识的书籍。当俄国人侵犯中国领土的时候，是 徐日升帮助了中国使臣成功的平息了这场纷争。由于《礼仪之争》，中国禁止， 中国禁止传教士在华传教，然而，通过徐日升对康熙帝及朝中大臣的不断劝谏， 天主教才得以合法在华传播。 徐日升在华期间，将身边发生的重要事件以日记的形式记录了下来，并 寄给了罗马天主教会。此外，他呈给康熙帝的许多奏折也同样得以保存，这些 资料为后世的研究提供了极大的历史价值。同时，他的人物形象也经常出现在 中国的文学作品中。 虽然徐日升出生于葡萄牙，但是他一生的大部分时间都在中国度过。所 以，他的身份认同问题非常值得我们去进一步剖析。换言之，在他的一生中， 究竟扮演了何种角色呢？是葡萄牙人还是中国人？然而，无论答案如何，他在 中西文明交化中所做出的贡献都足以令人铭记。综上所述，本文通过分析中国 文化及徐日升（1645 - 1708）的文化认同问题，来回溯中葡两国的文明交流史。