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Journal articles on the topic 'Chinese in the Transvaal'

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Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Conradie, Sias. "A well-intentioned impotence? The case of the Qing Dynasty Consuls in the Transvaal Colony." Historia 67, no. 1 (2022): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2022/v67n1a2.

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The place of South African Chinese within South Africa's history has almost always seen contestation. A striking example of this was the situation in the Transvaal between 1903 and 1911. In 1904 the Chinese Indentured Labour experiment propelled the small free Chinese community of the Transvaal into the realm of public debate. Whilst the Chinese in the Transvaal had never been treated well, the ensuing anti-Chinese backlash saw the community come into conflict with the government of the Transvaal. Although substantial work has been done concerning the resistance of the Transvaal Chinese, a neglected aspect of this conflict is the role played by the Qing Dynasty Consulate. Despite general assumptions that the Dynasty's attitude towards its subjects overseas remained apathetic, evidence indicates clearly that the Consulate played a role in supporting the Chinese community. Through an analysis of the actions taken by the Consuls-General the extent of their support becomes clear. Contrary to common assumptions that the Qing Dynasty was neglectful of the Chinese population in South Africa, the efforts of these Consuls-General demonstrated that the Dynasty did make serious efforts to assist the Chinese living in the Transvaal.

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2

Fituni, Olga. "At the Roots of Neocolonialism: Forced Labor of the Indentured Chinese Miners in the British Transvaal." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 65, no. 4 (2023): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-65-4-77-92.

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The paper deals with the historical use of the Chinese indentured laborers on the gold mines of the Transvaal shortly after the end of the Second Boer war. In the short span of four years some 60 thousand Chinese laborers were imported under 3-year contracts, and then repatriated, after having contributed greatly to the restoration and expansion of the Rand gold mines. By analyzing the legal framework of the process and documented witnesses’ accounts of the “Chinese slavery” in the Transvaal, the author comes to the conclusion that the colonial administration of the Transvaal was ignoring the conventions agreed upon by the British and Chinese side, while the Chinese side did not possess the actual means to enforce the agreements. In the author’s opinion, this can be viewed as the roots of the West’s neocolonial approach to the international relations.

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3

Ngai, Mae M. "Trouble on the Rand: The Chinese Question in South Africa and the Apogee of White Settlerism." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000326.

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The importation of more than 60,000 Chinese laborers to work in the Witwatersrand gold mines in South Africa between 1904 and 1910 remains an obscure episode in the history of Asian indentured labor in European colonies. Yet the experience of the coolies on the Rand reverberated throughout the Anglo-American world and had lasting consequences for global politics of race and labor. At one level, the Chinese laborers themselves resisted their conditions of work to such a degree that the program became untenable and was canceled after a few years. Not only did the South African project fail: Its failure signaled more broadly that at the turn of the twentieth century it had become increasingly difficult to impose upon Chinese workers the coercive and violent exploitation that had marked the global coolie trade in the era of slave emancipation. At another level, the Chinese labor program on the Rand provoked a political crisis in the Transvaal and in metropolitan Britain over the “Chinese Question”—that is, whether Chinese, indentured or free, should be altogether excluded from the settler colonies. Following the passage of laws limiting or excluding Chinese immigration to the United States (1882), Canada (1885), New Zealand (1881), and Australia (1901), Transvaal Colony and then the Union of South Africa, formed in 1910, likewise barred all Chinese from immigration—making Chinese and Asian exclusion, along with white rule, native dispossession, and racial segregation the defining features of the Anglo-American settlerism.

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4

Nattrass, Gail. "The tin mines of the Waterberg (Transvaal), 1905-1914." New Contree 26 (June 28, 2024): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v26i0.670.

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Tin mining in the Transvaal district of the Waterberg between 1905 and 1914 occurred mainly at Rooiberg, Zaaiplaats and Union Tin. The focus of this article is on Rooiberg, which reflects the general conditions experienced in all three mining centres. Problems such as the remoteness of the mines and the unpredictable nature of the tin deposits contributed to the difficulties of drawing and maintaining the skilled and unskilled labour force required. Apart from imported labourers (such as Chinese and Hereros), the tin mining companies employed poor whites to supplement their unskilled labour force. This gave rise to the unusual set of socio-economic conditions which are explored in this article.

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5

Huynh, Tu T. "“We Are Not a Docile People”: Chinese Resistance and Exclusion in the Re-Imagining of Whiteness in South Africa, 1903–1910." Journal Of Chinese Overseas 8, no. 2 (2012): 137–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341235.

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Abstract This article offers a corrective to the way in which the history of reconstruction and the construction of whiteness in the early decade of the 1900s in South Africa has been understood. In the aftermath of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902, South Africa on the whole and, in particular, the Transvaal Colony not only experienced economic instability, but also a crisis in the black-white racial hierarchy. This article shows that even though the presence of indentured laborers from North China was a threat to the livelihood of English workingmen and Afrikaner farmers, their presence helped to strengthen a racial division of labor and regime that privileged white men. The restrictions attached to the recruitment of indentured Chinese labor to work in the gold mining industry in the Transvaal clearly defined who would be regarded as the cheap and unskilled laborers. Additionally, the means of control resorted to by the industry and colonial government in response to their disturbances and riots, desertions, breaking into white peoples’ homes, and murdering of Afrikaner farmers treated non-white peoples as pariah, subject to control and exclusion. The sense of control and authority resorted to by the Dutch- and English-speaking peoples against this backdrop engendered a kind of racial coalescence among Afrikaners and English as whites.

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6

du Plessis, Rory. "The Racialised Diet Scales of Transvaal Prisons: Chinese and Indian Prisoner Resistance, 1901–1911." South African Journal of Cultural History 37, no. 1 (2023): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54272/sach.2023.v37n1a5.

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7

Emmet O’Connor. "William Walker, Irish Labour and ‘Chinese slavery’ in South Africa, 1904–6." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 145 (2010): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400000055.

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In 1903 the governor of South Africa, Lord Alfred Milner, agreed to proposals from the owners of the Transvaal gold mines to alleviate the labour shortage caused by the recent war by recruiting workers from China. The Conservative government of Arthur Balfour gave its approval in May 1904, and had overall responsibility for the scheme until it yielded power to the Liberals in December 1905. The so-called ‘coolies’ were to be indentured on a three-year contract, paid less than the blacks, and quarantined from the local population. Well before the first shipment arrived on the Witwatersrand in June 1904, British trade unionists were alarmed that a precedent was being set for the importation of cheap labour closer to home, and Britain’s ‘Non-conformist conscience’ was disturbed at the spectre of ‘nameless practices’ developing in compounds of young men separated from their families. Events seemed to bear out the apprehensions.

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8

Evans, A. C., T. J. M. Daly, and M. B. Markus. "Identification of human hookworm in failed-treatment cases using Chinese hamsters (Cricetulus griseus) and scanning electron microscopy." Journal of Helminthology 65, no. 1 (1991): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022149x00010464.

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ABSTRACTAn attempt was made to identify the human hookworm involved in failed-treatment cases using abnormal hosts and scanning electron microscopy. Thirty-seven, 2 to 6 month old Chinese hamsters (Cricetulus griseus) from a closed, outbred, conventional colony, were each given between 20 and 120 filariform larvaeper os. The larvae were cultured from faeces from mebendazole (Vermox®) 500 mg single-dose, failed-treatment cases living in the lowveld farming area of the Transvaal Province, South Africa. About 60 to 78 days after inoculation, the animals were killed and adult worms were removed from their small intestines. Eleven (30%) of the 37 hamsters harboured a total of 31 adult worms (19 males and 12 females), while 26 hamsters were refractory to infection. The greatest number of worms recovered from a single animal was six. A total of 27 worms (17 males and 10 females) were subjected to examination by scanning electron microscopy. Micrographs showed male and female worms to be morphologically all of theNecator americanusspecies, as identified by a pair of ventral and dorsal cutting plates, a dorsal tooth and the fused terminus of spicules in the male bursa. The transverse cuticular striations were distinct and smooth. Several points of interest arose from the results of this study and are discussed.

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9

WAETJEN, THEMBISA. "POPPIES AND GOLD: OPIUM AND LAW-MAKING ON THE WITWATERSRAND, 1904–10." Journal of African History 57, no. 3 (2016): 391–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000335.

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AbstractIn the wake of the South African war, the indenture and transport of over 63,000 Chinese men to gold mines in the Transvaal sparked a rush to supply smoking opium to a literally captive market. Embroiled in a growing political economy of mass intoxication, state lawmakers shifted official policy from prohibition to provision. Their innovation of an industrial drug maintenance bureaucracy, developed on behalf of mining capital in alliance with organized pharmacy and medicine, ran counter to local trends of policy reform and represents a unique episode for broader histories of modern narcotics regulation. This article considers the significance of this case and chronicles the contradictory interests and ideologies that informed political scrambles over legitimate opium uses, users, and profiteers. It shows how the state maintained its provision policy, for as long as it proved expedient, against varied and mounting public pressures – local and international – for renewed drug suppression. The argument here is that the state managed an epidemic of addiction on the Rand as an extraordinary problem of demography. It achieved this both through redefining smoking opium from intoxicant to mine medicine and through the legal construction of a ‘special biochemical zone’, which corresponded with the exceptional status and spatial segregation of a despised alien labour force.

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10

Saul, Daphne. "Transvaal philantely." New Contree 22 (July 4, 2024): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v22i0.711.

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11

Avery, D. M., I. Plug, and S. Badenhorst. "Transvaal Museum Monograph 12." South African Archaeological Bulletin 59, no. 180 (2004): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3889249.

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12

Hall, Arthur. "Storm over the Transvaal." New Contree 74 (December 30, 2015): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v74i0.162.

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13

Zambatis, N. "Ferns and flowering plants of Klaserie Private Nature Reserve, eastern Transvaal: an annotated checklist." Bothalia 24, no. 1 (1994): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v24i1.751.

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An annotated checklist of the plant taxa of the Klaserie Private Nature Reserve, eastern Transvaal Lowveld, is presented. Of the 618 infrageneric taxa recorded, six are pteridophytes and the remainder angiosperms. Of these, 161 are monocotyledons and 451 dicotyledons. Five of the latter are currently listed in the Red Data List of the Transvaal, two of which are first records for the Transvaal Lowveld. The vegetation of the reserve shows strong affinities with the Savanna Biome, and to a lesser degree, with the Grassland Biome.

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14

Haagner, Alwin C. "Ornithological Notes from the Transvaal." Ibis 43, no. 2 (2008): 190–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1901.tb00461.x.

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15

Eriksson, P. G., J. K. Schweitzer, P. J. A. Bosch, U. M. Schereiber, J. L. Van Deventer, and C. J. Hatton. "The transvaal sequence: an overview." Journal of African Earth Sciences (and the Middle East) 16, no. 1-2 (1993): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0899-5362(93)90160-r.

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16

DU BRUYN, JOHANNES. "Early Transvaal—A Historiographical Perspective." South African Historical Journal 36, no. 1 (1997): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479708671272.

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17

Meillon, Botha. "SOME CERATOPOGONINAE FROM THE TRANSVAAL." Transactions of the Royal Entomological Society of London 77, no. 2 (2009): 245–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2311.1929.tb00689.x.

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18

Bergh, Johan S. "“To Make Them Serve”: The 1871 Transvaal Commission on African Labour as a Source for Agrarian History." History in Africa 29 (2002): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172158.

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In the past twenty to twenty-five years valuable contributions have been made to southern African agrarian history. Stanley Trapido's publications, for example, opened up stimulating perspectives on the processes and forces inherent to nineteenth-century Transvaal agrarian history. Although he was modest in his 1980 chapter, “Reflections on Land, Office, and Wealth in the South African Republic, 1850-1900,” and referred to it as “a tentative and preliminary attempt to outline some important aspects of these social relationships,” it has provided historians and others with an important instrument of analysis.However, there are still themes, regions, and periods that need attention, one of these being the central districts of the Transvaal before the industrial revolution. In this regard a little-known source which may contribute to our knowledge of the pre-industrial history of the Transvaal, and which will be published this year as an annotated source publication, should be taken note of. This is the 1871 Commission on African labor in the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (ZAR). Despite the valuable information contained in its documents on agrarian history and various aspects of race relations, especially with regard to the central districts of the Transvaal, it has been neglected by historians in the past. Of the few historians who refer to the 1871 Commission, most have merely utilised the report of the commission and have probably missed the important testimonies, correspondence, and minutes. Very few have managed to locate these documents, which are concealed among the supplementary documents of the State Secretary for 1871 in the Transvaal Archives.

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19

Duin, Pieter Van. "White Building Workers and Coloured Competition in the South African Labour Market, c. 1890–1940." International Review of Social History 37, no. 1 (1992): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110934.

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SummaryThe article deals with “racial” aspects of the labour market and labour relations in South Africa's building industry, focussing largely, though not exclusively, on skilled building workers on the Witwatersrand (Southern Transvaal). Different trade-union strategies are examined, as pursued by building trade unions in the Transvaal as well as the Eastern Cape and Natal, in order to add a comparative dimension. In the latter areas, shortly after World War I, a white-exclusionist organizing policy was replaced in some urban centres by a pragmatic strategy of incorporating “coloured” artisans (Africans and Indians continued to be excluded). In the Transvaal, on the other hand, the relatively strong position of white building workers and a deeply-ingrained racism ensured the maintenance of racially-exclusive trade unionism in the building industry.

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20

Meyer, F. M., and L. J. Robb. "The geochemistry of black shales from the Chuniespoort Group, Transvaal Sequence, eastern Transvaal, South Africa." Economic Geology 91, no. 1 (1996): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2113/gsecongeo.91.1.111.

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21

Blumthal, Meredith R., L. Art Spomer, Daniel F. Warnock, and Raymond A. Cloyd. "Flower Color Preferences of Western Flower Thrips." HortTechnology 15, no. 4 (2005): 846–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.15.4.0846.

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Flower color preference of western flower thrips [WFT (Frankliniella occidentalis) (Thysanoptera: Thripidae)] was assessed by observing insect location after introduction into chambers containing four different colored flowers of each of three plant species: transvaal daisy (Gerbera jamesonii), matsumoto aster (Callistephus chinensis), and chrysanthemum (Dendranthema ×grandiflorum). Preference was based on the number of WFT adults found on each flower 72 hours after infestation. Significantly higher numbers of WFT were found on yellow transvaal daisy and yellow chrysanthemum. When these accessions were compared in a subsequent experiment, WFT displayed a significant greater preference for the yellow transvaal daisy. Visible and near infrared reflectance spectra of the flowers used in the study were measured to determine the presence of distinct spectral features that would account for the relative attractiveness of the flowers. Likewise, the reflectance spectra of three commercially available sticky cards (blue, yellow, and yellow with a grid pattern) that are used to trap or sample for WFT were compared to those of the flowers to determine any shared spectral features that would support observed WFT flower color preference. The observed similarity between the yellow transvaal daisy and yellow sticky card reflectance spectra supports the hypothesis that flower color contributes to attractiveness of WFT. In particular, the wavelengths corresponding to green-yellow (500 to 600 nm) seem to be responsible for attracting WFT. These findings also indicate that yellow sticky cards may be more appropriate in sampling for WFT than blue sticky cards. Although further research is needed, under the conditions of this study, yellow transvaal daisy appears to be a potentially useful trap crop for WFT.

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22

Turner, Gill. "Faunal Remains from Jubilee Shelter, Transvaal." South African Archaeological Bulletin 41, no. 144 (1986): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3888191.

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23

JACOBSEN, NIELS H. G. "FLAT GECKOS (GENUSAFROEDURA)IN THE TRANSVAAL." Journal of the Herpetological Association of Africa 40, no. 1 (1992): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04416651.1992.9650313.

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24

Haagner, Alwin C. "Birds‘-nesting Notes from the Transvaal." Ibis 43, no. 1 (2008): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1901.tb07519.x.

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25

CLAASSENS, ANINKA. "CONTEMPORARY LAND STRUGGLES IN RURAL TRANSVAAL." Antipode 23, no. 1 (1991): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.1991.tb00407.x.

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26

Ferreira, O. J. O. "A hunting expedition to the Transvaal." New Contree 24 (June 28, 2024): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v24i0.688.

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27

Anderson, Michael R., Andrew H. Rankin, and Baruch Spiro. "Fluid mixing in the generation of mesothermal gold mineralisation in the Transvaal Sequence, Transvaal, South Africa." European Journal of Mineralogy 4, no. 5 (1992): 933–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/ejm/4/5/0933.

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28

Jacobsen, W. B. G., and N. H. G. Jacobsen. "ADIANTACEAE." Bothalia 16, no. 1 (1986): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v16i1.1060.

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29

Gorter, G. J. M. A., and A. Eicker. "ERYSIPHACEAE." Bothalia 17, no. 1 (1987): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v17i1.1008.

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30

Retief, E. "COMBRETACEAE." Bothalia 16, no. 1 (1986): 44–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v16i1.1062.

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31

Retief, E. "EBENACEAE." Bothalia 16, no. 2 (1986): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v16i2.1092.

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32

Retief, E. "ANACARDIACEAE." Bothalia 20, no. 2 (1990): 220–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v20i2.925.

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33

Retief, E. "VITACEAE." Bothalia 23, no. 1 (1993): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v23i1.807.

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34

Brusse, F. "ASTERACEAE." Bothalia 19, no. 1 (1989): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v19i1.936.

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35

Gorelik, Boris M. "A Russian protectorate for the Boer republics. A rejected idea for countering British imperialism." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2023): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080024664-7.

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The South African War, also known as the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902, was one of the most important armed conflicts of the age of imperialism. The war evoked an immense public response in Russia; not even the power circles remained unmoved. Russian public opinion supported the struggle for the independence of the Boer republics, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. For their part, the governments of the two republics convinced their fellow citizens that the Russian Empire, as the initiator of the Hague Peace Conference and the only great power that never had colonies in Africa, would be able to unite other states of Europe and the United States to help the Boers in countering British imperialism. By June 1900, it had become clear that the Great Powers would not take military action in defence of the South African republics. Moreover, they were unable to overlook their geopolitical differences in order to offer collective mediation or good offices to the belligerents. On behalf of the official Boer delegation, who was visiting the United States, the Transvaal envoy conveyed to the foreign offices of Russia and its ally France a request for a joint protectorate over the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. Documentary evidence of this demarche, which has not yet received sufficient coverage in historiography, has been preserved in the archive of the Transvaal envoy Leyds, as well as in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. Appealing to Russia and France, the Boer delegates assumed that these powers, for humanitarian reasons, would provide friendly guardianship to the two republics in South Africa. However, the European governments of the period understood protectorate as a form of colonial dependence. Besides, Russia and France did not want a military confrontation with the mighty British Empire for the sake of the Boer states that were outside the sphere of their political and colonial interests. The attempt of the representatives of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State to secure a Russo-French protectorate for their republics was predestined to fail.

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36

Kruger, F. J., and C. T. Wolmarans. "Variation in the morphology of the dorsal and dorso-lateral tegument of male Schistosoma haematobium from southern Africa." Journal of Helminthology 64, no. 4 (1990): 323–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022149x00012372.

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ABSTRACTThe teguments of Schistosoma haematobium males from three localities in the Eastern Transvaal and one in the eastern Caprivi were studied by means of scanning electron microscopy. Eastern Transvaal S. haematobium, which occurs sympatrically with S. mattheei, a bovine schistosome also infecting man and which hybridizes with S. haematobium, exhibited certain S. mattheei characteristics. The occurrence of these characteristics were neither related to the prevalence of human S. mattheei infections nor could they be attributed exclusively to phenotypic plasticity. The variation therefore may be geographical and possibly related to the phylogeny of the two species.

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37

Bennett, Brett M., and Frederick J. Kruger. "Forestry in Reconstruction South Africa: Imperial Visions, Colonial Realities." Britain and the World 8, no. 2 (2015): 225–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0192.

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This articles analyses the establishment of state forestry programs in the Orange Free State and Transvaal following the end of the South African War/Second Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902). British imperial administrators, led by Alfred Milner, sought to reconstruct the economy of the Transvaal and Orange Free State by using personnel who had worked previously in India and Egypt rather than by drawing on local experts in the Cape Colony or Natal Colony. Colonial foresters from the Cape Colony used the opportunities provided by reconstruction to export Cape-centric ideas about forest management to the Transvaal and Orange Free State. Ultimately, Milner's desire to bring in a top-rate forester from India failed, although his program of reconstruction instead brought in foresters from the Cape Colony who helped to harmonise South African forestry practices before Union in 1910. The interpretation put forward in this article helps to explain how Cape foresters exported ideas about climatic comparison and afforestation from the Cape into the rest of South Africa.

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38

Panagos, M. D., R. H. Westfall, and J. C. Scheepers. "Miscellaneous note." Bothalia 16, no. 1 (1986): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v16i1.1080.

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39

GORELIK, B. M. "RUSSIAN FOLK SONG ABOUT THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AS AN EXPRESSION OF PUBLIC DISCONTENT OF THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №4 (2024): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-4-63-81.

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The folk song “Transvaal, Transvaal, My Country” emerged in the Russian Empire about 120 years ago. It happened in the wake of the extraordinary public interest in the first major armed conflict of the 20th century, the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902. The lyrics are based on a poem by a Saint-Petersburg poet, G. Galina. The song about the freedom struggle, which was waged by the people of a distant, but, like Russia, predominantly agrarian country, resonated with the early 20th-century Russian society. Its growing politicisation manifested itself in the keen interest that Russians took in the confrontation between two “peasant republics”, as Russian publicists termed them, and an empire, which had a strong army and a desire for expansion in the interests of its capital. The Russian song about a foreign war in Southern Africa became entrenched in Russian folklore and in Russian popular culture in general. A reason for the popularity of “Transvaal” in the Russian Empire was that the song enabled expressions of hope for social and political change in a form that was safe for the singer and his listeners under a repressive regime. The emergence and growing popularity of “Transvaal” coincided with the prevalence of protest sentiments in Russian society, among urban and rural residents, in the 1900s- 1910s. The song changed its meaning over the years. Sympathy for the Boers who fought against the British Empire was gradually replaced by sympathy for one’s compatriots. The Russian folk song, inspired by the events in South Africa, prompted people in the Russian Empire to reflect on their own living conditions and the future of their homeland.

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40

Volodko, Anna. "Russian Red Cross Humanitarian Mission in Transvaal." ISTORIYA 12, no. 2 (100) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207751800013869-4.

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41

Burton, David. "The taxation of Africans: Transvaal 1902–1907." Kleio 19, no. 1 (1987): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00232088785310031.

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42

Ayres, Thomas, and John Henry Gurney. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 20, no. 3 (2008): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1878.tb07043.x.

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Ayres, Thomas, and John Henry Gurney. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 20, no. 4 (2008): 406–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1878.tb07052.x.

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Ayres, Thomas, and John Henry Gurney. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 21, no. 3 (2008): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1879.tb07710.x.

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Ayres, Thomas, and John Henry Gurney. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 21, no. 4 (2008): 389–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1879.tb08465.x.

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Ayres, Thomas. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 22, no. 1 (2008): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1880.tb06954.x.

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Ayres, Thomas. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 26, no. 3 (2008): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1884.tb01159.x.

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Ayres., Thomas, and John Henry Gurney. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 27, no. 4 (2008): 341–464. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1885.tb06249.x.

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Ayres., Thomas. "Additional Notes on the Ornithology of Transvaal." Ibis 28, no. 3 (2008): 282–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1886.tb06290.x.

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Haagner, Alwin C. "XXXV.-More Ornithological Notes from the Transvaal." Ibis 44, no. 4 (2008): 569–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1902.tb03612.x.

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