Journal articles: 'Chinese language Buddhist literature, Chinese'

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Buckelew, Kevin. "Becoming Chinese Buddhas: Claims to Authority and the Making of Chan Buddhist Identity." T’oung Pao 105, no. 3-4 (November 11, 2019): 357–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10534p04.

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AbstractAccording to many recent scholars, by the Song dynasty Chan Buddhists had come to identify not primarily as meditation experts—following the literal meaning of chan—but rather as full-fledged buddhas. This article pursues a deeper understanding of how, exactly, Chan Buddhists claimed to be buddhas during the eighth through eleventh centuries, a critical period in the formation of Chan identity. It also addresses the relationship between Chan Buddhists’ claims to the personal status of buddhahood, their claims to membership in lineages extending back to the Buddha, and their appeals to doctrines of universal buddhahood. Closely examining Chan Buddhists’ claims to be buddhas helps explain the tradition’s rise to virtually unrivaled elite status in Song-era Buddhist monasticism, and illuminates the emergence of new genres of Chan Buddhist literature—such as “discourse records” (yulu)—that came to be treated with the respect previously reserved for canonical Buddhist scriptures.

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Han, Jaehee, Soonil Hwang, Hyebin Lee, and Jens Braarvig. "Further Reflections on Zhi Qian’s Foshuo Pusa Benye Jing: Some Terminological Questions." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 11, 2021): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080634.

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Zhi Qian (支謙, fl. ca. 220–257 CE), a prolific Yuezhi-Chinese translator of Indian Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, is widely known for his broad range of styles and terminology. For several decades, his translation activities and his legacy in the history of Chinese Buddhist literature have been a rich field of research, particularly within the context of the transmission of Buddhism from India to China. In the present article, as a follow-up study to “Buddhism for Chinese readers: Zhi Qian’s Literary Refinements in the Foshuo pusa benye jing,” recently published by the authors in this journal, we offer additional reflections on distinctive features of Zhi Qian’s language. We focus on four unusual and interesting renderings in the Foshuo pusa benye jing (佛說菩薩本業經, T. 281), namely (1) santu 三塗; (2) shezui 捨罪; (3) kong 空, wu xiang 無想 and bu yuan 不願; and (4) sishi buhu 四時不護. Through an analysis of these words and phrases, we discuss Zhi Qian’s translation techniques and lexical idiosyncrasies, highlighting their significance in our understanding of the dynamics of language contact and change in the early period of the Chinese Buddhist tradition. Thus, the paper investigates some key Buddhist terms as coined by the early translators on the basis of the classical Chinese and illustrates the semantic changes of the Chinese language taking place in the period as well as influence of Buddhist regimes of knowledge.

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Juan, Wu. "Mechanisms of Contact-Induced Linguistic Creations in Chinese Buddhist Translations." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 73, no. 3 (October 31, 2020): 385–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2020.00017.

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ABSTRACTWhile it has long been noted that Chinese Buddhist translations contain many new lexical and syntactic elements that were created due to the contact between Indic and Chinese languages during the translation process, few attempts have been made to systematically explore the major mechanisms of such contact-induced creations. This paper examines six mechanisms of contact-induced lexical creations and three mechanisms of contact-induced syntactic creations in Chinese Buddhist translations. All of these mechanisms have parallels in non-Sinitic language contacts. The parallels demonstrate that Chinese Buddhist translations and non-Sinitic language contacts show striking similarities in the ways in which they brought about new lexical and syntactic elements.

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Galvan-Alvarez, Enrique. "Meditative Revolutions? A Preliminary Approach to US Buddhist Anarchist Literature." Atlantis. Journal of the Spanish Association for Anglo-American Studies 42, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28914/atlantis-2020-42.2.08.

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This article discusses the various shapes, inner structures and roles given to transformative and liberative practices in the work of US Buddhist anarchist authors (1960-2010). Unlike their Chinese and Japanese predecessors, who focused more on discursive parallelisms between Buddhism and anarchism or on historical instances of antiauthoritarianism within the Buddhist tradition(s), US Buddhist anarchists seem to favour practice and experience. This emphasis, characteristic of the way Buddhism has been introduced to the West,sometimes masks the way meditative techniques were used in traditional Buddhist contexts as oppressive technologies of the self. Whereas the emphasis on the inherently revolutionary nature of Buddhist practice represents a radical departure from the way those practices have been conceptualised throughout Buddhist history, it also involves the danger of considering Buddhist practice as an ahistorical sine qua non for social transformation. This is due to the fact that most early Buddhist anarchist writers based their ideas on a highly idealised, Orientalist imagination of Zen Buddhism(s). However, recent contributions based on other traditions have offered a more nuanced, albeit still developing picture. By assessing a number of instances from different US Buddhist anarchist writers, the article traces the brief history of the idea that meditation is revolutionary praxis, while also deconstructing and complicating it through historical and textual analysis.

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Xiaodong, Yang. "Inscribing Scriptural Catalogs: Apropos of Two Southern Song Pagodas and Related Buddhist Monuments in the Sichuan Basin." T’oung Pao 106, no. 5-6 (December 31, 2020): 602–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10656p04.

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Abstract Commonly referred to in Chinese by the term jinglu, scriptural catalogs constitute a specific sort of Sinitic bibliographical literature that deals primarily with texts accepted in East Asian Buddhist circles as authoritative in matters of religion. The role that these catalogs played in the history of the Chinese Buddhist canon has become the subject of various important studies, but still oft-neglected are the functional places that such texts filled in the sphere of Buddhist devotional practice. To try to redress the balance, this essay brings into focus a small but significant group of Southern Song (1127-1279) Buddhist monuments in the Sichuan basin. Not only do these monuments allow us a rare glimpse into the devotional uses and symbolic functions of scriptural catalogs, but they offer a vantage point from which to view at least a part of what premodern Buddhists in the Sichuan basin actually believed and practiced.

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Tang, Muh-Chyun, Weijen Teng, and Miaohua Lin. "Determining the critical thresholds for co-word network based on the theory of percolation transition." Journal of Documentation 76, no. 2 (December 11, 2019): 462–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-06-2019-0117.

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Purpose One of the chief purposes of bibliometric analysis is to reveal the intellectual structure of a knowledge domain. Yet due to the magnitude and the heterogeneous nature of bibliometric networks, some sorts of filtering procedures are often required to make the resulting network interpretable. A co-word analysis of more than 135,000 scholarly publications on Buddhism was conducted to compare the intellectual structure of Buddhist studies in three language communities, Chinese, English and Japanese, over two periods (1957–1986 and 1987–2016). Six co-word similarity networks were created so social network analysis-based community-detection algorithm can be identified to compare major research themes in different languages and eras. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach A series of filtering procedures was performed to exclude less discriminatory keywords and spurious relationships of a large, cross-language co-word network in Buddhist studies. Chief among the filtering heuristics was a percolation-transition based method to determine the similarity threshold that involves observing the relative decrease of nodes in the giant component with the increasing similarity threshold. Findings It was found that the topical patterns in the Chinese and Japanese scholarship of Buddhism are alike and observably distinct from that of the English scholarship. Furthermore, a far more drastic changes of research themes were observed in the English literature relative to the Chinese and Japanese literature. Originality/value The filtering procedures were shown to greatly enhance the modularity values and limited the number of modularity classes; thus, domain expert interpretation is feasible.

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Surowen, D. A. "INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM ON THE EXPANSION OF WRITING IN THE MID SIXTH CENTURY YAMATO." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 4 (December 23, 2018): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-4-79-92.

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The article features the influence of Buddhism, which appeared in Japan in the first half of the VI century, on the expansion of writing and written culture in Yamato. The author believes that the Chinese dynastic stories underestimated the expansion of writing in Japan during the VI century in their wish to link the appearance of the written language with Buddhism, which contradicts the finds of ancient Japanese epigraphic inscriptions on swords and mirrors made in the V century. The confusion in the Chinese sources probably arose from the ancient tradition of talking knots and cuts on wooden plates in the early VI century. Yamato had to refuse from this practice when Buddhism entered Japan in the early VI century. First, Buddhism was introduced at the court of the unrecognized Yamato ruler, prince Hironiwa (future Kimmei) in 538 A.D. It was officially recognized during his rule in 552 A.D., which was confirmed by the Chinese dynastic histories. To read Buddhist literature and write in good Chinese, new Japanese adepts and scientists had to master thieroglyphic writing.

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Silk, Jonathan A. "A Brief Introduction to Recent Chinese Studies on Sanskrit and Khotanese (Chiefly Buddhist) Literature." Indo-Iranian Journal 64, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06401002.

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Abstract The past decade has seen the appearance of a number of Chinese publications relevant to the readership of the Indo-Iranian Journal. This article briefly introduces some of those publications, dealing mostly with Buddhist sources, primarily in Sanskrit, Khotanese and Middle Indic.

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Kotyk, Jeffrey. "Chinese State and Buddhist Historical Sources on Xuanzang: Historicity and the Daci’en si sanzang fashi zhuan 大慈恩寺三藏法師傳." T’oung Pao 105, no. 5-6 (January 30, 2020): 513–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10556p01.

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Abstract This paper explores the historicity of state and Buddhist accounts of the monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (602-664), arguing that in the reconstruction of Xuanzang’s life and career we ought to utilize the former to help adjudicate the latter. It is specifically argued that the Daci’en si sanzang fashi zhuan 大慈恩寺三藏法師傳 (T. no. 2053), a biography of Xuanzang sometimes cited by modern scholars, was produced as Buddhist propaganda to advance the standing of certain monks under the reign of Wu Zetian 武則天 (r. 690-705). It is further argued that the objectivity of the Buddhist account that describes Emperor Taizong 太宗 (r. 626-649) embracing Buddhism in his twilight years under the influence of Xuanzang ought to be reconsidered.

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Wu, Hui. "Shakespeare in Chinese Cinema." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 10, no. 25 (December 31, 2013): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mstap-2013-0006.

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Shakespeare’s plays were first adapted in the Chinese cinema in the era of silent motion pictures, such as A Woman Lawyer (from The Merchant of Venice, 1927), and A Spray of Plum Blossoms (from The Two Gentlemen of Verona, 1931). The most recent Chinese adaptations/spinoffs include two 2006 films based on Hamlet. After a brief review of Shakespeare’s history in the Chinese cinema, this study compares the two Chinese Hamlets released in 2006—Feng Xiaogang’s Banquet and Hu Xuehua’s Prince of the Himalayas to illustrate how Chinese filmmakers approach Shakespeare. Both re-invent Shakespeare’s Hamlet story and transfer it to a specific time, culture and landscape. The story of The Banquet takes place in a warring state in China of the 10th century while The Prince is set in pre-Buddhist Tibet. The former as a blockbuster movie in China has gained a financial success albeit being criticised for its commercial aesthetics. The latter, on the other hand, has raised attention amongst academics and critics and won several prizes though not as successful on the movie market. This study examines how the two Chinese Hamlet movies treat Shakespeare’s story in using different filmic strategies of story, character, picture, music and style.

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ROŠKER, Jana S. "Mindfulness and Its Absence – The Development of the Term Mindfulness and the Meditation Techniques Connected to It from Daoist Classics to the Sinicized Buddhism of the Chan School." Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2016.4.2.35-56.

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This article addresses the modifications of the term mindfulness in sinicized meditation practices derived from Indian Buddhism. It attempts to shed some light on these modifications from two different aspects: first the classical Daoist meditation practices were analysed, and this showed why and in what way did the Daoist terminology function as a bridge in the initial phase of translating Buddhist concepts and the sinicization of Buddhist philosophy. The second aspect focused on the concept of mindfulness. The author addressed the development of the original etymological meaning and the later semantic connotations of the concept nian 念, which––in most translated literature––represents synonyms for the term sati (Pāli) or smrti (Sanskrit), from which it is translated into awareness (in most Indo-European languages) or mindfulness (in English). Based on the analysis of these two aspects the author showed the specifics of the modification of the term mindfulness in Chinese meditative practices as they were formed in the Buddhism of the Chan 禪 School. The various understandings of this concept are shown through the contrast of the interpretations of the notion of nian 念 in the North and South Schools of Chan Buddhism.

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Shentsova, I. V. "Cultural interaction of Turkic peoples in Siberia affirmed by their lexical data: Lexical set “Musical instruments”." Sibirskiy filologicheskiy zhurnal, no. 3 (2020): 180–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18137083/72/14.

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The paper highlights the development of cultural ties between the Turkic peoples of Siberia using the analysis of musical instruments’ names. A fund of lexical units has been formed of the Khakas, Shor, Teleut, Altai, Tuva, Tofalar, Yakut terms. The research has resulted in the classification of the items into three parts: the first part of lexemes is represented in all languages under investigation, the second part belongs to a group of languages, and the third includes the units of a particular language. Overall, the names of musical instruments in the Siberian Turkic languages make up opposition to the Western and Southern Turkic, which have a considerable amount of Arabic and Persian musical terms. A few integrative lexemes in the Siberian Turkic are of Chinese origin. These lexemes date to the Old Turkic period. These items are common for the Siberian Turkic and the Western and Southern Turkic. The Siberian Turkic languages undergo differentiation into two main groups. The musical terms are much alike in Khakas, Shor, Teleut. The analogоus items unite Altai, Tuva, Tofalar. The Yakut vocabulary resembles Tuva in some ways. In the languages under analysis, the lexical set “Musical instruments” is not identical. Each language has acquired some special units. A few new terms have been made up in Khakas and Shor. A great number of specific lexemes have been made up in Yakut. Specific lexemes in Tuva have analogs in the Mongolian language. These lexemes refer to the terms of the Buddhist orchestra.

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Hureau, Sylvie. "A Guide to the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Translations. Texts from the Eastern Han and Three Kingdoms Periods." T'oung Pao 95, no. 1 (2009): 210–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/008254309x12586659061686.

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Petersen, Kristian. "The Heart of Wang Daiyu’s Philosophy: The Seven Subtleties of Islamic Spiritual Physiology." Journal of Sufi Studies 2, no. 2 (2013): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341254.

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Abstract The True Explanation of the Orthodox Teaching (Zhengjiao zhenquan 正教真詮), published in 1642 by Wang Daiyu 王岱輿 (ca. 1590–1658), is the oldest extant text in the Han Kitab, a Sino-Islamic canon. This literature employed Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist language and imagery to explain Islamic thought. Wang was a pioneering figure in the institutionalization of this distinct Sino-Islamic discourse and crystallized much of the terminology used throughout subsequent Han Kitab literature. In the Zhengjiao zhenquan, Wang analyzes the spiritual nature of the heart, dividing it into three aspects and seven levels. These seven levels are correlative of the classification of subtleties (laṭāʾif ) or stages (aṭwār) developed by authors affiliated with the Kubrawi Sufi order. In this article, Wang’s spiritual taxonomy is analyzed in comparison with delineations of the multiple levels of the heart determined by Najm al-Dīn Rāzī (d. 1256) and Nūr al-Dīn Isfarāyīnī (d. 1317). Through a close reading of the sources I establish the intellectual influences from these authors’ thought on Wang’s explanation of Islam. By doing so we begin to determine the various sources for Sino-Islamic thought and determine an exact lexical register of Chinese language Islamic literature.

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Chen, Ruifeng. "The Relationship between Three Short Indigenous Chinese Buddhist Scriptures and the Textual Practices Found in their Dunhuang Manuscript Colophons." T’oung Pao 106, no. 5-6 (December 31, 2020): 552–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10656p03.

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Abstract This article studies the relationship between colophons for, and the content of, Dunhuang manuscripts of three indigenous Chinese Buddhist scriptures: the Jiu zhuzhongsheng kunan jing, the Xin pusa jing, and the Quanshan jing. I find that the aspirations for copying these scriptures and the ways of using them are mostly consistent with their content. The patrons or users of these scriptures seem to have largely understood their content. Also, the similarities in the content, and the length of the Jiu zhuzhongsheng kunan jing and the Xin pusa jing should be two factors that account for why these scriptures were frequently copied as one set. Concerns for one’s own family and the relevant instructions in the texts may have led patrons to prefer to copy the Xin pusa jing twice, but the other two scriptures only once as a single scribal act.

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Mair, Victor H. "Buddhism and the Rise of the Written Vernacular in East Asia: The Making of National Languages." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (August 1994): 707–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059728.

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The vast majority of premodern chinese literature, certainly all of the most famous works of the classical tradition, were composed in one form or another of Literary Sinitic (hereafter LS,wen-yen[-wen], also often somewhat ambiguously called “Classical Chinese” or “Literary Chinese”). Beginning in the medieval period, however, an undercurrent of written Vernacular Sinitic (hereafter VS,pai-hua[-wen])started to develop. The written vernacular came to full maturity in China only with the May Fourth Movement of 1919, after the final collapse during the 1911 revolution of the dynastic, bureaucratic institutions that had governed China for more than two millennia. It must be pointed out that the difference betweenwen-yenandpai-huais at least as great as that between Latin and Italian or between Sanskrit and Hindi. In my estimation, a thorough linguistical analysis would show that unadulteratedwen-yenand purepai-huaare actually far more dissimilar than are Latin and Italian or Sanskrit and Hindi. In fact, I believe thatwen-yenandpai-huabelong to wholly different categories of language, the former being a sort of demicryptography largely divorced from speech and the latter sharing a close correspondence with spoken forms of living Sinitic.

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REYNOLDS, MATTHEW. "Translation – Theory and Practice: A Historical Reader. Edited by Daniel Weissbort and Astradur Eysteinsson. Pp. 672. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Hb. £65. An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation. Edited by Martha P. Y. Cheung. Vol. 1: From the Earliest Times to the Buddhist Project. Pp. 300. Manchester: St Jerome Publishing, 2006. Hb. £45." Translation and Literature 17, no. 1 (March 2008): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136108000083.

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Both these anthologies fence in new territory for thoughts about translation to roam. Volume 1 of Martha Cheung's Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation – compiled with the help of a large advisory board of Chinese scholars – ranges from Laozi in the sixth century BC to the mid Song dynasty in the twelfth century. Almost all this material is brought into English for the first time. Daniel Weissbort and Astradur Eysteinsson's Historical Reader, again edited with the help of other experts, reaches out to include snippets of ethnography and life-writing alongside the familiar core of St Jerome, Dryden, Pound, Benjamin, et al. Though focused on translation into English, it gives space to German romantic arguments and to French views from the Renaissance and eighteenth century. And, though most concerned with the translation of literature, especially poetry, it also samples the counterpoint tradition of Bible translation, into German as well as English. Best of all, it is truly – as its title announces – an anthology of both Theory and Practice. Many translations (and some of their source texts) are included, in recognition of the obvious but neglected fact that translations themselves often resist or elude the statements criticism and theory make about them; that they are themselves instances of thinking through translation, not just raw material to be thought about. It is a magnificently compendious volume.

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Berezkin, Rostislav, and †Boris L. Riftin. "The Earliest Known Edition of The Precious Scroll of Incense Mountain and the Connections Between Precious Scrolls and Buddhist Preaching." T’oung Pao 99, no. 4-5 (2013): 445–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-9945p0006.

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This article introduces a reprint made in Hanoi in 1772 of an undated Chinese edition, originally published in Nanjing, of The Precious Scroll of Incense Mountain (Xiangshan baojuan). This edition, called the “Nanjing redaction” in the article, was preserved only partially as a ritual manual in China. Yet it provides important evidence for determining the early date of production of the text. By comparing certain features in the Nanjing redaction and in other redactions that circulated in China, it can be established that the Nanjing redaction is the earliest known to us. Its significance within the history of the baojuan genre is discussed, with special attention paid to the unique form and content of the text. Cet article présente la réimpression, réalisée à Hanoï en 1772, d’une édition chinoise non datée, originellement publiée à Nankin, du Rouleau précieux de la Montagne de l’Encens (Xiangshan baojuan). Appelée “version de Nankin” dans l’article, cette édition n’a survécu que partiellement en Chine comme manuel de rituel. Elle fournit pourtant d’importants indices sur l’ancienneté de la composition du texte. En comparant certains aspects de la version de Nankin et d’autres versions ayant circulé en Chine, il est possible d’établir que la version de Nankin et la plus ancienne qui nous soit parvenue. Son importance dans l’histoire du genre baojuan fait l’objet d’un examen dans lequel une attention particulière est accordée à l’originalité de la forme et du contenu du texte.

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XU, Zongliang. "中國傳統文化對生命倫理的影響." International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 5, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.51450.

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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.中國傳統文化的特點是整體性、綜合性，是互為經緯的一體文化，其核心是倫理道德思想。與生命倫理相關的重要觀念有：天人合一、神形相即、知行合一以及豐富的生命觀。當代生命倫理學必須在生命、倫理兩方面以及兩者的關係上，在理論探索與實踐活動的結合上下功夫，更須思考倫理問題背後的本質性終極性的理念。生命倫理學不是簡單的應用倫理，它會深涉生命哲學、道德哲學等領域，中國傳統文化中的豐富思想可以為生命倫理學的發展提供寶貴的思想資源。China, with a civil history of 5000 years, has rich cultural resources. Chinese culture differs from Western culture in the content of thought, the means of thinking and the form of expression. Generally, Chinese culture is not an analytical, discursive, dualistic system. Rather, it is characteristic of an entire, comprehensive monism. In the humanities, the Chinese have integrated literature, history and philosophy into one system, making them an integral whole. As the main body of Chinese culture, Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism agitate and annotate each other, becoming a cultural unity. Finally, the core of Chinese culture is the thought of morality.The important ideas of Chinese culture include the following. First is the unity of heaven and human. From the Chinese view, nature as a big cosmos and human as a small cosmos are closely bound up and regarded as an organic whole. The concept of "the unity of heaven and human" runs through the every aspect of human social life: political, economic, custom, moral as well as the relation between human and nature.Second is the unity of mind and body. Under this view, the body and the mind are interdependent. It emphasizes that the life is an integral whole and cannot be separated sharply between mind and body. The process of life is the process of keeping balancing and harmonizing between body and mind. The third is the unity of knowing and doing. This idea takes that knowing and doing cannot be taken separately, they must be linked up with each other. A focus is give to practice - knowing is always serving for the purpose of doing. Finally, Chinese culture carries rich concepts of life.These characteristics exert great influence on bioethics. Take the issue of euthanasia as an example. Should euthanasia be moral and legal? How should we choose euthanasia? From the Chinese view, these are in-depth problems concerning at least how we should understand human life as a unity of mind and body. A terminal patient usually has both bodily and psychological suffering. If we only attempt to relieve his bodily suffering by offering euthanasia, we will cut apart his whole life and be unable to embody the humanistic spirit of medicine.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 57 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

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Ming-Wood, Liu. "The Lotus Sūtra and Garland Sūtra According To the T'Ien-T'Ai and Hua-Yen Schools in Chinese Buddhism." T'oung Pao 74, no. 1 (1988): 47–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853288x00095.

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Zhu, Qingzhi, and Bohan Li. "The language of Chinese Buddhism." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 5, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.17010.zhu.

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Abstract This is a more detailed introduction of the language of Chinese Buddhism based on our latest research of Buddhist Chinese, which is a modern Chinese historical linguistic category applied to a form of written Chinese originated for and used in Buddhist texts, including the translations into Chinese of Indian Buddhist scriptures and all Chinese works of Buddhism composed by Chinese monks and lay Buddhists in the past. We attempt to answer in this paper the following questions: What is Buddhist Chinese? What is the main difference between Buddhist Chinese and non-Buddhist Chinese? What role did this language play in the history of Chinese language development? And what is the value of this language for the Chinese Historical Linguistics?

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Zhang, Fan. "Chinese-Buddhist Encounter." Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.2.87-111.

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The standard pictorial formula of Fuxi and Nüwa, a pair of indigenous Chinese deities, started to absorb new motifs from Buddhist art during the early medieval period when Buddhism became more prominent in China. In this paper, I focus on the juxtaposition of Fuxi-Nüwa and cintamani, a magic Buddhist jewel, depicted on the ceiling of the corridor in the tomb of Lady Poduoluo, Pingcheng, Shanxi (435 CE). Through a detailed visual analysis, I explain the multiple meanings embedded in the combination of the Chinese mythological figures with the Buddhist symbol in the funerary space, thus challenging the previous studies that understand cintamani only as a substitute for the sun and moon. This paper furthers the discussion on the hybrid image by investigating the mural painting on the ceiling of Mogao Cave 285 in Dunhuang. Despite their different spatial and temporal contexts, both the tomb of Lady Poduoluo and Mogao Cave 285 present a similar pictorial formula, featuring the hybridization of cintamani and the Fuxi-Nuwa pair. This phenomenon invites us to explore the transmission of such motifs. I, therefore, situate the production of the syncretic scheme of Fuxi-Nüwa with cintamani within a broader historical context and examine the artistic exchange between Pingcheng and Dunhuang by tracing the movements of images, artisans, and patrons in early medieval China.

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D'Ambrosio, Paul J. "Brook Ziporyn’s (Chinese) Buddhist Reading of Chinese Philosophy." Buddhist Studies Review 34, no. 2 (January 19, 2018): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.35394.

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This review article defends Brook Ziporyn against the charge, quite common in graduate classroom discussions, if not in print, that his readings of early Chinese philosophy are ‘overly Buddhist’. These readings are found in his three most recent books: Ironies of Oneness and Difference: Coherence in Early Chinese Thought, Beyond Oneness and Difference: Li and Coherence in Chinese Buddhist Thought and Its Antecedents, and Emptiness and Omnipresence: An Essential Introduction to Tiantai Buddhism. His readings are clearly Buddhist-influenced, but this is not in and of itself problematic. The core issue is rather to what degree these ‘Buddhist elements’ are actually already existent in, and have subsequently been carried over from, early Chinese thought in the development of Chinese Buddhism. Indeed, some scholars of Chinese Buddhism have pointed out that much of the vocabulary, concepts, and logic used in schools such as Tiantai may owe more to Daoist influences than to Buddhist ones. Accordingly, Ziporyn’s ‘overly Buddhist’ approach might simply be an avenue of interpretation that is actually quite in line with the thinking in the early texts themselves, albeit one that is less familiar (i.e. an early Chinese Buddhist or Ziporyn’s approach). The article also aims to show how Ziporyn’s theory concerning the importance of ‘coherence’ in early and later Chinese philosophy is also quite important in his above work on Tiantai Buddhism, Emptiness and Omnipresence. While in this work Ziporyn almost entirely abstains from using the language of coherence, much of it actually rests on a strong coherence-based foundation, thereby demonstrating not Ziporyn’s own prejudice, but rather the thoroughgoing importance and versatility of his arguments on coherence. Indeed, understanding the importance of coherence in his readings of Tiantai Buddhism (despite the fact that he does not explicitly use coherence-related vocabulary) only bolsters the defense against the claims that he makes ‘overly Buddhist’ readings of early Chinese philosophy.

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Yu-Chun Wang. "Word Segmentation for Classical Chinese Buddhist Literature." Journal of the Japanese Association for Digital Humanities 5, no. 2 (December 25, 2020): 154–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17928/jjadh.5.2_154.

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Kitsudō, Kōichi. "Two Chinese Buddhist texts written by Uighurs." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 3 (September 2011): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.64.2011.3.5.

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Xiaosheng, Liang, Liu Shicong, and Christine Ferreira. "The Chinese Language." Antioch Review 46, no. 2 (1988): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4611883.

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임전인(Ren Chuanyin). "A Study of Master Fa Ding’ Buddhist Literature Including a Comparison with Chinese Contemporary Buddhist Literature." Journal of Study on Language and Culture of Korea and China ll, no. 40 (February 2016): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.16874/jslckc.2016..40.011.

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김혜준 and LIANG NAN. "Exploration on Chinese-Language Literature produced by Chinese-Korean writers." Journal of Chinese Language and Literature ll, no. 55 (December 2012): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26586/chls.2012..55.014.

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KIM, Hyejoon. "Transnational Overseas Chinese Families in North American Chinese-Language Literature." Journal of Modern Chinese Literature 92 (January 31, 2020): 121–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46487/jmcl.2020.01.92.121.

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CHEN, HUAIYU. "Newly Identified Khotanese Fragments in the British Library and Their Chinese Parallels." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 22, no. 2 (April 2012): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000156.

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AbstractThis article identifies three Khotanese fragments in the British Library – IOL Khot 25/4, IOL Khot 147/5 (H. 147 NS 106) and Khot missing frags. 3 – as Agrapradīpadhāraṇī, Mahāvaipulya-buddha-Avataṃsaka-sūtra-acintya-visaya-pradesa and Hastikakṣyā, since their parallels have been found in the Chinese canon. The first identification adds one more dhāraṇī text to the current Khotanese Buddhist corpus. The second identification provides a better understanding of the Buddhist connection between Khotan and Central China. The Chinese version was translated by a Khotanese monk named Devendraprajña. The second identification indicates that the text Hastikakṣyā has a Khotanese translation, in addition to a Sanskrit version and two Chinese translations. In sum, this article sheds new light on Buddhist literature in Khotanese and its connection with Buddhist literature in Chinese.

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Wang, Yongyang. "Learning across borders – Chinese migrant literature and intercultural Chinese language education." Language and Intercultural Communication 14, no. 3 (May 15, 2014): 339–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14708477.2014.901598.

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Pagel, Ulrich. "About Ugra and his Friends: a Recent Contribution on Early Mahāyāna Buddhism. A review article." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005882.

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AbstractResearch in Mahāyāna sūtras is a slow and painstaking process. Typically, it involves a careful study of multiple versions of individual texts, composed in different languages (Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan) as well as immersion in the voluminous but largely unchartered corpus of canonical literature preserved in the bKa' 'gyur and the Chinese ‘Tripiṭaka’. Years may easily go by without any noteworthy publication. Thus, when a new book appears, scholarly expectation tends to be high. Jan Nattier's study of the Ugrapariprcchā is no exception. Eagerly awaited among colleagues for its research on early Mahāyāna Buddhism – the Ugrapariprcchā is widely recognised to rank among the first Mahāyāna sūtras – Nattier's work promised to dispel at least some of the mist that continues to cloud this ill-understood period. Even though hers is not the first study and translation of the Ugrapariprcchā (Nancy Schuster wrote her PhD dissertation on this text, 1976), Nattier managed to produce a remarkable, original piece of scholarship that brims with thought-provoking ideas about the formation of the Mahāyāna, persuasive refutations of old-seated misconceptions, well-conceived approaches to textual interpretation and a competently crafted translation of the Chinese and Tibetan versions. In short, it is a book that needs to be taken seriously.

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Alexander Beecroft. "When Cosmopolitanisms Intersect: An Early Chinese Buddhist Apologetic and World Literature." Comparative Literature Studies 47, no. 3 (2010): 266–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cls.2010.0027.

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Goble, Geoffrey C. "Three Buddhist Texts from Dunhuang." Asian Medicine 12, no. 1-2 (February 21, 2017): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341396.

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Abstract“Three Buddhist Texts from Dunhuang” provides an introduction to and translation of texts that are representative of the larger genre of Chinese Buddhist medical literature. These examples are indigenous Chinese Buddhist scriptures dating to the early ninth century. They were recovered in the early twentieth century at Dunhuang in western China. Although they often draw from Indian Buddhist sources, these texts are local Chinese products and are characterized by etiologies and therapeutics drawn from both Indian Buddhist traditions and Chinese worldviews. In these texts, disease is alternately the result of personal immorality, divine retribution, and collective misconduct. The prescribed therapies are also multiple, but consistently social in nature. These include worshiping buddhas and Buddhist deities, performing repentance rituals, copying Buddhist scriptures, sponsoring meals, and refraining from immoral behavior. As manuscripts essentially discoveredin situ, these texts provide valuable insight into on-the-ground worldviews, concerns, practices, and institutions in far western China. With their composite nature, drawing from established Indian Buddhist scriptures, folk beliefs, and governmental fiats, they are also suggestive of the strategies behind indigenous textual production.

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Guangshun, CAO, and YU Hsiao-jung. "The Influence of Translated Later Han Buddhist Sutras on the Development of the Chinese Disposal Construction." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 29, no. 2 (2000): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000079.

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Between the Han and Tang dynasties, the Serial Verb Construction underwent aseries of developments and changes. The BA construction was one result. Interestingly, these changes are mainly revealed in translated Buddhist sutras. The new grammatical forms not only emerged in Buddhist texts earlier than native forms, but also with higher occurrence rates. We compare and contrast the differences of the disposal construction as seen in translated Buddhist sutras and in native Chinese documents, tracing its development processes.

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Mu, Yezi. "The development of QIE 且 in Medieval Chinese." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 47, no. 1 (October 11, 2018): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04701002.

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Abstract In Medieval Chinese, a new function of QIE as a marker of polite imperative started to appear, and its use gradually increased in frequency until the late Old Mandarin era. This paper proposes a possible path for the development of this function of QIE in Medieval Chinese, and suggests that it might have evolved from its use for transient situations with hortative modality. Moreover, contact with Indic languages via the translation of Buddhist texts in the Medieval Chinese era also seems to have facilitated the development of QIE from a temporal adverb to a marker of polite imperative.

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김혜준. "Sinophone Literature, World Chinese Literature, and Overseas Chinese-Language Literature ― Mainland Responses on the Sinophone Literature Discourse." Journal of Chinese Language and Literature ll, no. 80 (April 2017): 329–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26586/chls.2017..80.014.

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Wong, Tak-sum, and John S. Y. Lee. "Vernacularization in Medieval Chinese: A quantitative study on classifiers, demonstratives, and copulae in the Chinese Buddhist Canon." Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 34, no. 1 (July 25, 2018): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/llc/fqy012.

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Sun, Wen. "Texts and Ritual: Buddhist Scriptural Tradition of the Stūpa Cult and the Transformation of Stūpa Burial in the Chinese Buddhist Canon." Religions 10, no. 12 (December 4, 2019): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10120658.

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Chinese translations of Buddhist sūtras and Chinese Buddhist literature demonstrate how stūpas became acknowledged in medieval China and how clerics and laypeople perceived and worshiped them. Early Buddhist sūtras mentioned stūpas, which symbolize the presence of the Buddha and the truth of the dharma. Buddhist canonical texts attach great significance to the stūpa cult, providing instructions regarding who was entitled to have them, what they should look like in connection with the occupants’ Buddhist identities, and how people should worship them. However, the canonical limitations on stūpa burial for ordinary monks and prohibitions of non-Buddhist stūpas changed progressively in medieval China. Stūpas appeared to be erected for ordinary monks and the laity in the Tang dynasty. This paper aims to outline the Buddhist scriptural tradition of the stūpa cult and its changes in the Chinese Buddhist Canon, which serves as the doctrinal basis for understanding the significance of funerary stūpas and the primordial archetype for the formation of a widely accepted Buddhist funeral ritual in Tang China.

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김혜준. "An Essay on the Study for "Chinese-language Literature by Chinese Diaspora"." Journal of Chinese Language and Literature ll, no. 50 (September 2011): 77–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.26586/chls.2011..50.004.

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Lee, Yi-chi, and Yong-su Han. "Comparative Study of ‘Chinese Literature Department’ and ‘Chinese Language Department’ in Taiwan." Journal of Chinese Language and Literature 112 (October 31, 2018): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.25021/jcll.2018.10.112.181.

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Despeux, Catherine. "Chinese Medicinal Excrement." Asian Medicine 12, no. 1-2 (February 21, 2017): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341390.

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AbstractThe use of medicinal excrement, of which there is some evidence under the Han, increased significantly in the Tang Dynasty. Many recipes, recorded in the Dunhuang manuscripts and in scholarly literature, are based on animal excrement. First, we want to show that this increase is due to the influence of foreign medicines, mainly Āyurvedic medicine and, second, that Buddhism played a key role in this development. By comparing Indian medical sources, Chinese manuscripts from Dunhuang (which was a privileged site for the transfer of knowledge), Chinese texts of scholarly literature, and Buddhist sources, the role of Buddhism in spreading the use of medical excrement can be observed. Buddhism first exerted an ethical influence through the idea of compassion for beings suffering from illness, which then led to the search for first-aid remedies that were cheap and easy to procure, especially in the natural environment, such as the feces of domestic animals. The notion was then conveyed that, beyond the tension between pure and filthy, no remedy is vile and every substance can be a remedy, an idea that can be traced back to Āyurvedic medicine and that is embedded in the story of the model Indian physician, Jīvaka. Finally, the circulation and distribution of animal fecal recipes (here we have taken the example of cow dung) follows the passage of Buddhism from India to China as does the dissemination of such remedies. Thus, we show that Buddhism was a catalyst and a vector for the transmission and transfer of knowledge on medicinal excrement.

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Devi, Dr V. Yamuna. "Buddhist Literature in Tamil, Päli and Chinese from Tamil Nadu." Pracya 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.22271/pracya.2019.v11.i1.72.

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Wang, Yu-Chun, Chun-Kai Wu, Richard Tzong-Han Tsai, and Jieh Hsiang. "Transliteration Pair Extraction from Classical Chinese Buddhist Literature Using Phonetic Similarity Measurement." New Generation Computing 31, no. 4 (October 2013): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00354-013-0402-1.

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45

Chiu, Tzu-Lung. "The Application of Traditional Rules of Purity (Qinggui) in Contemporary Taiwanese Monasteries." Buddhist Studies Review 36, no. 2 (March 19, 2020): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsr.39351.

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Vinaya rules embody the ideal of how Buddhists should regulate their daily lives, and monastics are required to observe them, despite the fact that they were compiled nearly 2,500 years ago in India: a context dramatically different not only from Chinese Buddhism's present monastic conditions, but from its historical conditions. Against this backdrop, rules of purity (qinggui) were gradually formulated by Chinese masters in medieval times to supplement and adapt vinaya rules to China's cultural ethos and to specific local Chinese contexts. This study explores how the traditional qinggui are applied by the Buddhist sa?gha in present-day Taiwan, and contrasts modern monastics' opinions on these rules and their relation to early Buddhist vinaya, on the one hand, against classical Chan literature (such as Chanyuan qinggui) and the Buddhist canon (such as Dharmaguptakavinaya), on the other. This comparison fills a notable gap in the existing literature.

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Chiu, Tzu-Lung. "The Application of Traditional Rules of Purity (Qinggui) in Contemporary Taiwanese Monasteries." Buddhist Studies Review 36, no. 2 (March 19, 2020): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.39351.

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Vinaya rules embody the ideal of how Buddhists should regulate their daily lives, and monastics are required to observe them, despite the fact that they were compiled nearly 2,500 years ago in India: a context dramatically different not only from Chinese Buddhism's present monastic conditions, but from its historical conditions. Against this backdrop, rules of purity (qinggui) were gradually formulated by Chinese masters in medieval times to supplement and adapt vinaya rules to China's cultural ethos and to specific local Chinese contexts. This study explores how the traditional qinggui are applied by the Buddhist sa?gha in present-day Taiwan, and contrasts modern monastics' opinions on these rules and their relation to early Buddhist vinaya, on the one hand, against classical Chan literature (such as Chanyuan qinggui) and the Buddhist canon (such as Dharmaguptakavinaya), on the other. This comparison fills a notable gap in the existing literature.

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Yang, Gang, and Christoph Anderl. "PROGNOSTICATION IN CHINESE BUDDHIST HISTORICAL TEXTS THE GĀOSĒNG ZHUÀN AND THE XÙ GĀOSĒNG ZHUÀN." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 73, no. 1 (March 2020): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2020.00001.

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This paper explores topics and techniques of prognostication as recorded in medieval Buddhist historical literature, with an emphasis on the Gāosēng zhuàn 高僧傳 (GSZ) and Xù gāosēng zhuàn 續高僧傳 (XGSZ). The paper first provides a short survey of how prognostication is treated in Chinese Buddhist translated texts. In these ‘canonical’ sources there is clear ambiguity over the use of supernatural powers: on the one hand, such practices are criticised as non-Buddhist or even heterodox; on the other, narratives on Śākyamuni’s former and present lives as well as accounts of other buddhas, bodhisattvas, and the Buddha’s disciples abound with descriptions of their special abilities, including knowledge of the future. In contrast, the GSZ and XGSZ display a clear standpoint concerning mantic practices and include them as integral aspects of monastics’ lives. The two texts articulate that the ability to predict the future and other supernatural powers are natural by-products of spiritual progress in the Buddhist context. This paper discusses the incorporation of various aspects of the Indian and Chinese traditions in monastics’ biographies, and investigates the inclusion of revelations of future events (for example, in dreams) and mantic techniques in these texts. In addition, it traces parallels to developments in non-Buddhist literature and outlines some significant differences between the GSZ and the XGSZ.

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Tsendina, Anna D. "‘Booklore’ Talismans in Daily Life of the Mongols: A Case Study of Two Collections of Mongolian Manuscripts." Oriental Studies 13, no. 6 (December 29, 2020): 1632–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-52-6-1632-1640.

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Introduction. By the beginning of the 20th century, the Mongols had widely used texts on apotropaic magic in their daily life. Among them there are writings with pictures and descriptions of talismans aimed at averting diseases and mishaps, attracting wealth and good favour. All this sort of writings resembles heterogeneity of traditions. Goals. The paper aims at examining various types of ‘booklore’ talismans in magic practices of the Mongols. Results. Like other spheres of Mongolian culture those represent pre-Buddhist, Buddhist and Chinese layers. That was conditioned by the history of the Mongols, their neighbourhood with civilizations they had been integrated with during the course of their existence. As for ‘booklore’ talismans, there are two groups of them: one includes pictures originated from Taoist talismans, the other includes Indian and Tibetan dharanis, texts and Buddhist symbols. They penetrated into the Mongolian culture in different periods and in different ways. Thus, usage of ‘booklore’ talismans by the Mongols resulted in complicated multi-layer complexes which assembled Hindu, Tibetan pre-Buddhist, Mongolized Buddhist and Chinese Taoist elements in different combinations. Conclusions. The work reveals several clusters of ‘booklore’ talismans once popular among the Mongols and originated from pre-Buddhist, Buddhist and Taoist beliefs.

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Yangutov, Leonid E., and Marina V. Orbodoeva. "On Early Translations of Buddhist Sutras in China in the Era the Three Kingdoms: 220–280." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2019): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-2-331-343.

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The paper discusses the early days of translation in China which began with the translation of Buddhist texts from Sanskrit into Chinese. The article addresses one of the most difficult and dramatic periods in the history of translation activities, the era of Three Kingdoms (220-280). First efforts of the Buddhist missionaries in translating the Buddhist texts from Sanskrit into Chinese are poorly studied in the Russian science. The article aims to fill the gap. This goal sets the following tasks: (1) to analyze the translation activities in the kingdoms of Wei (220–265) and Wu (222–280) during Three Kingdoms period; (2) to show the place and role of the translators of these kingdoms in the development of the translation tradition in China; (3) to consider the quality of the Buddhist texts translations and their contribution to the development of Buddhism in China. The study shows that Buddhist missionaries who came to China from India and the countries of Central Asia during the Three Kingdoms period played an important role in the spreading of Buddhism. Their search for methods and tools to give the sense of Sanskrit texts in Chinese, which experience had had no experience of assimilation before Buddhism, prepared a fertile ground for the emergence in China of such translations of Buddhist literature that were able to convey the exact meaning of Buddhist teachings. The activities of the Three Kingdoms Buddhist texts translators reflected the rise of Indian Mahayana Buddhism and its texts formation. The article draws on bibliographic works of medieval authors: Hui Jiao’s “Gao Sen Zhuan” (“Biography of worthy monks”), Sen Yu’s “Chu San Zang Ji Ji” (“Collection of Translation Information about Tripitaka”), Fei Changfang’s “Li Dai San Bao Ji” (“Information about the three treasuries [during] historical epochs”), which figure prominently in Buddhist historiography. Also the authors draw on the latest Chinese research summarized in the monograph: Lai Yonghai (ed.). “Zhongguo fojiao tongshi” [General History of Chinese Buddhism]. Nanjing, 2006.

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Visigalli, Paolo. "Charting ‘Wilderness’ (araṇya) in Brahmanical and Buddhist Texts." Indo-Iranian Journal 62, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 162–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-06202002.

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Abstract The essay demonstrates the longevity and pervasiveness of Indic and Indic-derived etymological analyses (nirvacana) across literary traditions, in Sanskrit, Pāli, and Chinese. To exemplify different indigenous approaches to etymology, the essay explores emic analyses of the word araṇya ‘wilderness’. It traces the analyses found in Chāndogya Upaniṣad (8.5) and in the works of the etymologists (Nirukta) and grammarians (vyākaraṇa; uṇādisūtra). It also considers Paramārtha’s nirvacana-inspired analysis of Chinese alianruo 阿練若 (araṇya), and identifies a similar analysis in Aggavaṃsa’s Saddanīti. The essay shows etymological analyses’ sophistication and variety of purposes.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Chinese language Buddhist literature, Chinese'

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