Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Chinese language - Phonology'

American Sign Language (ASL) signs are claimed to be composed of four parameters: handshape, location, movement (Sto]çoe 1960) and palm orientation (Battison 1974). This paper focuses solely on handshape, that is, the configuration of the thumb and the fingers in a given sign. Handshape is significant in ASL and Chinese Sign Language (CSL); that is, minimal pairs exist for handshape in each. Thus, the two ASL signs in (1) differ in one parameter: the handshapes are different, but the location, palm orientation and movement are the same. Similarly, the two CSL signs in (2) differ in one parameter: handshape. A logical next question asks if handshapes are further divisible into parts; more specifically, are handshapes composed of distinctive features? This question is not new; in fact, researchers have made many proposals for ASL handshape features (Lane, Boyes -Braem and Bellugi, 1979; Mandel, 1981; Liddell and Johnson, 1985; Sandler, 1989; Corina and Sagey, 1988 and others). This paper focuses on the proposal of Corina and Sagey (1988). In Section 2, I outline the proposed system for the distinctive handshapes of ASL, of which [lateral] is a part. Then using data from ASL and CSL, I give three arguments in support of the claim that there is not sufficient justification in ASL or CSL for the feature [lateral]. First, I show in Section 3 that the prediction which follows from the claim that [lateral] applies only to the thumb, namely that the thumb behaves differently from the other fingers, is not borne out by CSL data. Second, I argue in Section 4 that since other features (proposed by Corina and Sagey, 1988) can derive the same phonetic effects as [lateral], [lateral] is unnecessary to describe thumb features in either ASL or CSL. Third, in Section 5, I use ASL and CSL data to argue that the notion of fingers as "specified" or "unspecified ", although intuitively pleasing, should be discarded. If this notion cannot be used, the feature [lateral] does not uniquely identify a particular set of handshapes. I show that CSL data suggests that two other features, [contact to palm] and [contact to thumb] are independently needed. With these two features, and the exclusion of [lateral], the handshapes of both ASL and CSL can be explained. In Section 6, the arguments against [lateral] are summarized.

La tesi Estudi contrastiu de l’estructura sil·làbica del català i del xinès estàndards i de les implicacions segmentals més rellevants per als aprenents sinòfons estudia la pronunciació del català pel que fa als aspectes segmentals i als suprasegmentals relatius a l’estructura sil·làbica per part dels estudiants xinesos que parlen el xinès estàndard (mandarí/putonghuà) com a llengua materna (L1). És el primer treball que no només aborda de manera global els problemes de pronunciació del català que presenten els aprenents sinòfons sinó que també ofereix solucions per millorar l’aprenentatge de la llengua oral catalana. L’interès per l’estudi ha estat suscitat, d’una banda, per l’augment d’alumnes xinesos que venen a estudiar a les universitats catalanes, els quals presenten accents estrangers molt notables, i, de l’altra, per les grans diferències que existeixen entre ambdues llengües, tant a nivell fonètic com a nivell fonològic. L’estudi es basa en l’anàlisi contrastiva, per la qual cosa es comparen tots els sons del xinès i del català estàndards, les estructures sil·làbiques i la configuració dels diftongs i els triftongs de les dues llengües, així com les regles fonològiques que afecten el català. La comparació global i contrastiva ha permès localitzar les dificultats de pronunciació que normalment afronten els estudiants sinòfons. També s’han tingut en compte els trets de l’anglès i l’espanyol, perquè són les dues llengües que els estudiants xinesos normalment han après abans del català i, per tant, poden interferir, tant positivament com negativament, en les pronunciacions del català. La investigació s’ha realitzat a partir d’un corpus de 248 paraules respost per 19 informants d’entre 18 i 33 anys que estudien a Barcelona i parlen el xinès estàndard com a L1, l’anglès i l’espanyol com a L2 i L3, i el català i altres llengües com a L4/L5/etc., repartits en tres nivells de coneixement del català: nivell inicial-bàsic, nivell mitjà i nivell avançat. Les dades obtingudes han permès detectar els errors i les imprecisions que presenten a cada nivell, i agrupar-los en aspectes de prioritat alta (desviacions bàsiques per a la intel·ligibilitat), de prioritat baixa (imprecisions que no afecten la intel·ligibilitat) i d’atenció esporàdica (problemes que indiquen accents estrangers però que no causen problemes d’intel·ligibilitat). Finalment, els resultats han servit per proposar solucions pràctiques per facilitar el procés d’adquisició i de perfeccionament de la pronunciació de la llengua catalana.
The thesis Contrastive study of the syllabic structure of Standard Catalan and Standard Chinese and the most important segmental implications for Chinese-speaking students is a study of Catalan pronunciation by Chinese students who speak Standard Chinese (Mandarin/Putonghua) as their mother tongue (L1). We have focused on segments difficult to master and suprasegmental aspects related to syllable structure. It is the first work that deals with the problems of Catalan pronunciation faced by Chinese-speaking students and offers suggestions to improve the acquisition of oral Catalan. The interest in this study has been motivated, on the one hand, by the increasing number of Chinese students who come to study in Catalan universities and the remarkable foreign accents that they display, and, on the other, by the great phonetic and phonological differences between Catalan and Chinese. The study, based on the Contrastive Analysis theory, compares all the sounds of Standard Chinese and Catalan, their syllabic structures and vowel glide configuration of both languages, as well as the phonological rules that affect Catalan. The global and contrastive comparison serves to locate the pronouncing difficulties that the Chinese-speaking students normally face when speak Catalan. We have also considered the phonetic features of English and Spanish because they are the two languages Chinese students have normally learned before they start studying Catalan and, therefore, they can interfere, both positively and negatively, in their pronunciation of Catalan. The research has been based on a corpus of 248 words pronounced by 19 informants aged between 18 and 33 who study in Barcelona and speak Standard Chinese as L1, English and Spanish as L2 and L3, and Catalan and other languages as L4/L5/etc. They are divided into three groups according to their Catalan levels: initial-basic, middle, and advanced levels. The data obtained has allowed to detect the errors and inaccuracies that they have presented in each level, and classify them as high priority (great deviations that affect intelligibility), low priority (inaccuracies that do not affect intelligibility) and sporadic attention (foreign accents that do not affect intelligibility). Finally, the results have helped us to propose practical solutions to facilitate the acquisition and improvement of Catalan pronunciation.

L'objectif de cette thèse était de présenter une description du dialecte de l'ouest du menya parlé dans le district de Kangding de la province du Sichuan en Chine. Sur le plan phonologique, la langue comprend 8 voyelles et 46 consonnes. L'opposition entre les non-RTRs et les RTRs est attestée pour les voyelles et elle manifeste des comportements d'harmonie vocalique d'une façon assez répandue qui peut toucher non seulement le niveau lexical, mais aussi morphologique. Pour les consonnes, grâce à l'harmonie vocalique, les uvulaires sont analysées comme des allophones des vélaires. L'étude des alternances tonales morphologiques nous a-aidé à découvrir deux tons (H et L) au niveau sous-jacent pour les monosyllabiques et ils sont neutralisés en une seule réalisation dans la forme de citation. Nos données confirment également l'existence de deux schèmes tonaux selon la position du ton H sur la première ou la deuxième syllabe d'un mot plurisyllabique. Sur le plan morphosyntaxique, une présentation du système nominal et verbal a été faite dans un premier lieu. Le menya manifeste un système casuel qui comporte plusieurs formes intégratives avec des fonctions différentes. Quand au système verbal, la langue manifeste un nombre intéressant d'alternances vocaliques : les alternances vocaliques des préfixes directionnels dues à l'existence d< deux préfixes causatifs /- et u-, ainsi que de la marque d'agent de troisième personne u- ; les alternances des radicaux verbaux marquant la personne. Nous avons également fait une description préliminaire de constructions phrastiques de la langue y compris les relatives, les complémentives, les comparatives et aussi les enchaînement phrastiques
This thesis presents a comprehensive description of a dialect of Western Menya ('mqpe) spoken in the Dar. Rtse. Mdo (Kangding) county, Sichuan Province, China. Menya has 8 vocalic phonemes and 46 consonantal phonemes. The contrast between the non-RTR vowels and RTR vowels is attested. Vowel harmony of these two sorts of vowels is manifested in a fairly common way that can affect not only the lexical level, but also the morphological level. As for the consonant system, with vowel harmony, the uvulars are analyzed as allophones of the velars. Morphological tonal alternation shows that there are two underlying tones (High and Low) in monosyllabic words, while being neutralized and surfacing as high falling in citation form. Our data also confirm that in polysyllabic words, only the first or the second syllable can receive a high tone. Morphosyntactic-wise, a presentation on nominal and verbal morphology is made in the first place. The Menya language demonstrates a system with several integrative case forms with different functions, such as ergative marking, possessive marking and dative marking. In the verbal system, Menya exhibits two types of vowel alternations : the first type involves orientational prefixes affected by causative prefixes /- and u-, and the mark of third person agent (3A) u-; and the second type the verbal stems with person marking. We also made a preliminary description of sentence patterns including relative clauses, complement clauses, comparative constructions and different sorts of clauses linking

Cette étude porte sur les corrélats phonétiques des registres tonals yin vs. yang du shanghaïen parlé dans la région urbaine de Shanghai. Nos investigations acoustique, articulatoire et perceptive ont montré qu’en dehors du F0, des indices multi-dimensionnels comme le voisement (voisé pour yang et non-voisé pour yin), le pattern de durée (ratio C/V bas pour yang et élevé pour yin), et le type de phonation (soufflé pour yang et modal pour yin) participent tous à la définition du registre tonal. Parmi tous ces indices, nous tâchons de distinguer les traits redondants liés aux effets coarticulatoires de ceux qui sont des survivants de changements diachroniques. En particulier, la voix soufflée qui accompagne les tons yang est un trait anciennement distinctif et aujourd’hui redondant, issu d’une évolution tonale qui est la transphonologization de distinction de voisement vers la distinction de registre tonal, ou « bipartition tonale ». Nous proposons que la perte d’un trait redondant issu d’un changement diachronique peut être très lente si ce trait ne contrarie pas les effets coarticulatoires et/ou si le trait a une fonction perceptive.En nous basant sur les données synchroniques des locuteurs de deux générations (20-30 ans vs. 60-80 ans), nous constatons une tendance vers la disparition de cette phonation soufflée. Nous constatons également une évolution plus avancée chez les femmes que les hommes de leur âge. Dans notre étude, nous essayons d’expliquer ce changement tant par des causes internes que par des causes externes
This study bears on the phonetic correlates of the yin vs. yang tone registers of Shanghai Chinese as spoken in Shanghai urban area. Our acoustic, articulatory, and perceptual investigations showed that beside F0, multidimensional cues, such as voicing (voiced for yang vs. voiceless for yin), duration pattern (low C/V ratio for yang vs. high C/V ratio for yin), and phonation type (breathy for yang vs. modal for yin) enter in the specification of tone register. Among all these cues, we attempt to distinguish the redundant features related to coarticulatory effects from those that are remnants of diachronic changes. In particular, the breathy voice accompanying yang tones, which was a distinctive feature in a previous state of the language and has now become a redundant feature, arose from a tonal evolution, namely the transphonologization of a voicing contrast into a tone register contrast, that is, the “tone split.” We propose that the loss of a redundant arisen from a diachronic change may be very slow if that feature does not oppose to coarticulatory effects and/or if that feature has a perceptual function.Based on the synchronic data from the speakers of two generations (20-30 years vs. 60-80 years), we find a trend toward the loss of this breathy phonation. We also find that this evolution is more advanced in women than men of the same age. In our study, we try to explain this change by internal factors as well as by external factors

Cette thèse présente une description du guiqiong, une langue tibéto-birmane, parlée dans la province du Sichuan en Chine. La langue y est décrite sous trois aspects : la phonologie, la morphologie et la syntaxe. Le guiqiong compte 34 phonèmes consonantiques simples et deux sortes de groupes de consonnes : 11 prénasales et des groupes comportant une glide (/j/ ou /w/). Le système vocalique du guiqiong est composé de huit voyelles orales et six voyelles nasales. Le guiqiong privilégie les syllabes ouvertes qui peut être réduit en principe à un seul type : (N)(C)(G)V. Le système tonal présente quatre tons phonologiques de surface dont deux sont des tons ponctuels et deux sont modulés : un ton moyen 33, un ton haut 55, un ton montant 35 et un ton descendant 53. Les phénomènes de sandhi tonal sont observés dans des contextes variés. En ce qui concerne la morphonologie, la dérivation, la réduplication et la composition constituent les mécanismes morphologiques principaux pour la création lexicale en guiqiong. Les emprunts au tibétain et au mandarin du Sud-Ouest sont tous attestés. Coté syntaxe, un nom du guiqiong peut être marqué par le nombre II peut également être marqué par la flexion casuelle. Les verbes présentent un système de marquage de TAM, de direction, de négation et d'interrogation. Il y a trois types majeurs de phrases simples en guiqiong : les phrases déclaratives, interrogatives et impératives. La nominalisation phrastique s'utilise en guiqiong pour construire la relativisation et la complémentation. L'utilisation de la conjonction et de la juxtaposition sont les deux mécanismes généralement utilisés dans d'autres types d'enchaînement des phrases
This thesis offers a description of Guiqiong, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Sichuan, China. Three aspects of the language in question are covered: phonology, morphology and the syntax. The consonant inventory of Guiqiong is comprised of 34 consonantal phonemes, with the possibility to form two types of consonant clusters : prenasalized consonants and clusters with the medial glides /w/ and 1)1. The vowel system is comprised of 8 oral vowels and 6 nasal vowels. Guiqiong is attested exclusively with open syllables, and the syllabic structure is (N)(C)(G)V. There are four tones in Guiqiong: high level (55), mid level (33), falling (53), and rising (35). Tone sandhi can be observed in various contexts. In terms of lexical morphology, derivation, reduplication and compounding represent the major processes to create new words. There are also Tibetan and South-Western Mandarin loanwords in Guiqiong. As far as the nominal system is concerned, a plural marker and a fairly elaborate inventory of case markers are attested in Guiqiong. Verbal marking in Guiqiong encodes TAM features, directionality, negation and interrogation. Three major types of independent clauses are found in Guiqiong: declarative, interrogative and imperative. Nominalizatior is used for relativization and complementation. As for clause linking, linking markers and parataxis are the two main strategies in Guiqiong

Cette thèse comporte deux volets complémentaires : d'une part, une description phonologique et morphologique du rgyalrong zbu, langue du groupe rgyalronguique du sino-tibétain ; d'autre part, une reconstruction de l'histoire de la flexion verbale de cette langue. Le volet descriptif vise à l'exhaustivité dans la description de la phonologie de cette langue, et pose les bases d'une grammaire de référence qui ambitionne notamment de situer sa morphologie flexionnelle dans une perspective de linguistique générale. Sur la base de cette description, élaborée au fil d'enquêtes de première main sur cette langue fortement en danger, un volet diachronique est proposé. Celui-ci contribue au projet général d'une reconstruction du groupe rgyalronguique, entreprise collective qui a des implications importantes pour la reconstruction du sino-tibétain dans son ensemble. Parmi les principaux résultats figurent une reconstruction du système de marquage de temps-aspect-modalité (TAM) de l'ancêtre commun le plus récent au japhug, au tshobdun et au zbu, désigné ici comme « proto-rgyalrong supérieur ». Cette reconstruction ouvre une perspective nouvelle pour bien distinguer entre éléments hérités et développements secondaires dans chacune des langues rgyalronguiques, ainsi qu'au sein du groupement supérieur (qianguique). Le volet diachronique comporte aussi un traitement comparatif de quelques verbes du zbu, à la lumière des données des langues qianguiques et lolo-birmanes, qui pourra servir de modèle pour un dictionnaire étymologique des verbes rgyalronguiques
This thesis focuses on Zbu Rgyalrong, a Sino-Tibetan language of the Rgyalrongic branch, and consists of both a phonological and morphological description of the language and a reconstruction of the history of its verb inflection. This thesis aims at descriptive exhaustivity for its phonology and attempts to lay the foundation of a reference grammar, in order to characterize its inflectional morphology in the perspective of general linguistics. Based on the description of this highly endangered language, the thesis contains a diachronic discussion, which contributes to the project of reconstructing Proto-Rgyalrongic, a collective enterprise which has important implications for the reconstruction of Sino-Tibetan as a whole. Notably, a reconstruction is proposed of the time-aspect-modality (TAM) marking system of Proto-Upper-Rgyalrong, the most recent common ancestor of Japhug, Tshobdun and Zbu. This reconstruction provides new perspectives for distinguishing between inherited elements and secondary developments in each Rgyalronguic language, as well as within the kindred Qiangic languages. Also included in the diachronic part is a comparative treatment of some verbs in Zbu, examined with data from other Qiangic and Lolo-Burman languages, which can serve as a model for an etymological dictionary of Rgyalrongic verbs

Dans cette thèse est analysée la morphophonologie du chinois standard (CS), dans un essai de transposition du modèle CVCV, un modèle phonologique post -génératif. Dans la Partie 1, nous situons l'analyse dans son contexte historique, pour comprendre l'état de l'art qui résulte des consitions internes et externes à la science et mettre en perspective la partie 2, dédiée à l'étude phonologique même.Dans la Partie 2, nous proposons, en adoptant une approche déductive, d'unifier l'explication d' un grand nombre de phénomènes en CS à la fois en phonologie (syllabe), tonologie (représentation du ton, sandhi tonal, ton neutre) et morphologie (composition , réduplication), jusqu'alors traités séparément, de façon isolée et dans des cadres différents, tout en restant économique et cohérent, avec le même dispositif théorique : le modèle CVCV.

Le khroskyabs de Wobzi (rgyalronguique, sino-tibétain), avec environ 350 locuteurs, est parlé au canton de Wobzi, comté de Chuchen, préfecture tibétaine et qiang de Rngaba, au Sichuan, en Chine. Notre thèse, une description linguistique du khroskyabs de Wobzi, est la première grammaire de référence du khroskyabs basée sur un corpus de textes recueillis au cours de neuf terrains depuis 2010. Elle comporte cinq parties principales.D’abord, un chapitre introductif, le chapitre 1, présente la situation sociolinguistique du khroskyabs, et le chapitre 2 la phonétique et la phonologique. Parmi toutes les langues de la famille sino-tibétaine décrites jusqu’à maintenant, le khroskyabs est celle qui a le plus grand nombre de groupes de consonnes initiaux, avec 715 groupes distincts ; par ailleurs, c’est également une langue à deux tons (haut et descendant), qui ne s’assigne qu’à l’une des syllabes dans une unité prosodique. Au chapitre 3, une introduction aux différentes parties de discours en khroskyabs de Wobzi est proposée, suivie de trois chapitres sur la morphologie nominale (le chapitre 4), les adverbes (le chapitre 5) et les autres parties de discours fermées (le chapitre 6).Ensuite, nous consacrons sept chapitres, du chapitre 7 au chapitre 13, aux constructions verbales, qui forment la partie centrale de la langue khroskyabs. Manifestant une morphologie verbale gabaritique, le wobzi est principalement préfixant, avec 11 positions préfixales et 2 positions suffixales. De plus, les affixes, surtout le préfixe causatif s-, subissent des processus morphophonologiques complexes : assimilation, dissimilation et métathèse, etc. Les propriétés de TAME se réalisent avec des opérations morphologiques, des auxiliaires ou des constructions phrastiques spécifiques.Ensuite, nous présentons les constructions phrastiques à travers quatre chapitres, du chapitre 14 au chapitre 17 : les phrases simples, la complémentation propositionnelle, la relativisation et les constructions comparatives, respectivement. Ces constructions présentent des propriétés distinctes des langues rgyalrong, en faisant usage des enclitiques nominalisateurs pour les complétives et les relatives, et possédant une formation du discours semi-direct unique et innovée, impliquant des changements de point de vue spécifiques. Enfin, dans l’annexe de la thèse, nous fournissons deux textes glosés, un index du vocabulaire et un dictionnaire
Wobzi Khroskyabs (Rgyalrongic, Sino-tibetan), with around 350 speakers, is spoken in the Commune of Wobzi, Chuchen County, Rgnaba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture. This dissertation, a linguistic description of Wobzi Khroskyabs, is the first reference grammar of the Khroskyabs language, based on text corpora collected from nine fieldworks since 2010. It consists of five major parts.Firstly, an introductive chapter (Chapter 1) presents the socio-linguistic situation of Khroskyabs, and secondly, in Chapter 2, the phonetics and the phonology are treated. Khroskyabs is so far the language exhibiting the largest number of initial consonant clusters amongst all Sino-Tibetan languages, with 715 distinctive clusters ; it is also a two-tone language (high and falling) that assigns one single tone to each prosodic unit.In the third place, Chapter 3 is an introduction to different parts of speech in Wobzi khroskyabs, followed by three chapters on nominal morphology (Chapter 4), adverbs (Chapter 5) and other closed parts of speech (Chapter 6).Then, seven chapters, from Chapter 7 to Chapter 13, are dedicated to verbal constructions, forming the main part of the dissertation. Exhibiting a templatic morphology, Wobzi is mainly prefixing, with 11 prefix slots and 2 suffix slots. Moreover, the affixes, especially the causative prefix -s, undergoes complex morphophonological processes: assimilation, dissimilation, metathesis, etc. Wobzi also presents TAME phenomena related to morphological operations, auxiliaries and specific sentential constructions.The chapters on verbs are followed by four chapters on sentential constructions, from Chapter 14 to Chapter 17, in which we will discuss simple sentences, complementation, relativisation and comparative constructions. These constructions present different properties compared to Rgyalrong languages, on the one hand, making use of nominalising enclitics for complementation and relativisation, and on the other, exhibiting a unique and innovated formation of semi-direct speech, with specific point of view changes.In the end, in the appendices, two glossed texts, a vocabulary index and a dictionary are provided

Dans la famille des langues sino-tibétaines, le caijia, ou meŋ²¹ni³³ŋoŋ³³ ‘parole de caijia’, est une langue en danger de disparition puisqu’elle compte moins de 1 000 locuteurs (1982 Language Team of Bureau of Ethnic Identification in Bijie) à Hezhang et à Weining, dans le nord-ouest de la province du Guizhou et dans le sud-ouest de la Chine. La sous-classification du caijia reste inconnue. Cette thèse, dont le but est de présenter une description linguistique de la variété de Xingfa du caijia, est la première grammaire de référence de cette langue basée sur des données recueillies à Xingfa dans le district de Hezhang.Un chapitre introductif, le chapitre 1, présente, tout d’abord, l’origine du peuple caijia sur la base de documents historiques pouvant être datés de la période des dynasties Ming et Qing (1368-1912). Ce chapitre présente des caractéristiques linguistiques de base et le profil typologique de la langue caijia. Le chapitre 2 décrit ensuite, brièvement, le système phonologique du caijia. Faisant suite au chapitre 2, les chapitres 3 et 4 introduisent respectivement les constituants et les éléments constructifs dans les syntagmes nominaux et verbaux. Étant donné que le caijia est une langue analytique dépourvue de marquage flexionnel, cette présente thèse met essentiellement l’accent sur la syntaxe du caijia. Les chapitre 5 à 7 abordent successivement les constructions ditransitives, causatives et passives, entre lesquelles existe une forte relation. Le chapitre 8 introduit trois constructions de marquage différentiel de l’objet direct attestées en caijia, et le chapitre 9 concerne les constructions de comparaison. Les chapitres 10 à 13 se focalisent sur les systèmes d’aspect et de modalité, ainsi que sur la négation et l’interrogation. Les chapitres 14 et 15 portent sur la relativisation, la complémentation, la coordination et la subordination du caijia. Enfin, cette thèse se termine par une brève conclusion qui résume les caractéristiques spéciales constatées en caijia dans le cadre de la typologie linguistique en Asie de l’Est et du Sud-est
Caijia, meŋ²¹ni³³ŋoŋ³³ ‘Caijia speech’, is an endangered language in the Sino-Tibetan family with less than 1,000 speakers (1982 Language Team of Bureau of Ethnic Identification in Bijie) in Hezhang and Weining counties in northwest in Guizhou Province in Southwest China. Its sub-classification remains unclear. This dissertation, concerning a linguistic description of the Xingfa variety of Caijia based on the fieldwork data in Xingfa township of Hezhang county, is the first reference grammar of the Caijia language. Firstly, an introduction chapter (Chapter 1) will present some background information about the people of Caijia according to several historical documents which can be dated back to the Ming and Qing dynasties (1368-1912). It will also present some basic features and the typological profile of the Caijia language. Chapter 2 will briefly describe the sound system of Caijia. Following Chapter 2, Chapters 3 and 4 will respectively introduce constituents and elements in noun and verb phrases.Given that Caijia is an analytic language and lacking in inflectional morphology, the present dissertation will focus on its syntax. Chapters 5-7 will respectively introduce ditransitive, causative and passive constructions, among which there exists a strong relationship. Chapter 8 will present three differential object marking constructions attested in Caijia and Chapter 9 will introduce constructions of comparison. Chapters 10-12 will focus on aspect, modality and mood, presenting aspect and modal systems as well as negation and interrogation. Chapters 14 and 15 concern relativization and clause linking in Caijia. Finally, this dissertation ends with a brief conclusion by summarizing some special features found in Caijia in the context of East and Southeast Asian linguistic typology

Cette thèse offre une étude complète du système grammatical du Shaowu, une langue sinitique parlée dans le nord-ouest de la province de Fujian, dans le sud de la Chine. Après une brève présentation de la géographie, de l’histoire et de la démographie de la ville de Shaowu, nous analysons selon différents critères de classification l’appartenance et la place de sa langue dans l’arbre généalogique de la famille sinitique, un sujet au cœur de débats dans les cercles des linguistes depuis des décennies. Nous utilisons les données linguistiques recueillies à Shaowu pendant une décennie de travail sur le terrain (2009-2019) et analysons la composition de cette langue dans ses principaux aspects, en nous appuyant sur les théories linguistiques pertinentes et les caractéristiques de certains groupes de langues sinitiques présentant une proximité. Ensuite, nous décomposons le système linguistique du Shaowu selon sept volets : (i) phonétique et phonologie, (ii) structure des groupes nominaux, (iii) structure des prédicats, (iv) structure de propositions, (v) phrases complexes et liaisons de propositions, à quoi s’ajoute la présentation (vi) d’un mini lexique, et (vii) de transcriptions de discours et conversations en shaowu. Nous montrons que les spécificités du shaowu sont dus à l’emplacement singulière de la ville de Shaowu au carrefour des migrations venant des quatre coins du pays tout au long de son histoire, rendant la langue très hybride en termes de phonologie, de lexique et de grammaire. Nous constatons notamment de fortes influences sur ce plan des groupes Min, Gan, Hakka, Wu et Mandarin, ce dernier étant la langue officielle du pays.Le résultat de ce mélange se reflète dans la multitude de fonctions grammaticales de certains morphèmes ultra-polysémiques et dans des constructions syntaxiques juxtaposées hybrides, révélant diverses strates venant diachroniquement de divers groupes sinitiques, assimilées à travers le temps par les locuteurs locaux et graduellement intégrées dans la langue. D’autre part, nous démontrons que le Shaowu est unique dans, par exemple, son système pronominal, dont le premier, second et troisième pronoms personnels sont tout à fait originaux, ainsi que, entre autres traits spécifiques, les constructions de numéral-classificateur-nom impliquant deux morphèmes qui désignent le numéral ‘un’.Par cette documentation linguistique, nous souhaitons contribuer à la conservation du Shaowu, qui est aujourd'hui principalement parlé localement par la population âgée de soixante ans et plus. Le Shaowu, qui véhicule la richesse culturelle et identitaire de sa population, mérite d’être reconnu comme une langue régionale en Chine. À travers plus d’un millier de phrases exemples présentées dans cette grammaire, nous offrons un aperçu des coutumes, des traditions, des rituels religieux et des événements historiques de la région de Shaowu. Nous espérons que notre travail bénéficiera à la communauté des locuteurs et apprenants du shaowu, ainsi qu’aux chercheurs qui s’intéresseraient à cette langue, et qu’il présente au monde un paysage linguistique en Chine riche de diversité et de variations
This thesis is a comprehensive study of the grammatical system of Shaowu, a Sinitic language spoken in northwestern Fujian province in southern China. After a brief introduction of the geography, history and demography of Shaowu city, we first analyse various classification criteria for Shaowu’s genealogical positioning within the Sinitic family, a subject debated by Sinitic linguists for many decades. We use the linguistic data collected in Shaowu city during a decade of fieldwork (2009-2019) to examine the composition and main aspects of Shaowu, using arguments from relevant linguistic theories and corroborated by the typological features of neighbouring Sinitic language groups. We then break down Shaowu’s linguistic system into seven parts and carry out detailed analyses of the following: (i) phonetics and phonology, (ii) nominal structure, (iii) predicate structure, (iv) clausal structure and (v) complex sentences and clause-binding, as well as presenting (vi) a mini lexicon, and (vii) samples of transcribed narratives. We show that the specificities of Shaowu can be attributed to its unique location at the crossroads of migration pathways throughout its history, all of which makes Shaowu a highly hybrid language in terms of its phonology, lexicon and grammar. In particular, we notice strong influences from Min, Gan, Hakka, Wu groups, as well as Mandarin, which is the official language of the country.The result of this linguistic medley is reflected, for instance, in the multiple grammatical functions of polysemous Shaowu morphemes and in its hybridised or juxtaposed syntactic constructions, revealing the existence of various strata from different Sinitic groups, features which have been assimilated over time by Shaowu speakers and gradually integrated into the language. In addition, we demonstrate that Shaowu is unique in, for instance, its pronominal system, of which the first, second and third personal pronouns are etymologically mysterious; its numeral-classifier-noun constructions employ different numerals ‘one’ in given syntactic environments; among other unique traits that Shaowu possesses. Through this language documentation, we wish to contribute in conserving Shaowu, nowadays mainly spoken by the local population over 60. Shaowu, which vehicles a rich cultural identity of its own population, deserves to be recognised as a regional language in China. In over a thousand sample sentences presented in this grammar, the reader can catch a glimpse of Shaowu’s local customs, traditions, religious rituals and historical events. We hope that our work will benefit communities of Shaowu speakers and linguists who wish to conduct future research on this language, and to showcase to the world a multifaceted and variegated linguistic landscape of China that is rich in diversity and variations

Le salar est un dialecte turc dont la plupart des locuteurs habitent le comté de Xunhua (35°05’’nord - 102°03’’est), dans le sud-est de la province chinoise du Qinghai, où leur présence est attestée depuis la fin du XIVe siècle. Si ces dernières années ont vu une augmentation des études sur ce parler à bien des égards atypique, il n’en reste pas moins l’un des parents pauvres de la turcologie. Réalisée précisément dans le but de contribuer à mieux le faire connaître, en s’appuyant pour ce faire à la fois sur la documentation disponible et sur des données recueillies par l’auteur dans le cadre d’un travail sur le terrain, la présente thèse en propose non seulement une description phonologique, grammaticale et lexicale, mais aussi, semble-t-il pour la première fois, une étude détaillée de son système d’écriture traditionnel, aujourd’hui moribond, qui constitue une adaptation de l’alphabet arabe. Une attention particulière a également été portée à la question de la nature des liens du salar avec les autres dialectes, actuels ou anciens, composant le domaine turc (en particulier ceux du groupe oghouz, auquel il apparaît possible que cette variété appartienne), notamment à travers la comparaison avec le turc de Turquie que permet la traduction dans ce dernier dialecte des exemples illustrant les points de grammaire abordés. Considéré comme une langue en danger par l’UNESCO, qui le classe dans la catégorie « vulnérable », le salar traverse une période critique, et les problèmes que soulèvent son statut en Chine, la place qu’il occupe dans la société où il est pratiqué, et les représentations dont il fait l’objet n’ont pas non plus été négligés dans ce travail, dont une partie a été consacrée à la mise en évidence d’un début de situation diglossique dans le cadre de laquelle parmi les réponses que tentent d’apporter certains Salars à la question de l’avenir de leur idiome figure un projet de revitalisation linguistique particulier
Salar is a Turkish dialect most speakers of which live in the county of Xunhua (35°05 north, 102°03 east) in the south-eastern part of the Chinese province of Qinghai where they have been present since the end of the fourteenth century. In spite of the fact that there has been lately an increase in the studies concerning this language, it is still a poor relative of turkology. Carried out with the aim of making it better known, with the support of the available documentation and data collected by the author in his investigation in the field, this thesis offers not only a phonological, grammatical and lexical description of Salar, but also, to the best of the author’s knowledge, for the first time, a detailed study of its nearly extinct traditional writing system that constitutes an adaptation of the Arabic alphabet. We have been particularly careful to take into account the links uniting Salar with other dialects, present and ancient, which form the Turkish domain (particularly with the Oghuz group to which this variety seems to belong) notably through the comparison with Turkey Turkish, based on the translations into the latter of the grammatical items dealt with. Classified as an endangered language by UNESCO, Salar is going through a critical period. The problems raised by its status in China, the position it occupies in the society where it is spoken and the representations to which it is subjected, have also been addressed in this work. A section has been devoted to the identification of a diglossic language situation in the context of which, among the concerns raised by some Salars about the future of their language, lies a project aiming at its revitalisation

Le mandarin du Nord-Est est une variété du mandarin parlée dans le Nord-Est de la Chine, région que l’on appelait autrefois la Mandchourie. Cette variété du mandarin est considérée comme étant proche de la langue standard et il existe peu d’analyses rigoureuses concernant ses spécificités. Cette thèse se donne pour objectif de décrire et d’analyser aux niveaux phonologique, syntaxique et lexicale le mandarin du Nord-Est parlé dans le Liaoning (province la plus peuplée du Nord-Est). Ce travail a été réalisé suite à la collecte des données orales enregistrées avec des informateurs de différentes générations. S’appuyant sur les préceptes de la théorie fonctionnaliste et respectant le principe de pertinence aux niveaux des unités de première et de deuxième articulation, ce travail tente d’établir le système phonologique de cette variété en montrant clairement les particularités. Au niveau syntaxique, cette thèse cherche à mettre en valeur des spécificités grammaticales en partant des faits réels langagiers et s’intéresse enfin à l’analyse lexicale qui traite à la fois des lexèmes empruntés et des lexèmes propres à cette variété. L’influence de la langue standard par le biais de la scolarité, de la littérature et des médias fait que le mandarin du Nord-Est tend à se perdre en contexte formel. La comparaison avec le mandarin standard est aussi présente dans cette thèse pour faciliter la compréhension des changements, permettant ainsi de donner un reflet exact de la vitalité du mandarin du Nord-Est. Avec des données utilisables pour tous, cette thèse est destinée à ceux qui s’intéressent à la linguistique chinoise dont les recherches ne cessent de se développer depuis de nombreuses années
Northeastern Mandarin is a variety of Mandarin that is spoken in Northeastern China, a region formerly known as Manchuria. This variety of Mandarin is considered to be very close to the standard language and there exists only a few rigorous analyses regarding its specific characteristics. This thesis aims to describe and analyse the phonology, syntax and lexicon of Northeastern Mandarin spoken in the province of Liaoning (the most populous province of the Northeast), it was carried out on the basis of numerous field surveys allowing the collection of oral data recorded with speakers of different generations. Based on the precepts of functionalist theory and respecting the principle of relevance at the levels of the first and second articulation units, this work attempts to establish the phonological system of this variety by showing clearly its particularities. At the level of syntax, this thesis seeks to highlight grammatical specificities starting from real linguistic facts and focuses on lexical analysis which deals not only with lexemes specific to this variety, but also with the adaptation of borrowings. The influence of the standard language, through education, literature, and the media makes that Mandarin of the Northeast tends to get lost in formal context. The comparison with standard Mandarin is present throughout this work in order facilitate understanding of the changes, thus allowing to give an exact reflection of the vitality of this regiolect. With data which can be used by everyone, this thesis is for all linguits interested in Chinese dialectology or more broadly in Chinese linguistics whose research has continued to develop for many years

Toute langue parlée dans le monde évolue selon des mécanismes internes et externes qui lui sont propres. Notre travail s’intéresse aux facteurs de ces mécanismes, en particulier aux effets du contact des langues entre elles. Des chercheurs ont mis en évidence les effets de ces interactions et ont montré que toutes sortes d’éléments linguistiques pouvaient être transférées d’une langue à une autre. La famille des langues altaïques est représentée en Chine par des langues des trois principales branches (toungouso-mandchoue, mongole, turque), qui ont été en contact à divers degrés avec le chinois. Dans ce travail, nous étudierons le khortchin (qorcin, ch. keerqin), dialecte mongol oriental qui a été en contact avec le chinois de façon importante dans le temps et l’espace. Des linguistes de Mongolie-Intérieure ont souligné des phénomènes de « mixité linguistique » dans le khortchin, révélant un nombre considérable de mots d'emprunt chinois. Ce travail tente de montrer, à travers une description phonologique, morphologique et syntaxique, les caractéristiques linguistiques propres à ce dialecte. Pour comprendre les mécanismes à l’œuvre et identifier les facteurs internes et/ou externes, cette description est étayée par une comparaison entre le khortchin et d’autres dialectes mongols, notamment l’oïrate. Cette recherche s’est inscrite dans la problématique du projet ANR dirigé par M. R. Djamouri «Contacts de langues et changements linguistiques : le cas du chinois et des langues altaïques », et celui dirigé par Mme Dan Xu, « Do languages and genes correlate? A case study in Northwestern China »
Any language in the world evolves according to internal and external mechanisms which are specific to each language. Our work focuses on these factors, and particularly on the effects of contact between different languages. Researchers have highlighted these linguistic interactions and showed that all kinds of linguistic elements can be transferred from one language to another. The Altaic language family in China includes languages of the three main branches (Tungus-Manchu, Mongolian, and Turk), which have been more or less in contact with Chinese. In this work, we study Khorchin (qorcin, ch. keerqin), an Eastern Mongolian dialect that has been in contact with Chinese significantly in time and space. Linguists from Inner Mongolia have noted the phenomena of " language mixing" in Khorchin, revealing a considerable amount of loan words from Chinese. This work attempts to show, through a phonological, morphological and syntactic description, some linguistic phenomena that are specific to this dialect. To understand the mechanisms involved and identify internal and / or external factors, this description relies on a comparison between the Khorchin and other Mongolian dialects, and in particular Oirat. This research is related to the NRA projects led by R. Djamouri "Language contact and language change: the case of Chinese and Altaic languages", and by Ms. Dan Xu, "Do languages and genes correlate? - A case study in Northwestern China "

蕭振豪.
"2010年8月".
"2010 nian 8 yue".
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 86-89).
Abstract in Chinese and English.
Xiao Zhenhao.
Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1
Chapter 第二章 --- 華嚴字母簡介
Chapter 第一節 --- 字門與華嚴字母 --- p.3
Chapter 第二節 --- 「《禪門日誦》系」考:華嚴字母韻表版本考(上) --- p.13
Chapter 第三節 --- 華嚴字母韻表創作年代補說:華嚴字母韻表版本考(下) --- p.15
Chapter 第三章 --- 華嚴字母韻表與明清小學
Chapter 第一節 --- 華嚴字母與十二攝排序 --- p.20
Chapter 第二節 --- 韻表的作成 --- p.22
Chapter 第四章 --- 華嚴字母所載符號與明清小學 --- p.36
Chapter 第五章 --- 華嚴字母與音素
Chapter 第一節 --- 二合與三合輔音及其相關問題 --- p.45
Chapter 第二節 --- 普世的音系 --- p.46
Chapter 第三節 --- 劉獻廷與華嚴字母? --- p.48
Chapter 第六章 --- 華嚴字母與明清聲韻概念
Chapter 第一節 --- 華嚴字母與古音關係的誤解 --- p.58
Chapter 第二節 --- 華嚴字母與字母數 --- p.62
Chapter 第七章 --- 清廷與華嚴字母´ؤ兼論戴震〈聲韻考〉
Chapter 第一節 --- 清廷與華嚴字母 --- p.72
Chapter 第二節 --- 四庫館臣對華嚴字母的評價 --- p.74
Chapter 第三節 --- 紀昀與戴震〈聲韻考〉 --- p.77
Chapter 第八章 --- 總結與展望
Chapter 第一節 --- 從五十音排序檢討四十二字門 --- p.82
Chapter 第二節 --- 小結與研究展望 --- p.84
參考書目 --- p.86
附錄一四十二字門對音比較 --- p.90
附錄二〈禪門日誦〉系書版本一覽 --- p.104
附錄三內地、台灣所藏單行本「八十華嚴」善本書目 --- p.108
附錄四華嚴字母韻表小韻字比較 --- p.111

This thesis studies the role of contrast distinctiveness in sound changes. Perceptual experiments are conducted to investigate the distinctiveness between Mandarin sibilants (dental s ts ts{02B0}, palatal {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}, and retroflex {0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0}). The experiment results are then adopted to account for the diachronic developments of Mandarin sibilants and the apical vowels {027F}, {0285} (syllabic approximants homorganic to the preceding dental/retroflex sibilants).
In Mandarin CV syllables, the apical vowels {027F}, {0285} are in complementary distribution with the vowel i: {027F} follows the dental s ts ts{02B0}; {0285} follows the retroflex {0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0}h (and the approximant {0279}); i follows the palatal {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0} and other consonants. As reconstructed in previous studies, this distribution was developed from a series of sound changes since Middle Chinese (MC, circa the 7th century), when MC had dental, palatal, and retroflex sibilants but no apical vowels. Part of MC syllables, whose onsets were these sibilants, merged their rimes into -i. In these syllables, MC palatals merged into MC retroflexes, while the rimes -i developed into / after the dental/retroflex sibilants. In a later stage, palatal sibilants re-emerged before the vowel i in the palatalization of dental sibilants and velar obstruents. Through these developments came Mandarin 'sibilant+i/{027F}/{0285}' syllables. In these changes, a diachronic pattern can be observed, i.e. the avoidance of contrastive dental vs. palatal sibilants before the vowel i. This thesis argues that, this pattern can be attributed to the tendency for human languages to enhance contrast distinctiveness, in addition to the articulatory accounts given in previous studies.
Conducting two experiments, this thesis examines the perceptual distinctiveness between Mandarin sibilants, in isolation and in CV sequences. The results generally support the claim that apical {027F} and {0285} enhance the distinctiveness between the sibilants. Applying these results to the diachronic sound changes, this thesis argues that speech perception has interacted with articulation to ensure contrast distinctiveness of the sound system.
This thesis provides experimental evidence for sibilant distinction, and supplies a case study on diachronic sound changes, where speech perception and articulation interacted to achieve contrast distinctiveness.
本文通過對普通話音[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右] (齒音 s ts ts{02B0}、齶音{0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}和捲舌音 {0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0})的聽覺實驗研究，探討對比清晰性 (contrast distinctiveness)在歷時語音變化中的作用，用聽覺實驗的結果來解釋普通話[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右]音和舌尖元音 {027F}, {0285} (注:與齒音、捲舌音同部位的元音 )的歷史發展。
在普通話 CV音節中，舌尖元音 {027F}, {0285} 和前高元音 i呈現互補分佈：舌尖元音{027F}出現在齒音 s ts ts{02B0}後面，舌尖元音{0285} 出現在捲舌音{0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0} (以及捲舌通音 {0279})後面，前高元音 i出現在齶音 {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}和其他輔音後面。根據以往的漢語歷史音韻研究，這個互補分佈是從漢語中古音 (Middle Chinese)經歷一系列語音變化發展而來。部分以中古音的齒音、齶音、捲舌音為首音(onset)的音節中，原本不同的韻 (rime)合併為 -i，並最終發展為普通話中的"[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右]音 +i{027F}/{0285}音節。從中古音開始，這些音節中，齶音併入捲舌音，同時一部分齒音和捲舌音後面的 -i韻音變為舌尖元音。在接下來的發展階段中，軟齶阻塞音 (velar obstruents)和齒音都在元音 -i的前面齶化爲 {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}。在這些歷時音變中，有一個的規律的模式，即：在元音-i之前，齒音與齶音不形成對立。本文認爲，除去前人研究中的語音發音作用之外，這個發展模式也是由語音系統傾向於清晰對立的趨勢造成的。
通過聽覺實驗，本文研究了普通話[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右]音(單獨音段和 CV音節)之間的聽覺對比清晰度。實驗結果總體上支持舌尖元音加強了普通話音間的對比清晰度的觀點，並發現不同類型的音之間顯示出不同的對比清晰程度。本文將這些實驗結果應用於歷時音變的分析，認爲聽覺感知和言語發音相互作用，保證了歷時音變中語音系統的對比清晰性。
本文希望能夠為對比清晰度的研究提供聽覺實驗依據，並為對比清晰性在歷時音變中的作用和聽覺與發音的交互提供一個個案研究。
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Li, Mingxing.
"Dec., 2011."
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-120).
Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendixes includes Chinese.
Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- Mandarin sibilants and apical vowels --- p.2
Chapter 1.2 --- The reconstructed historical development --- p.3
Chapter 1.3 --- The role of contrast distinctiveness in sound change --- p.5
Chapter 1.4 --- The contents of this thesis --- p.6
Chapter 2 --- Previous studies on Mandarin sibilants and apical vowels --- p.7
Chapter 2.1 --- The phonetics of sibilants and apical vowels --- p.7
Chapter 2.1.1 --- Sibilants --- p.7
Chapter 2.1.1.1 --- Articulation --- p.7
Chapter 2.1.1.2 --- Acoustic properties --- p.8
Chapter 2.1.2 --- Apical vowels --- p.8
Chapter 2.1.2.1 --- Articulation --- p.8
Chapter 2.1.2.2 --- Acoustic properties --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.2.3 --- The phonetic status of apical {027F}/{0285} --- p.9
Chapter 2.2 --- The phonology of apical vowels --- p.11
Chapter 2.2.1 --- Apical {027F},{0285} as underspecified and derived --- p.11
Chapter 2.2.2 --- Apical {027F} {0285} as a phoneme different from the vowel i --- p.13
Chapter 2.2.3 --- Apical {027F}, {0285} and the vowel i as in one phoneme --- p.14
Chapter 2.3 --- Sibilants and apicals: The reconstructed diachrony --- p.15
Chapter 2.3.1 --- The historical development: An overview --- p.15
Chapter 2.3.1.1 --- The sibilants in Middle Chinese --- p.15
Chapter 2.3.1.2 --- The MC syllables developing into Mandarin 'sibilant+{027F}/i/{0285}' --- p.16
Chapter 2.3.1.3 --- The rime merge into -i --- p.17
Chapter 2.3.1.4 --- The three sound changes --- p.18
Chapter 2.3.2 --- Palatal Retroflexion --- p.19
Chapter 2.3.3 --- Apical vowel formation --- p.21
Chapter 2.3.3.1 --- The formation of apical vowels --- p.21
Chapter 2.3.3.2 --- Apical vowels as place assimilation --- p.22
Chapter 2.3.3.3 --- Apical vowels as loss of rime -i --- p.24
Chapter 2.3.4 --- Dental and velar palatalization --- p.25
Chapter 2.3.4.1 --- Velarpalatalization as articulatory assimilation --- p.26
Chapter 2.3.4.2 --- Dental palatalization as articulatory assimilation --- p.27
Chapter 2.3.5 --- A summary of the sound changes --- p.28
Chapter 2.4 --- A summary --- p.29
Chapter 3 --- Contrast distinctiveness in sound changes --- p.30
Chapter 3.1 --- Thediachronic pattern from MC to Mandarin --- p.30
Chapter 3.1.1 --- Thedisfavor on dental vs. palatal sibilants --- p.30
Chapter 3.1.2 --- Typologyofdentalvs.palatalsibilantsamong Chinesedialects --- p.31
Chapter 3.2 --- Distinctiveness of contrast between Mandarin sibilants --- p.33
Chapter 3.2.1 --- Dental vs. palatal sibilants: Distinctiveness of contrast --- p.33
Chapter 3.2.2 --- Distinctiveness of contrast in phonology --- p.35
Chapter 3.2.2.1 --- Distinctiveness between segments --- p.35
Chapter 3.2.2.2 --- Distinctiveness in phonotactics --- p.36
Chapter 3.2.2.3 --- Distinctiveness in phonological alternation --- p.36
Chapter 3.2.3 --- Distinctiveness between Mandarin sibilants --- p.37
Chapter 3.3 --- Contrast distinctiveness in the diachrony: The hypotheses --- p.38
Chapter 3.3.1 --- Palatal Retroflexion --- p.39
Chapter 3.3.2 --- Contrast distinctiveness in apical vowel formation --- p.40
Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- Apical vowels conditioned by contrast --- p.41
Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- Dentals vs. retroflexes: Distinctiveness before the vowel i --- p.43
Chapter 3.3.2.3 --- Contrastive dentalsvs. retroflexes before the vowel i --- p.45
Chapter 3.3.2.4 --- More on place assimilation --- p.45
Chapter 3.3.3 --- Contrast distinctiveness in dental palatalization --- p.46
Chapter 3.3.3.1 --- Contrast distinctiveness in Dental Palatalization --- p.47
Chapter 3.3.3.2 --- Distinctiveness vs. assimilatory palatalization --- p.48
Chapter 3.3.3.3 --- Implicational relation and dental/palatal distinctiveness --- p.49
Chapter 3.4 --- A summary --- p.50
Chapter 4 --- Distinctiveness between sibilants: The perceptual experiments --- p.51
Chapter 4.1 --- Distinctiveness between sounds: Previous experiments --- p.51
Chapter 4.1.1 --- Previous studies on consonant distinctiveness --- p.51
Chapter 4.1.2 --- Perceptuality of Mandarin sibilants --- p.52
Chapter 4.2 --- Experiment I: Distinctiveness between sibilants --- p.53
Chapter 4.2.1 --- Objective --- p.53
Chapter 4.2.2 --- Method --- p.53
Chapter 4.2.2.1 --- Stimuli --- p.53
Chapter 4.2.2.2 --- Subjects --- p.55
Chapter 4.2.2.3 --- Procedure --- p.55
Chapter 4.2.3 --- Results --- p.55
Chapter 4.2.3.1 --- The effect of stimuli order --- p.56
Chapter 4.2.3.2 --- Distinctiveness between sibilants --- p.56
Chapter 4.3 --- Experiment II: Distinctiveness between 'sibilant+i' sequences --- p.58
Chapter 4.3.1 --- Objective --- p.58
Chapter 4.3.2 --- Method --- p.59
Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Stimuli --- p.59
Chapter 4.3.2.2 --- Subjects --- p.61
Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Procedure --- p.61
Chapter 4.3.3 --- The results --- p.61
Chapter 4.3.3.1 --- The presentation order --- p.61
Chapter 4.3.3.2 --- ‘Sibilant+i' sequences --- p.63
Chapter 4.3.3.3 --- ‘Sibilant+i' pairs vs. isolated sibilant pairs --- p.64
Chapter 4.3.3.4 --- ‘Sibilant+{027F}/i/{0285}' sequences --- p.64
Chapter 4.3.3.5 --- ‘Sibilant+i’ pairs vs. ‘sibilant+{027F}/i/{0285}’ pairs --- p.65
Chapter 4.4 --- Summarizing the experimental results --- p.66
Chapter 4.4.1 --- The four hypotheses --- p.66
Chapter 4.4.2 --- Distinctiveness between different types of stimuli --- p.67
Chapter 5 --- Contrast distinctiveness and articulation in sound change --- p.68
Chapter 5.1 --- Contrast distinctiveness in Mandarin diachrony --- p.68
Chapter 5.1.1 --- Palatal Retroflexion --- p.68
Chapter 5.1.2 --- Apical Vowel Formation --- p.69
Chapter 5.1.2.1 --- Apical {027F}/{0285} as induced by contrast distinctiveness --- p.69
Chapter 5.1.2.2 --- Apical {027F}/{0285} as enhancement of dental retroflex contrast --- p.70
Chapter 5.1.3 --- Dental palatalization --- p.70
Chapter 5.2 --- Sound changes triggered by contrast distinctiveness --- p.72
Chapter 5.2.1 --- Enhancement of distinctiveness through merge --- p.72
Chapter 5.2.2 --- Sacrifice of contrast to avoid less distinctiveness --- p.73
Chapter 5.2.3 --- Vowel allophony for consonant distinctiveness --- p.73
Chapter 5.3 --- The interaction of speech perception and articulation --- p.74
Chapter 5.4 --- A summary --- p.76
Chapter 6 --- Conclusions --- p.77
Chapter 6.1 --- A summary of the contents --- p.77
Chapter 6.2 --- Limitations and directions of future research --- p.78
Chapter Appendix I: --- Development of sibilants and apical vowels --- p.80
Chapter Appendix II: --- Typology of apical vowels in 124 Chinese dialects: A summary --- p.81
Chapter Appendix III: --- Typology of apical vowels in 124 Chinese dialects: Full list --- p.83
Chapter Appendix IV: --- Waveforms and spectrograms of the stimuli --- p.95
Chapter Appendix V: --- List of stimuli pairs in the record --- p.103
Chapter Appendix VI: --- Marking sheet for the experiments --- p.104
References --- p.110

嚴至誠.
"2006年8月"
論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006.
參考文獻(leaves 260-265).
"2006 nian 8 yue"
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Yan Zhicheng.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 260-265).
Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1
Chapter 第二章 --- 宋元二代語文雜叢簡介 --- p.3
Chapter 第一節 --- 宋本與元本《玉篇》及二本所附語文雜叢 --- p.3
Chapter 第二節 --- 宋本《廣韻》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.6
Chapter 第三節 --- 《韻鏡》及所附《韻鑑序例》 --- p.13
Chapter 第四節 --- 《七音略》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.23
Chapter 第五節 --- 《切韻指掌圖》及宋紹定本所附語文雜叢 --- p.26
Chapter 第六節 --- 《四聲等子》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.36
Chapter 第七節 --- 《盧宗邁切韻法》 --- p.43
Chapter 第八節 --- 《經史正音切韻指南》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.45
Chapter 第三章 --- 雙聲疊韻資料 --- p.49
Chapter 第一節 --- 〈雙聲疊韻法〉 --- p.49
Chapter 第二節 --- 〈雙聲疊韻例 > 及〈辨雙聲切字例〉、〈辨疊韻切字例〉 --- p.53
Chapter 第四章 --- 聲調資料 --- p.56
Chapter 第一節 --- 調四聲法 --- p.56
Chapter 第二節 --- 濁上變去 --- p.64
Chapter 第五章 --- 字母資料 --- p.68
Chapter 第一節 --- 五音 --- p.68
Chapter 第二節 --- 三十六字母 --- p.79
Chapter 第三節 --- 淸濁及送氣不送氣 --- p.86
Chapter 第四節 --- 字母等第 --- p.91
Chapter 第五節 --- 字母合流 --- p.94
Chapter 第六章 --- 助紐字資料 --- p.98
Chapter 第一節 --- 助紐字之性質 --- p.98
Chapter 第二節 --- 〈切字要法〉考 --- p.101
Chapter 第三節 --- 〈三十六字母切韻法〉與〈切三十六字母法〉考 --- p.109
Chapter 第四節 --- 諸本助紐字考辨並〈切字要法〉「四字無文」解 --- p.117
Chapter 第七章 --- 歸字法資料 --- p.125
Chapter 第一節 --- 「歸字」探源 --- p.125
Chapter 第二節 --- 諸本所載歸字法考辨 --- p.127
Chapter 第八章 --- 門法資料 --- p.138
Chapter 第一節 --- 門法之性質及其產生之背景 --- p.138
Chapter 第二節 --- 門法之範圍 --- p.140
Chapter 第三節 --- 前人對門法之誤解 --- p.144
Chapter 第四節 --- 《切韻指掌圖》《檢例》並其與《四聲等子》門法資料之關係 --- p.147
Chapter 第五節 --- 《切韻指掌圖》、《四聲等子》與《門法玉鑰匙》門法資料考 --- p.150
Chapter 第六節 --- 《總括玉鑰匙玄關歌訣》門法考 --- p.189
Chapter 第七節 --- 附論：黑水城抄本《解釋歌義》簡介及相關問題考辨 --- p.202
Chapter (甲） --- 《解釋歌義》之作者及成書問題 --- p.202
Chapter (乙） --- 《解釋歌義》之內容 --- p.208
Chapter 第九章 --- 綜合性及其他資料 --- p.219
Chapter 第一節 --- 〈四聲五音九弄反紐圖〉 --- p.219
Chapter 第二節 --- 〈辯四聲輕淸重濁法〉及〈辨四聲輕淸重濁總例> --- p.227
Chapter 第三節 --- 〈列圍〉 --- p.238
Chapter 第四節 --- 〈檢韻十六攝〉、〈入聲九攝〉、〈叶聲韻〉 --- p.238
Chapter 第五節 --- 〈辯十四聲例法〉及〈辨十四聲法〉 --- p.241
Chapter 第十章 --- 總結 --- p.256
主要參考資料 --- p.260

Tsai, Ya Ching.
Thesis submitted in: December 2008.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 157-160).
Abstracts in English and Chinese; includes Chinese characters.
Acknowledgement --- p.i
Abstract --- p.ii
摘要 --- p.iii
Table of contents --- p.iv
Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- Objective --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Ambiguity detection --- p.3
Chapter 1.3 --- Definition of ambiguity --- p.3
Chapter 1.3.1 --- Lexical ambiguity --- p.4
Chapter 1.3.2 --- Structural ambiguity --- p.5
Chapter 1.4 --- Structure of the thesis --- p.8
Chapter 2. --- Literature Review --- p.9
Chapter 2.1 --- Prosodic phonology --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.1 --- Prosodic hierarchy --- p.9
Chapter 2.1.1.1 --- "Syllable, foot and phonological word" --- p.10
Chapter 2.1.1.2 --- Clitics --- p.13
Chapter 2.1.1.3 --- Clitic group --- p.16
Chapter 2.1.1.4 --- Phonological phrase --- p.19
Chapter 2.1.1.5 --- Intonational phrase --- p.26
Chapter 2.1.2 --- Organization of prosodic structure --- p.27
Chapter 2.1.2.1 --- Stress clash --- p.28
Chapter 2.1.2.2 --- Eurhythmic rule --- p.29
Chapter 2.1.2.3 --- Stress-timing vs. syllable-timing --- p.31
Chapter 2.1.3 --- Syntax and phonology interaction --- p.33
Chapter 2.2 --- Prosodic disambiguation --- p.35
Chapter 2.2.1 --- Previous studies and preliminary findings --- p.35
Chapter 2.2.2 --- Disambiguation strategies --- p.36
Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Intonational phrasing --- p.37
Chapter 2.1.2.2 --- Accent placement --- p.38
Chapter 2.2.2.3 --- Pause insertion and lengthening --- p.40
Chapter 2.2.2.4 --- Pitch reset --- p.41
Chapter 2.2.3 --- Examples of prosodic disambiguation devices in Italian --- p.42
Chapter 2.2.4 --- Examples of prosodic disambiguation devices in Chinese --- p.45
Chapter 2.2.5 --- Different approaches in accounting for disambiguation --- p.48
Chapter 2.2.5.1 --- Syntactic approach --- p.51
Chapter 2.2.5.2 --- Prosodic approach --- p.52
Chapter 3. --- Methodology --- p.55
Chapter 3.1 --- ToBI Annotation System --- p.55
Chapter 3.1.1 --- ToBI for Italian --- p.57
Chapter 3.1.2 --- ToBI for Mandarin --- p.58
Chapter 3.2 --- Assumptions and research questions --- p.60
Chapter 3.3 --- Production experiment --- p.62
Chapter 3.3.1 --- Chinese --- p.64
Chapter 3.3.1.1 --- Experiment procedure --- p.65
Chapter 3.3.1.2 --- A preview of the various syntactic ambiguities --- p.66
Chapter 3.3.1.2.1 --- Pro-drop ambiguity --- p.70
Chapter 3.3.1.2.2 --- Polysemous de --- p.73
Chapter 3.3.1.2.3 --- Modifier grouping ambiguity --- p.76
Chapter 3.3.1.2.4 --- Attachment ambiguity --- p.77
Chapter 3.3.1.3 --- The role of intonational phrasing in prosodic disambiguation --- p.78
Chapter 3.3.2 --- Italian --- p.81
Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- Experiment procedure --- p.82
Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- A preview of the various syntactic ambiguities --- p.85
Chapter 3.3.2.2.1 --- Pro-drop ambiguity --- p.86
Chapter 3.3.2.2.2 --- Modifier grouping ambiguity --- p.90
Chapter 3.3.2.2.3 --- Attachment ambiguity --- p.91
Chapter 3.3.2.2.4 --- Relative clause ambiguity --- p.94
Chapter 3.3.2.2.5 --- Homographic ambiguity --- p.96
Chapter 3.3.2.3 --- Salience of accent placement --- p.98
Chapter 3.3.2.4 --- Universality of semantic ambiguity --- p.100
Chapter 3.4 --- Perception experiment --- p.101
Chapter 3.4.1 --- Experiment procedure --- p.102
Chapter 3.4.2 --- Discussion --- p.104
Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Better prediction by the prosodic approach --- p.106
Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- The preferred reading effect --- p.106
Chapter 3.4.2.3 --- Peculiarity of two toneless suffixes and how it is reflected in prosody --- p.110
Chapter 3.4.2.4 --- Parenthetical expressions as an intonational phrase? --- p.112
Chapter 3.5 --- General discussion --- p.114
Chapter 4. --- Conclusion --- p.119
Chapter 4.1 --- Summary --- p.119
Chapter 4.2 --- Significance --- p.127
Chapter 4.3 --- Limitations and future perspectives --- p.127
Appendices
Appendix I --- p.129
Appendix II --- p.131
Appendix III --- p.143
Appendix IV --- p.145
Appendix V --- p.153
Appendix VI --- p.154
Appendix VII --- p.156
Bibliography --- p.157
List of Figures
Figure 2.1 Pitch reset --- p.42
Figure 2.2 Major intonation group --- p.42
"Figure 3.1 ToBI transcription of the English sentence If he can, then there´ةs no argument about it" --- p.57
"Figure 3.2 ToBIt transcription of the Italian sentence No, no, niente. Disse. Un lieve capogiro" --- p.58
Figure 3.3 M一ToBI transcription of the Mandarin sentence Weili mailarou --- p.59
Figure 3.4 The wave form of Speaker T reading (2a) from Appendix III --- p.83
Figure 3.5 Annotation example of Speaker T reading (2a) from Appendix III --- p.83
Figure 3.6 Percentage of correct responses according to ambiguity types --- p.110
List of Tables
Table 2.1 Relations between the syntactic and prosodic structures of ambiguous sentences & percentage of responses corresponding to intended meaning of ambiguous sentences --- p.53
Table 2.2 Italian examples of different types of ambiguous sentences --- p.54
Table 3.1 Chinese ambiguity based on Nespor and Vogel´ةs ten relation types --- p.64
Table 3.2 Performance of the Chinese informants at real or potential I boundaries --- p.68
Table 3.3 Performance of the Italian informants at intermediate and intonational phrase boundaries --- p.84
Table 3.4 Percentage of responses corresponding to intended meaning --- p.105

甄沃奇.
"2011年9月".
"2011 nian 9 yue".
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (leave 111-116)
Abstract in Chinese and English.
Zhen Woqi.
Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- 研究緣起 --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- 研究方法 --- p.2
Chapter 1.3 --- 資料來源 --- p.3
Chapter 第二章 --- 粤語古全清次清字今讀的計量分析 --- p.4
Chapter 2.1 --- 前人關於粤語古全清次清字聲母混讀現象研究述評 --- p.4
Chapter 2.2 --- 現代漢語方言古全清次清字聲母混讀統計 --- p.8
Chapter 2.3 --- 粤語古全清次清字聲母混讀統計 --- p.20
Chapter 第三章 --- 粤語古全清次清聲母混讀現象的性質 --- p.47
Chapter 3.1 --- 粤語古全清次清字聲母混讀現象與漢語侗台語的接觸 --- p.47
Chapter 3.2 --- 粤語古全清次清混讀現象與原始侗台語清塞音塞擦音聲母 --- p.50
Chapter 3.3 --- 粤語古全清次清聲母混讀現象的形成 --- p.63
Chapter 3.4 --- 粤語古全清次清聲母混讀現象的演變 --- p.89
Chapter 第四章 --- 語言縱向演變中的橫向接觸 --- p.99
Chapter 4.1 --- 從粤語古全清次清聲母混讀現象看語言縱向演變中的橫向接觸 --- p.99
Chapter 4.2 --- 語言縱向演變中的橫向語言接觸理論模型的建構 --- p.100
Chapter 第五章 --- 總結 --- p.106
Chapter 5.1 --- 各章回顧 --- p.106
Chapter 5.2 --- 語言縱向歷時演變與橫向語言接觸相互交錯的研究視角 --- p.109
Chapter 5.3 --- 本研究的局限 --- p.110
參考書目 --- p.111

楊建芬.
"2013年9月".
"2013 nian 9 yue".
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 284-304).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstract in Chinese and English.
Yang Jianfen.

19世紀英美傳教士為佈教需要，在粤東潮汕地區留下了許多記錄當地方言的材料。這些材料採用字母記音，著重記錄當時當地口語情況，彌補了傳統韻書只記音類不標實際發音的缺陷，是考察19世紀音系、研究語音歷時演變的重要資源。本文旨在考察11本粤東潮汕地區傳教士語料，構建19世紀潮汕地區方言音系的同時，運用歷時比較的方法，分析一百多年來方言語音演變現象，探索其中的機制和規律，並以歷時音變研究成果為基礎，考察與傳教士語料年代相近的方言韻書及與其相關的研究。
本文首先通過考察傳教士語料的編寫說明、音值符號和記音地點，用窮盡式語料檢索方法，描寫、比較各語料音系，構建19世紀潮汕地區方言音系，確定19世紀傳教士語料音系，是以潮州府城（今天潮州市區）方言為主，夾雜汕頭、澄海音系特點的事實。之後，論文通過考察潮州方言輔音韻尾在一百多年來的演變，明確了輔音韻尾演變的兩種類型，並為這種演變找到起始音類，同時為聲化韻ŋ找到了演變路徑。研究又以文白異讀現象及其歷時演變為考察對象，總結了文白異讀的演變趨勢和規律，並釐清了同一音值不同層次分屬、「去鼻化音變」作用下的層次性差異、遇攝字ou韻母存古屬性、潮州方言陽聲韻攝vN類韻母白讀層特徵、陽聲韻鼻化元音來自鼻音尾等問題，並藉-m/-p韻尾演變模式，豐富、拓展了「鼻音、塞音韻尾演變階段」理論。最後，藉上述研究成果，我們檢驗以往學者對《韓江聞見錄》、《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》和《擊木知音》的研究情況，梳理了這些材料的音類分合和歸屬特徵。
採用歷時比較、邏輯推理與文獻互證相結合的研究方法，並藉科學的量化統計模式，我們從多角度考量傳教士語料，對一百多年來潮州方言語音演變現象作有效的探索和考究。
In the 19th Century, in order to assist the missionary work, many Anglo-American Christian missionaries published dialect records of Chaoshan area. These records are Romanized dialect records reflecting colloquial pronunciations of Chaoshan dialects in the 19th Century, which were neglected by the traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries. They are very important resources for studying the diachronic change of language. This dissertation attempts to construct the phonological systems of Chaoshan dialects, analyze the patterns and rules of the diachronic change phenomena, and evaluate the research results of traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries by investigating 11 kinds of dialect records published by missionaries..
By comparing the differences of symbols in these dialect records, this dissertation constructs the phonological system of Chaoshan Dialects of the 19th Century and ascertains that it is a phonological system based on Chaozhou City dialect and mixed with some features of Shantou, Chenghai Dialects. And then the dissertation analyzes 2 patterns of coda change of Chaozhou Dialect, finding out the change trigger and the evolutionary process from “ŋ to “ŋ. Literary pronunciations and colloquial pronunciations (文白異讀) are also different between now and the 19th Century. The dissertation proposes the trends and patterns of these pronunciations, discusses the topics of “same sound, different stratums, “denasalization, and “the origin of ‘ou’, ’vN’, and ‘v’, and then examines the theory of coda changes with the “-m/-p evolution pattern. Based on the study, the dissertation evaluates the validity of the research of 4 documents of traditional Chinese rhyme dictionaries.
This dissertation synthesizes methods of diachronic comparison, logical judgment and textual studies, and scientific quantitative statistics. In so doing, it explores the dialect records in various aspects and summarizes patterns and rules of the phonological diachronic change of Chaozhou Dialect from Mid-19th to Early 21st Century.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
徐宇航.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 305-322)
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Xu Yuhang.
論文提要 --- p.I
Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1
Chapter 1.1 --- 潮汕地區方言研究綜述 --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- 潮汕地區傳教士語料研究概況 --- p.4
Chapter 1.3 --- 其他地區傳教士語料研究概況 --- p.5
Chapter 1.4 --- 本文的研究材料、內容、方法與目的 --- p.9
Chapter 1.4.1 --- 研究材料與內容 --- p.9
Chapter 1.4.2 --- 研究方法 --- p.12
Chapter 1.4.3 --- 研究意義 --- p.14
Chapter 1.4.4 --- 研究目的 --- p.15
Chapter 1.5 --- 總結 --- p.15
Chapter 第二章 --- 傳教士語料概況 --- p.17
Chapter 2.1 --- 語料及語料作者的簡介 --- p.17
Chapter 2.2 --- 語料與語言點的對應關係 --- p.21
Chapter 2.2.1 --- 語料編寫者對語料代表音系的介紹 --- p.22
Chapter 2.2.2 --- 現代潮州、汕頭方言的語音差異 --- p.23
Chapter 2.2.3 --- 潮州、汕頭地名的演變關係 --- p.26
Chapter 2.3 --- 傳教士集中討論的語言學問題 --- p.28
Chapter 2.3.1 --- 傳教士談廣東的方言及潮汕地區方言的內部差異 --- p.28
Chapter 2.3.2 --- 潮汕地區方言在境外的使用情況 --- p.31
Chapter 2.3.3 --- 傳教士談習得潮汕地區方言的方法 --- p.32
Chapter 2.3.4 --- 潮汕地區方言之有音無字現象 --- p.33
Chapter 2.3.5 --- 潮汕地區方言的異讀現象 --- p.34
Chapter 2.3.6 --- 傳教士談潮汕地區方言詞彙的分類 --- p.40
Chapter 2.4 --- 總結 --- p.44
Chapter 第三章 --- 傳教士語料的符號與音系 --- p.45
Chapter 3.1 --- 語料對潮汕地區方言音值與符號的討論 --- p.45
Chapter 3.1.1 --- Dean1841的音值說明 --- p.45
Chapter 3.1.2 --- Giles1877的音值說明 --- p.46
Chapter 3.1.3 --- Fielde1878的音值說明 --- p.47
Chapter 3.1.4 --- Fielde1883的音值說明 --- p.51
Chapter 3.1.5 --- Duffus1883的音值說明 --- p.52
Chapter 3.1.6 --- Ashmore1884的音值說明 --- p.55
Chapter 3.1.7 --- Lim1886的音值說明 --- p.60
Chapter 3.1.8 --- Gibson1886的音值說明 --- p.61
Chapter 3.1.9 --- Steele1924的音值說明 --- p.66
Chapter 3.2 --- 語料的符號與音系 --- p.68
Chapter 3.2.1 --- Dean1841的音系 --- p.68
Chapter 3.2.2 --- Giles1877的音系 --- p.74
Chapter 3.2.3 --- Fielde1878的音系 --- p.79
Chapter 3.2.4 --- Fielde1883的音系 --- p.84
Chapter 3.2.5 --- Duffus1883的音系 --- p.87
Chapter 3.2.6 --- Ashmore1884的音系 --- p.90
Chapter 3.2.7 --- Lim1886的音系 --- p.93
Chapter 3.2.8 --- Gibson1886的音系 --- p.96
Chapter 3.2.9 --- Matthew 1889、Genesis 1896的音系 --- p.99
Chapter 3.2.10 --- Steele 1924的音系 --- p.104
Chapter 3.3 --- 19世紀潮汕地區方言音系的構建 --- p.107
Chapter 3.3.1 --- 聲母的符號與音值 --- p.108
Chapter 3.3.2 --- 韻母的符號與音值 --- p.114
Chapter 3.3.3 --- 聲調的符號與調值 --- p.124
Chapter 3.3.4 --- 潮汕地區方言音系的構建 --- p.126
Chapter 3.4 --- 總結 --- p.128
Chapter 第四章 --- 潮州方言輔音韻尾演變類型分析 --- p.130
Chapter 4.1 --- 潮州方言輔音韻尾研究概況 --- p.130
Chapter 4.2 --- 輔音韻尾類型A的演變特點 --- p.132
Chapter 4.2.1 --- 山、臻攝字的-n-ŋ/-t-k演變 --- p.133
Chapter 4.2.2 --- 非山、臻攝字的-n-ŋ/-t-k演變 --- p.137
Chapter 4.3 --- 類型B的演變特點 --- p.141
Chapter 4.3.1 --- 19世紀uan/uat類韻母與今天潮州方言uaŋ/uak類韻母的關係 --- p.141
Chapter 4.3.2 --- uan/uat類韻母的演變次序與模式 --- p.144
Chapter 4.4 --- 類型C的演變特點 --- p.145
Chapter 4.4.1 --- ŋ類韻母在19世紀和今天的分佈 --- p.145
Chapter 4.4.2 --- ŋ類韻母的來源與演變 --- p.150
Chapter 4.4.3 --- 19世紀語料ŋ類讀音記錄的異同 --- p.153
Chapter 4.5 --- 潮州方言一百多年來輔音韻尾演變類型的關係 --- p.155
Chapter 4.6 --- 總結 --- p.157
Chapter 第五章 --- 潮州方言文白異讀現象及其演變分析 --- p.158
Chapter 5.1 --- 潮州（潮汕）方言異讀現象的研究概況 --- p.158
Chapter 5.2. --- 概念的釐清與研究方法的確定 --- p.160
Chapter 5.2.1 --- 概念的釐清 --- p.160
Chapter 5.2.2 --- 研究方式的確定 --- p.162
Chapter 5.2.3 --- 文白異讀判斷原則的確定 --- p.163
Chapter 5.3 --- 潮州方言聲調的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.164
Chapter 5.3.1 --- 全清、次清聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.167
Chapter 5.3.2 --- 次濁聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.168
Chapter 5.3.3 --- 全濁聲母字聲調文白異讀變化分析 --- p.171
Chapter 5.3.4 --- 潮州方言聲調文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.173
Chapter 5.4 --- 潮州方言聲母的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.173
Chapter 5.4.1 --- 全清聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.180
Chapter 5.4.2 --- 次清聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.180
Chapter 5.4.3 --- 全濁聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.181
Chapter 5.4.4 --- 次濁聲母字的文白異讀情況 --- p.182
Chapter 5.4.5 --- 潮州方言聲母文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.195
Chapter 5.5 --- 潮州方言韻母的文白異讀現象與變化 --- p.195
Chapter 5.5.1 --- 各攝韻母的異讀特點及其演變 --- p.195
Chapter 5.5.2 --- 潮州方言韻母文白異讀一百多年來的演變趨勢 --- p.247
Chapter 5.6 --- 潮州方言一百多年來異讀現象的演變趨勢與規律 --- p.248
Chapter 5.6.1 --- 演變趨勢分析 --- p.248
Chapter 5.6.2 --- 演變規律分析 --- p.250
Chapter 5.7 --- 對Gibson 1886「正音」、「白音」之詮釋 --- p.251
Chapter 5.8 --- 總結 --- p.254
Chapter 第六章 --- 潮州方言非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象的思考 --- p.255
Chapter 6.1 --- 「鼻化元音」現象研究概述 --- p.255
Chapter 6.2 --- 傳教士語料中的非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象 --- p.256
Chapter 6.3 --- 解釋非鼻音聲母陰聲韻字「鼻化元音增生」現象的三種觀點 --- p.257
Chapter 6.3.1 --- 「音變條件」說 --- p.258
Chapter 6.3.2 --- 「擴散演變」說 --- p.259
Chapter 6.3.3 --- 「小稱作用」說 --- p.260
Chapter 6.4 --- 總結 --- p.261
Chapter 第七章 --- 與傳教士語料年代相近的方言韻書及其研究情況考察 --- p.262
Chapter 7.1 --- 方言韻書及其研究概況 --- p.263
Chapter 7.1.1 --- 潮汕地區方言韻書及相關資料 --- p.264
Chapter 7.1.2 --- 韻書、方言材料的研究現狀 --- p.265
Chapter 7.2 --- 《韓江聞見錄》語音記錄之討論 --- p.266
Chapter 7.2.1 --- 李新魁據《韓江聞見錄》總結的清代潮州方言特點 --- p.267
Chapter 7.2.2 --- 李新魁「二百年前潮州音特點」與傳教士語料研究結果之比較 --- p.268
Chapter 7.3 --- 《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》音系討論 --- p.269
Chapter 7.3.1 --- 《潮聲十五音》、《潮語十五音》的音系 --- p.270
Chapter 7.3.2 --- 兩本韻書音系的討論 --- p.271
Chapter 7.4 --- 《擊木知音》音系討論 --- p.272
Chapter 7.4.1 --- 三種《擊木知音》聲母、聲調構擬的比較 --- p.273
Chapter 7.4.2 --- 三種《擊木知音》韻母構擬的比較 --- p.274
Chapter 7.4.3 --- 《擊木知音》音系歸屬的討論 --- p.275
Chapter 7.5 --- 總結 --- p.276
Chapter 第八章 --- 結語 --- p.277
Chapter 8.1 --- 內容與貢獻 --- p.278
Chapter 8.2 --- 展望與期待 --- p.279
參考文獻 --- p.305

博士
國立中正大學
語言學研究所
104
This thesis compares the phonological patterns of Taiwan Sign Language (TSL) with those of Signed Chinese (SC). TSL has a grammatical system that is different from Chinese, whereas SC basically adopts the grammar of Chinese and was invented with the goal of improving deaf children’s Chinese literacy. However, SC has not succeeded in helping deaf children to improve their Chinese literacy, and it also cannot be well learned by deaf children. Factors that have been investigated for why SC is difficult to learn include incomplete SC input from teachers and complicated morphological properties of SC itself. However, at the phonological level, it is unclear whether the sign-internal composition of SC signs is similar to that of TSL, and it is also uncertain whether SC signs obey natural phonotactic constraints that hold true for TSL signs. This thesis investigates the possibility that the SC lexicon is structurally different from that of TSL (i.e., violating phonotactic constraints that are obeyed by TSL signs). In addition, two sets of experiments were run to test whether these differences would cause learning difficulties. Comparisons of handshape, location and movement patterns between TSL and SC showed that SC adopts marked handshapes more frequently than TSL. Regarding phonotactic constraints, SC violates the Dominance Condition (by using the nondominant hand for articulating hand movement) and the Narrator Perspective Principle (by depicting Chinese characters from the viewer’s perspective) more frequently than TSL. These differences might make it difficult for people to learn this system. In order to test whether violations of the Dominance Condition and the Narrator Perspective Principle would cause learning difficulties, a difficulty judgment task was designed to test hearing nonsigners’ preference regarding the choice of hand for making movements and the perspective taken for depicting Chinese characters. A memory task followed with the goal of testing whether signs violating these constraints would be harder to recall correctly. Experimental results suggested that using the nondominant hand for making movement is disfavored by novice learners. Nevertheless, nonsigners showed no clear preference as to how to sign a Chinese character. Thus, the Narrator Perspective Principle might not be as natural a principle for signing as the Dominance Condition. Results are summarized and discussed with regard to the implications for the design principles of SC signs and deaf education.

Young infants can discriminate a great variety of speech sounds both native and nonnative in their language environment. The focus of the perceptual reorganisation research to date has been on infants’ discrimination of nonnative segments, in particular, consonants and vowels. In tone languages (eg. Cantonese, Mandarin, and Thai) phonemic distinctions are signalled not only by consonants and vowels, but also by lexical tone – consisting of variations in fundamental frequency (pitch) and related features. Although such languages are spoken by over half the world’s population, the development of lexical tone perception has been relatively neglected. This thesis addresses whether perceptual reorganisation occurs for tone in infancy. Overall, the results of experiments conducted support the hypotheses and the existence of perceptual reorganisation for tone in infancy, similar to that for consonants and vowels. Implications of the results for speech perception development theories, “tone space”, tone acquisition, and early word learning are discussed, and future studies relating to these issues suggested.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)