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Journal articles on the topic 'Chinese Muslim'
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1
Wang, Yuting. "The Construction of Chinese Muslim Identities in Transnational Spaces." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 5, no. 2 (December 7, 2018): 156–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00502003.
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Since the beginning of the reform and opening up in China nearly four decades ago, China’s Muslim minorities have restored connections with the global Muslim ummah (community) through religious pilgrimages, business activities, and educational and cultural exchanges. Whether attracted by better economic prospects or for religious purposes, an increasing number of Chinese Muslims have found ways out of China, taking sojourns or eventually settling down in diverse locations across the globe. Drawing on the author’s field research in China, the United States, and the United Arab Emirates, combined with a review of key studies on Chinese Muslims in Southeast Asia, this paper traces the shape of Chinese Muslim transnational networks and examines the construction of “Chinese Muslim” identity in the diaspora. By locating the study of contemporary Chinese Muslims within the broader scholarship on transnational religion, this paper deepens our understanding of the impact of globalization on ethnoreligious minorities.
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Rahmawati, Rahmawati, Kasim Yahiji, Choirul Mahfud, Jauharoti Alfin, and Much Koiri. "Chinese ways of being good Muslim: from the Cheng Hoo Mosque to Islamic education and media literacy." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 8, no. 2 (December 2, 2018): 225–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v8i2.225-252.
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This article aims to explore the Chinese ways of being Muslim, from buildingthe Cheng Hoo mosque to serving Islamic education and media literacy. Inthe current millennial disruption era, the role of communication medialiteracy in the contemporary Indonesian Chinese Muslim community needsto be studied further, especially its role in supporting the status of being goodChinese Muslim. This article is also intended to discuss the Chinese ways offostering converts and Chinese Muslims through both communication medialiteracy and information technology literacy. Through media analysis method,communication media literacy is part of communication which is based on whosays what, in which channel, to whom, with what effects. This research finds outthat communication media literacy is used by the Indonesian Chinese Muslimcommunity through the publication of Cheng Hoo magazine, WhatsApp ForumPITI Jatim, website, and Facebook. All of these media are used and have asignificant effect on the relation, interaction, aspiration, and communicationbetween the Chinese Muslim community and Chinese non-Muslim community,and the Chinese Muslim community with non-Chinese Muslims in Indonesia.Moreover, the Chinese ways of being good Muslims could also be understoodfrom various ways in establishing Cheng Hoo Mosque, Islamic educationservices based on Chinese community from Kindergarten, Islamic ElementarySchool, Pesantren, and routine or regular discussions.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi bagaimana cara-cara orangTionghoa menjadi Muslim dari upaya pembangunan masjid Cheng Hoo hinggapelayanan pendidikan Islam dan literasi media. Di era disrupsi milenial sepertisaat ini, peran literasi media komunikasi dalam komunitas Tionghoa Muslimdi Indonesia kontemporer perlu dikaji lebih lanjut, khususnya perannya dalammendukung menjadi muslim Tionghoa yang baik. Paper ini juga bertujuanuntuk membahas cara Tionghoa dalam pembinaan mualaf dan MuslimTionghoa melalui literasi media komunikasi dan teknologi informasi. Melaluimetode analisis media, literasi media komunikasi merupakan bagian darikomunikasi yang berbasis pada siapa bicara apa, kapan, di mana dan melaluimedia apa serta apa dampaknya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa literasimedia komunikasi yang digunakan komunitas Tionghoa Muslim di Indonesiamelalui penerbitan majalah Cheng Hoo, WhatsApp Forum PITI Jatim, Website dan Facebook. Semua media tersebut digunakan dan memiliki dampak signifikanbagi relasi, interaksi dan komunikasi antara komunitas Tionghoa Muslimdengan Tionghoa non-Muslim dan komunitas Tionghoa Muslim dengan non-Tionghoa Muslim di negeri ini. Lebih dari itu, cara Tionghoa menjadi Muslimyang baik juga terlihat dalam beberapa pelayanan pendidikan Islam berbasiskomunitas Tionghoa di Indonesia dari Taman Kanak-Kanak, Sekolah DasarIslam, pengajian rutin, dan Pesantren.
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Abidin, Yusuf Zainal. "Keberagamaan dan Dakwah Tionghoa Muslim." Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 11, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v11i2.1884.
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Research on the religious activities and da’wah of Chinese Muslims in Indonesia are still very minimal, even though this ethnic group also contributes to the spread of Islam in Indonesia. This study describes the diversity and propaganda of Muslim Chinese in the city of Bandung. With the case study method, we find out how the religious experience and da'wah of Muslim Chinese as a form of thought, deed and congregation. The results of the study revealed that diversity and da'wah among Muslim Chinese is a social act as part of religious experience in the form of (1) thought that religious diversity is not only limited to facts social that the Chinese ethnic are Muslims, but also felt and lived in the form of social interaction. (2) rites, da'wah activities for the ethnic Chinese need an initial study of their ancestral culture and (3) congregation in the form of support from external Chinese Muslims and the spirit of some of them to unite in the form of activities in the Laotze 2 mosque and in the Al-Imtizaj mosque Bandung.Kajian tentang keberagamaan dan dakwah Tionghoa Muslim di Indonesia masih sangat minim, padahal etnis ini juga turut memberikan kontribusi bagi penyebaran Islam di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggambarkan keberagamaan dan dakwah Tionghoa muslim di Kota Bandung. Dengan metode studi kasus dicari bagaimana pengalaman keagamaan dan dakwah tionghoa muslim sebagai bentuk pemikiran, perbuatan dan persekutuan Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa keberagaman dan dakwah di kalangan Tionghoa Muslim merupakan tindakan sosial sebagai bagian dari pengalaman keagamaan berbentuk (1) pemikiran yaitu keberagamaan tidak hanya terbatas pada fakta sosial bahwa etnis Tionghoa beragama Islam, tetapi juga dirasakan dan dihayati dalam bentuk interaksi sosial. (2) ritus, kegiatan dakwah bagi etnis Tionghoa memerlukan kajian awal tentang budaya leluhur mereka dan (3) persekutuan berupa dukungan dari pihak eksternal Tionghoa Muslim dan semangat sebagian dari mereka untuk bersatu yaitu dalam bentuk aktivitas di masjid Laotze 2 maupun di masjid Al-Imtizaj Bandung.
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Chen, Bin. "Lost Voices: Chinese Muslim Modernists and the Issue of Polygamy in the Republican Era." International Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (August 11, 2020): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591420000364.
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AbstractThis study brings the voices of Chinese Muslim modernists back into discussions on polygamy in the Republican era. Starting from the late nineteenth century, abolishing the practice of polygamous marriage became a vital component of Chinese modernizing elites’ vision of modern Chinese society, as they saw polygamy as an obstacle to modernization. Chinese Muslim modernists actively engaged in China's struggle with polygamy. Their dynamic discussions on polygamy were not insignificant and peripheral. On the contrary, when the Republican law promoting monogamy was hard to implement, some Chinese Muslim modernists pushed their fellow Muslims to set examples for other Chinese to obey the law. The Chinese translations of Arabic scholarly work even helped some Chinese Muslim modernists take a different approach to the issue of polygamy by arguing that polygamy, if properly regulated, could be beneficial to modern societies.
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Ma, Haiyun. "Patriotic and Pious Muslim Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century China: The Case of Ma Jian." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v23i3.443.
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The fall of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and the founding of the modern Chinese nation-state brought both opportunities and challenges to Chinese Muslims. No longer having to deal with emperorship and its foundational ideology, Confucianism, they were soon confronted with new state ideological impositions, namely, Han nationalism and socialism, imposed by the Republican and Communist regimes. These new challenges were both threatening and promising, for although the new ideologies were fundamentally antithetic to Islam, the new regimes promised an equal status to Chinese Muslims and saw how they could aid national diplomacy and international relations with Muslim countries. Within this context, China’s Muslim intellectuals tried to reorient and reposition Muslims and Islam by minimizing differences and maximizing commonalities during both the Republican and the Communist regimes. By studying Ma Jian (1906-78), one of modern China’s most influential and representative Muslim intellectuals, as well as his juxtaposition of Islam and China, I look at the way of being a modern Chinese Muslim intellectual in China’s post-1949 internal and international contexts. The Turkic Muslim communities in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China are excluded from this study.
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Ma, Haiyun. "Patriotic and Pious Muslim Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century China: The Case of Ma Jian." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.443.
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The fall of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and the founding of the modern Chinese nation-state brought both opportunities and challenges to Chinese Muslims. No longer having to deal with emperorship and its foundational ideology, Confucianism, they were soon confronted with new state ideological impositions, namely, Han nationalism and socialism, imposed by the Republican and Communist regimes. These new challenges were both threatening and promising, for although the new ideologies were fundamentally antithetic to Islam, the new regimes promised an equal status to Chinese Muslims and saw how they could aid national diplomacy and international relations with Muslim countries. Within this context, China’s Muslim intellectuals tried to reorient and reposition Muslims and Islam by minimizing differences and maximizing commonalities during both the Republican and the Communist regimes. By studying Ma Jian (1906-78), one of modern China’s most influential and representative Muslim intellectuals, as well as his juxtaposition of Islam and China, I look at the way of being a modern Chinese Muslim intellectual in China’s post-1949 internal and international contexts. The Turkic Muslim communities in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China are excluded from this study.
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Hong, Meenchee, Sizhong Sun, A. B. M. Rabiul Beg, and Zhangyue Zhou. "Determinants of halal purchasing behaviour: evidences from China." Journal of Islamic Marketing 10, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 410–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jima-03-2018-0053.
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Purpose With a fast-growing Muslim population and consumer income, the demand for halal products by Chinese Muslims has expanded strongly. However, literature addressing Chinese Muslims’ consumption is limited, and their demand for halal products is little understood. This study aims to investigate what affects Chinese Muslims’ demand for halal products, with a focus on halal personal care products. Design/methodology/approach A survey of 500 respondents was conducted to collect cross-sectional data in northwest China. Data were processed and analysed with a logit model. Findings Apart from faithfulness, reliability of recommendations, product price, product availability and halal authenticity are most important determinants influencing the purchase of halal products by Chinese Muslims. Research limitations/implications In this study, the focus is only on Muslims from China’s Northwest. Due to various constraints, the cluster and convenience sampling methods are used. Practical implications The findings are invaluable for governments and industry bodies to form policies to better meet the burgeoning demand for halal products by Chinese Muslims. They are also very invaluable for producers and exporters who intend to penetrate the halal market in non-Muslim-dominant countries like China. Originality/value Studies on understanding the needs of Muslims in non-Muslim countries are limited. Given the sheer size of the Muslim population in China, understanding their demand for halal products and influential determinants concerning such demand adds to the literature and helps the industry to better serve and capitalise on the growing market.
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Nurjanah, Firda, and Andika Saputra. "SRATEGI SPASIAL KALANGAN TIONGHOA DI KAUMAN SURAKARTA." NALARs 20, no. 1 (January 13, 2021): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24853/nalars.20.1.29-36.
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ABSTRAK. Indonesia terkenal dengan keragaman budaya yang disisi lain dapat memunculkan suatu perbedaan. Dari perbedaan tersebut, tidak jarang memunculkan sebuah konflik yang berujung pada kekerasan. Seperti halnya konflik antara Tionghoa dengan pribumi muslim yang sudah ada sejak kedatangan Belanda. Penelitian kali ini berada di Kauman, Surakarta dimana kampung ini tidak hanya dihuni oleh kaum muslim melainkan juga Tionghoa. Dengan adanya dua komunitas yang berbeda identitas dalam satu tempat serta sejarah konflik antara Tionghoa dengan muslim dimungkinkannya terjadi sebuah pergesekan dan perbedaan. Identitas yang dimaksud adalah Jawa Muslim dengan Tionghoa non-Muslim. Dari uraian tersebut, langkah pertama yang dilakukan yakni mengetahui strategi spasial kalangan Tionghoa dalam memasuki Kampung Kauman. Langkah pertama tersebut berfungsi untuk mengetahui lebih lanjut mengenai interaksi yang akan terjadi. Selain itu, penelitian ini dilakukan guna mencegah dampak terjadinya konflik sosial di kawasan Kauman kedepannya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode induksi kualitatif dengan penekanan pada proses observasi, wawancara dan pemetaan. Hasil yang diperoleh yakni terdapat tiga strategi spasial yang dapat membentuk pola ruang. Kata kunci: Strategi Spasial, Kalangan Tionghoa, Kauman Surakarta ABSTRACT. Indonesia is famous for its cultural diversity, which, on the other hand, can make a difference. From these differences, it is not uncommon for a conflict to lead to violence. Such is the case with conflicts between Chinese and native Muslims that have existed since the Dutch's arrival. The research this time was in Kauman, Surakarta, where Muslims and Chinese inhabit this village. With the existence of two communities with different identities in one place and the history of conflict between Chinese and Muslims, it is possible to have friction and differences. The identity in question is Javanese Muslim and Chinese non-Muslim. From this description, the first step taken was to know the Chinese's spatial strategy in entering Kauman Village. This first step serves to find out more about the interactions that will occur. Also, this research was conducted to prevent future impacts of social conflict in the Kauman area. This study used a qualitative induction method with an emphasis on the process of observation, interview, and mapping. The results obtained are that three spatial strategies can form spatial patterns Keywords: Spatial Strategy, Chinese Circle, Kauman Surakarta
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Hew, Wai Weng. "Conservative Inclusivity and Hierarchical Diversity." Asian Journal of Social Science 47, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04703006.
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Abstract By discussing Chinese Muslim dakwah (proselytisation) activities, as well as examining how Chinese Muslims engage with broader Islamic practices, gain support from various Muslim organisations and interact with various Muslim individuals, this paper examines the possibilities, limitations, and challenges of religious pluralism in Indonesia today. Generally speaking, Chinese Muslims’ dakwah activities reflect the broader trend of religious discourses among Indonesian Muslims—a support for inclusivity and diversity, yet at the same time, an increasing “conservative turn;” and the notion of diversity has been redefined according to a rigid interpretation of Islamic teachings. I propose to understand such dynamics as forms of conservative inclusivity and hierarchical diversity. The challenge of religious pluralism in Indonesia today is less about the rejection of diversity among conservative Muslims, but more about the appropriation of the meaning of diversity and the scale of inclusivity.
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Ouyang, Wen-chin. "The Qur’an and Identity in Contemporary Chinese Fiction." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 16, no. 3 (October 2014): 62–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2014.0166.
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How is it possible to comprehend and assess the impact of the Qur’an on the literary expressions of the Hui Chinese Muslims, who have been integrated into Sinophone and China’s multicultural community since the third/ninth century, when the first ‘translations’ of the Qur’an in Chinese made by non-Muslims from Japanese and English appeared only in 1927 and 1931, and that by a Muslim from Arabic in 1932? This paper looks at the ways in which the Qur’an is imagined, then embodied, in literary texts authored by two prizewinning Chinese Muslim authors. Huo Da (b. 1945) alludes to the Qur’an in her novel The Muslim’s Funeral (1982), and transforms its teachings into ritual performances of alterity in her saga of a Muslim family at the turn of the twentieth century. Zhang Chengzhi (b. 1948) involves himself in reconstructing the history of the Jahriyya Ṣūfī sect in China between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries in his only historical novel, A History of the Soul (1991), and invents an identity for Chinese Muslims based on direct knowledge of the sacred text and tradition.
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Mao, Yufeng. "A Muslim Vision for the Chinese Nation: Chinese Pilgrimage Missions to Mecca during World War II." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000088.
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In the late 1930s, three groups of Sino-Muslims went on hajj trips to Mecca. Two of them represented the Republic of China, while one represented the puppet government in Japanese-occupied North China. Reflecting the political importance of the Muslim population in the Sino-Japanese struggle, each group engaged in propaganda efforts for its government. However the Sino-Muslims who participated in these missions were not merely the passive pawns of Chinese authorities. Rather, archival material and published sources in Chinese and Arabic show that Sino-Muslims actively used these missions to advance a vision of the Chinese nation in which Muslims would play an important role in domestic and foreign affairs. This vision was based on a particular understanding of global politics which allowed Sino-Muslim elites to reconcile the transnational characteristic of Islam with loyalty to the territorially bound “Chinese nation.”
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Yunariono, Bastian, and Retno Andriati. "The Construction of Chinese Muslim Identities in Surabaya." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 28, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.28.1.6264.
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This study aims to uncover how Chinese Muslims in Surabaya developed their identity in Post-Reformation. During the New Order regime, they could not show their identity as a part of Indonesian diversity. Chinese identity has merged with the “native” people. Along with the downfall of the authoritarian political system and the development of multiculturalism and pluralism, Chinese Muslims in Surabaya could express their cultural identity. This study uses a qualitative method with an ethnographic approach. The results of the study reveal that the Chinese Muslims in Surabaya developed their cultural identity through Cheng Hoo Mosque, Chinese Muslim Organization, and Imlek Celebration. The cultural identity created a hybrid identity which is a combination of Chinese, Java, and Islamic cultures.
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Dewi, Nevy Rusmarina, Maulana Irsyad, Mufarikhin Mufarikhin, and Ahmad Maulana Feriansyah. "Dinamika Kemanusiaan Muslim Uyghur di Cina." IJTIMAIYA: Journal of Social Science Teaching 4, no. 1 (May 21, 2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/ji.v4i1.7452.
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<p>Permasalahan kemanusiaan muslim Uighur di Cina menjadi salah satu bahasan dunia internasional, yang menjadi fokus ialah pelanggaran hak asasi manusia oleh pemerintah Cina. Dalam rangka menerapkan ideology komunis di Cinabanyak strategi dipakai oleh pemerintah Cina dalam mendoktrin muslim Uighur diantaranya, menyiksa, mengurung, sampai perkawinan paksa oleh suku Cina dan suku Uighur. Tujuan utamanya agar suku Uighur dapat membaur dengan warga Cina yang lain dan tak ada lagi perbedaan di bawah Komunis. Hal itu yang menjadikan alasan bahwa pelanggaran hak asasi terhadap suku Uighur ini terus berlanjut, dalam tulisan ini akan membahas dinamika muslim Uighur di bawah ideologi Cina beserta dampak permasalahan kemanusiaan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan banyak terjadi pelanggaran kemanusiaan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Komunis Cina terhadap muslim Uighur. Pelanggaran yang terjadi telah masuk pada kategori pelanggaran HAM, namun dunia internasional tidak dapat menjangkaunya karena bagi pemerintah Cina hal ini merupakan masalah dalam negerinya.</p><p class="Affiliasi">Kata Kunci: Pelanggaran HAM, Muslim Uighur, Komunis</p><p> </p><p><em>The humanitarian problem of Uighur Muslims in China has become one of the international discussions, the focus being on human rights violations by the Chinese government. In order to implement communist ideology in China many strategies are used by the Chinese government in doctrining Uighur Muslims including, torturing, confining, to forced marriage by Chinese and Uighur tribes. The ultimate goal is for the Uighurs to blend in with other Chinese and there is no difference under the Communists. That is what makes the reason that human rights violations against the Uighurs continue, in this paper will discuss the dynamics of Uighur Muslims under Chinese ideology and the impact of humanitarian problems. This research uses qualitative research methods using literature study. The results showed that there were many humanitarian violations committed by the Chinese Communist government against Uighur Muslims. The violations that occur have been categorized as human rights violations, but the international community cannot reach them because for the Chinese government this is a problem in their country.</em></p><p><em>Keywords: human rights violations, Uighur Muslims, Communists.</em></p>
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Abdirashidov, Z. Sh. "Image of a Chinese Muslim in Late Ottoman Press." Turkology 5, no. 103 (October 15, 2020): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-3162.014.
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At the end of the XIX century, the Muslim world, which fell into deep political and intellectual stagnation, was looking for ways out of this situation and raising the scientific potential of the Muslim community. The political crisis in the internal and external affairs of the most powerful Muslim state – Turkey, led in 1908 to the 2nd Constitutional Revolution. During this period that a press arose in Istanbul aimed at agitating or promoting the unity of Muslims under the rule of the Ottoman Sultan. The Turkish press, in order to fulfill the tasks assigned to it, first of all began to familiarize the Ottoman public with the life, political and social situation of Muslims living mainly in the southeastern territories of Asia. This article provides a preliminary analysis of the materials of the Turkish press, in particular, the magazines Ṣırāṭ-ı Müstaqīm, Ta‘āruf-i Müslimīn and Ḥikmet about Chinese Muslims, as well as made an attempt to identify the main ideological aspects of Ottoman society, their attitude to the socio-political situation of Chinese Muslims.
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Abdirashidov, Z. Sh. "Image of a Chinese Muslim in Late Ottoman Press." Turkology 5, no. 103 (October 15, 2020): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2020/2664-3162.014.
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At the end of the XIX century, the Muslim world, which fell into deep political and intellectual stagnation, was looking for ways out of this situation and raising the scientific potential of the Muslim community. The political crisis in the internal and external affairs of the most powerful Muslim state – Turkey, led in 1908 to the 2nd Constitutional Revolution. During this period that a press arose in Istanbul aimed at agitating or promoting the unity of Muslims under the rule of the Ottoman Sultan. The Turkish press, in order to fulfill the tasks assigned to it, first of all began to familiarize the Ottoman public with the life, political and social situation of Muslims living mainly in the southeastern territories of Asia. This article provides a preliminary analysis of the materials of the Turkish press, in particular, the magazines Ṣırāṭ-ı Müstaqīm, Ta‘āruf-i Müslimīn and Ḥikmet about Chinese Muslims, as well as made an attempt to identify the main ideological aspects of Ottoman society, their attitude to the socio-political situation of Chinese Muslims.
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Wang, Yuting, and Fenggang Yang. "Muslim Attitudes toward Business in the Emerging Market Economy of China." Social Compass 58, no. 4 (December 2011): 554–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768611421128.
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Chinese Muslims are a religious minority in a non-Islamic society that has been undergoing rapid economic and social changes. In the emerging market economy of China, Muslims hold various attitudes toward business. Based on 53 in-depth interviews with Muslim businesspeople in the capital city of Beijing, Zhengzhou in Central China, and Guangzhou in Southern China near Hong Kong, the authors find five distinguishable types of Muslim businesspeople: socially detached, socially engaged, pragmatic, traditionalist and secular. The different ways of being Chinese Muslim businesspeople offer valuable information for the understanding of the compatibility of Islam with modernity and with non-Islamic cultures.
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U. Ahmed, Zafar, Osama Sam Al-Kwifi, Buerhan Saiti, and Nor Bin Othman. "Consumer behavior dynamics of Chinese minorities." Journal of Technology Management in China 9, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jtmc-10-2013-0038.
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Purpose – Meat consumption decisions within a religious context can differ significantly from purchase decisions where religion does not play a key role. The purpose of this study is to investigate the determinants of Halal meat consumption within a Chinese Muslim population using the “marketing theory of planned behavior”. The role of self-identity as a Muslim and dietary acculturation in the host culture is investigated. Design/methodology/approach – The study is based on a questionnaire survey. Cross-sectional data were collected through a survey of 368 Muslim participants, mainly from Xinjiang province in China. Data were analyzed by a series of regression analyses to test the model and the moderating effects of self-identity and dietary acculturation on behavioral intention. Findings – The results indicate that motivation to comply with religious requirements, and personal conviction, have a positive attitude toward behavioral intention to consume Halal meat. However, perceived control has a negative relationship with behavioral intention to eat Halal meat among Muslims. Results also show that in general, Halal meat consumption is determined by the pressure of others, personal conviction, and the perceived control. Practical implications – For marketing managers, Muslims with a low Muslim identity can be motivated to buy Halal meat by communicating through slogans that focus on the individual's opportunity to make his or her own choice(s). Originality/value – This paper will prove valuable to food-policy decision makers and food marketers, who might pursue identity and/or acculturation-related strategies in their distribution and communication efforts targeting the growing Halal food market segment in China and globally.
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Barfield, Thomas. "JONATHAN N. LIPMAN, Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China, Studies on Ethnic Groups in China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997). Pp. 302. $22.50 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002154.
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Chinese Muslims, known today as the Hui and during the 19th century as Dungans, present a particular problem for a historian. Why should Chinese-speaking believers in Islam constitute a separate ethnic group when believers in other religions of foreign origin (Buddhism and Christianity, for example) do not? Did Chinese Muslims have a common history across China, or has one been created for them because they are now labeled an ethnic minority group (minzou) in the People's Republic of China? Jonathan Lipman begins his history by challenging the whole notion of the “Hui” as an ethnic group, which he argues in his Introduction has been taken as an unproblematic category by both Chinese and Western scholars. Lipman prefers the term “Sino-Muslim” to “Hui” to emphasize the reality that these Muslims are and have been Chinese in culture for centuries and to distinguish them from non–Chinese-speaking Muslim groups in China.
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Ma, Haiyun. "The Dao of Muhammad." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1603.
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Zvi Ben-Dor Benite has contributed an important piece to the history ofMuslims in imperial China, centered on a seventeenth-century Muslimgenealogy known as the Jing Xue Xi Chuan Pu (hereinafter Genealogy),which has been recently discovered, punctuated, and printed as the Jing XueXi Chuan Pu (Xining: Qinghai Renmin Chubanshe, 1989). His book followsSachiko Murata’s study of Confucian Muslim texts and teachers (namely,Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light: Wang Tai-Yu’s Great Learning of Pure andReal and Liu Chih’s Displaying the Concealment of the Real Realm [Albany,NY: State University of New York, 2000]) and illuminates many aspects ofthe Muslims’ cultural life in imperial China.The book consists of an introduction, four chapters, and a conclusionwith tables and illustrations. The first chapter decodes the Genealogy andoutlines the trajectory of the Chinese Muslims’ educational network in centraland coastal China. The second chapter explores the “social logic”behind the practices of the Muslim literati (p. 74) – that is, how they envisionedand understood the educational system, their roles, and Islam in referenceto imperial China’s existing sociocultural categories. This chapterreveals how Muslim educational institutions enabled and empoweredMuslim intellectuals to convert “Islam” and “Muslim” into valid social categoriesof school (xuepai) and to envision themselves as “literati” (shi) thatwere as much Chinese as Muslim.The third chapter analyzes the transformation of Islamic knowledge from“orality” to “texuality” (p. 158) and the formation of the Chinese Islamicschool, which was patterned on contemporary Chinese schools of scholarship.The fourth chapter explains how Confucian Muslims interpreted Islam,Prophet Muhammad, and Islamic canons as equivalents and counterparts ofConfucianism (enumerated in the Han Kitab as “Dao,” “Sage,” and “Classic”),and how the Muslim literati embraced Confucianism. In the ...
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Sumaktoyo, Nathanael Gratias. "ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS IN INDONESIAN POLITICS: EVIDENCE FROM THE 2017 JAKARTA GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 2021): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.35.
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AbstractStudies have documented how ethnic and religious sentiments shape the voting behavior of Indonesian Muslims. However, to date no studies have carefully measured the relative influence of these sentiments. I fill this gap in the literature by taking advantage of the candidacy of a Christian, ethnic Chinese candidate in the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election in Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). Employing an original survey of Jakartan Muslims, I show through experimental and correlational analyses that Muslim voters are more opposed to Ahok than non-Muslim voters are and that this opposition is driven more by Ahok's ethnicity, as opposed to his religion. I also show that Muslim voters’ feelings toward ethnic Chinese shape their support for Ahok more than their feelings toward Christians. I discuss how these findings inform our understanding of the limits and extent of religious influence on Muslim voting behavior.
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Hsiu-Ping, Bao. "Images of Islam in Taiwan: from Chinese Islam to Global Islam (Imej Islam di Taiwan: Dari Muslim berbangsa Cina kepada Islam Global)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i1.776.
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Taipei Grand Mosque looks like a mini global village. Every Friday, the prayer hall is always overcrowded with Muslims from diverse ethnic backgrounds, including local Chinese Muslims (Hui), Arabs, Turks, Africans, Malaysians and Indonesians. They meet each other and exchange ideas after the congregational prayer. However, in the 1970s, there was a different image of Islam in Taiwan. Only Chinese Muslims were included in the congregation. The first generation of Chinese Muslims (around 20 to 50 thousand people) arrived in Taiwan with the National Government in 1949 and early 1950s when the Communist Party took over China. These Chinese Muslims showed distinctive features of ‘Chinese Islam’ in Taiwan. The elites among these Chinese Muslims were those who played a leading role in the revival of Islam in China during the 1930s and 1940s. When they settled in Taiwan, they resumed work serving Islam as they did the same in China, such as constructing mosques, building Muslim cemeteries and dispatching Muslim students to Middle Eastern countries. However, with the passage of time, their work on the revival of Islam seems to have been unsuccessful. The population of Chinese Muslims stagnated and even declined. Instead, with the open policy for drawing in foreign workers and students by the government in Taiwan during the 1990s, foreign Muslims from various countries began to appear in Taiwan, thereby exhibiting another images of Islam to the public. Nowadays, Chinese Muslims seem to be an invisible community in Taiwan as they and their descendants have become outnumbered by foreign Muslims. This paper aims to describe and analyze the paradigm shift in images of Islam in Taiwan over a half century.
Keywords: Images of Islam, Hui Muslim, Taiwan, Foreign Muslim.
Abstrak
Masjid Besar Taipei seolah-olah seperti sebuah kampung global mini dimana setiap hari Jumaat, dewan solat masjid tersebut akan dipenuhi oleh umat Islam dari pelbagai latar belakang etnik, termasuk orang Cina (Hui), Arab, Turki, Afrika, Malaysia dan Indonesia. Mereka bertemu antara satu sama lain dan bertukar-tukar pendapat usai solat berjemaah. Walau bagaimanapun, pada tahun 1970-an, gambaran imej Islam di Taiwan mengalami perubahan. Hanya orang Cina yang beragama Islam diiktiraf sebagai ahli solat jemaah. Generasi pertama umat Islam di China (sekitar 20 hingga 50 ribu orang) tiba di Taiwan semasa pemerintahan Kerajaan Negara pada tahun 1949 dan pada awal 1950-an ketika Parti Komunis mengambil alih pemerintahan negara China. Ciri-ciri umat Islam Cina yang berasal daripada negara China adalah berbeza dengan orang-orang Islam Cina di Taiwan. Para elit di kalangan umat Islam Cina ini adalah mereka yang memainkan peranan penting dalam pemulihan Islam di China pada tahun 1930-an dan 1940-an. Apabila mereka menetap di Taiwan, mereka meneruskan kerja-kerja untuk Islam sebagaimana yang mereka lakukan di China, seperti membina masjid, membuka tanah perkuburan Islam dan menghantar pelajar Islam ke negara-negara Timur Tengah. Walau bagaimanapun, dengan peredaran masa, usaha-usaha mereka membangunkan Islam tidak berjaya. Bilangan penduduk umat Islam China tidak berubah malah mengalami kemerosotan disebabkan oleh dasar terbuka Taiwan yang menggalakkan kemasukan pekerja dan pelajar asing pada tahun 1990-an, natijahnya, ramai umat Islam dari pelbagai bangsa dan negara mulai muncul di Taiwan yang telah memberi kesan kepada imej Islam yang sebelumnya kepada orang awam. Pada masa kini, kaum Cina Muslim seolah-olah menjadi komuniti yang tidak kelihatan di Taiwan kerana mereka dan keturunan mereka telah menjadi lebih ramai hasil pencampuran daripada umat Islam asing. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisa peralihan paradigma terhadap imej Islam di Taiwan setelah separuh abad.
Kata Kunci: Imej Islam, Hui muslim, Taiwan, Muslim asing
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Zhan ming, Ma. "Islamic Theology in Muslim Chinese Writings: Qingzhen Shiyi of Jin Tianzhu as an Example; Teologi Islam dalam Karya-Karya Cina Islam: Qingzhen Shiyi karya hasil Jin Tianzhu sebagai salah satu contoh." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 8, no. 1 (June 15, 2011): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v8i1.146.
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Abstract Qingzhen Shiyi is an Islamic theology work in Chinese language authored by an eighteenth century Chinese Muslim scholar known as Jin Tianzhu. The main reason for writing this book was twofold: (2) removing suspicion from the then Chinese government officials' minds that Muslms' behavior was against the Chinese culture and practices, and (2) letting Chinese Muslims know the original teachings of Islam concerning their daily lives. This work appears to be theological cum jurisprudential because the author has discussed Islamic practices from these two angles. His arguments are to some extent apologetic because to justify the efficacy of Islamic rites and rituals the author has brought the views of Confucius. He has also been logical to explain why certain Muslim practices were highly appreciable. This paper aims at introducing that Chinese Muslim scholar and his work Qingzhen Shiyi, focusing mainly on Tianzhu's theological views on God, reward and punishment etc. and legal views on lawful and unlawful, celebration of Eid festival, charity work, wearing skullcap, ritual bath etc.
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Mohd Ali, Adi Syahid, and W. A. Amir Zal. "PEMILIKAN MODAL SOSIAL IKATAN DALAM KALANGAN CINA MUSLIM KELANTAN[BONDING SOCIAL CAPITAL POSESSION AMONG KELANTAN CHINESE MUSLIM]." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 3, no. 1 (June 27, 2018): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol3iss1pp19-29.
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This paper focuses on bonding social capital possession among Chinese Muslims in Kelantan. Chinese Muslim community seems to have conflicts in their bonding social capital. Bonding social capital in this paper can be defined as the relationships that the Chinese Muslim community have with their non-Muslim family members. This research was carried out using the sequential explanatory mixed method design involving the Kelantan Chinese Muslim community with 75 respondents selected for quantitative and 5 respondents for qualitative research methods. The sampling methods adopted were convenient and snowball samplings. The research data were collected using questionnaires and semi structured interviews. The findings show that bonding social capital was at intimate level before converting to Islam and changed to moderately intimate after they had converted to Islam. This may indicate that Chinese Muslim community in this study had conflicts in their bonding social capital. The findings also have confirmed that there are significant differences between social capital possession before and after converting to Islam and no significant differences for the bonding social capital possession based on the period they convert to Islam. While qualitative data affirm the differences in Chinese Muslim bonding social capital, the data further explain that the bonding social capital possession was changed not due to conflict after conversion but because of the differences in practices and beliefs, which had significantly impact their bonding social capital. Thus, effort to enhance bonding social capital capacity must be done so that differences between religions will not become an obstacle to a healthy and continuous relationship between Chinese Muslim and their non-Muslim family members. Keywords: Social capital, Bonding social capital, Chinese Muslim community, capacity, possessionCite as: Adi Syahid M.A & W.A Amir Zal. (2018). Pemilikan modal sosial ikatan dalam kalangan Cina Muslim Kelantan [Bonding social capital posession among Kelantan Chinese Muslim]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 3(1), 19-29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol3iss1pp19-29 Abstrak Artikel ini memfokuskan kepada pemilikan modal sosial ikatan dalam kalangan Cina Muslim Kelantan. Komuniti Cina Muslim diperhatikan mempunyai konflik dalam modal sosial ikatan mereka. Modal sosial ikatan ialah hubungan komuniti Cina Muslim dengan dengan ahli keluarga mereka yang tidak beragama Islam. Kajian ini dilaksanakan menggunakan pendekatan kajian gabungan penjelasan berikutan yang melibatkan komuniti Cina Muslim iaitu seramai 75 orang dalam kajian kuantitatif dan lima orang dalam kajian kualitatif. Kaedah pensampelan yang digunakan ialah pensampelan mudah dan bola salji. Data kajian dikumpulkan menggunakan borang soal selidik dan temu bual semi berstruktur. Hasil kajian menunjukkan pemilikan modal sosial ikatan berada pada tahap akrab sebelum memeluk agama Islam dan berubah kepada sederhana akrab selepas memeluk agama Islam. Ini menunjukkan komuniti Cina Muslim mempunyai konflik dalam modal sosial ikatan mereka. Hasil kajian turut mengesahkan terdapat perbezaan yang signifikan antara pemilikan modal sosial ikatan sebelum dan selepas memeluk agama Islam dan tidak terdapat perbezaan signifikan pemilikan modal sosial ikatan berdasarkan tempoh memeluk agama Islam. Sementara itu, data kualitatif mengesahkan perbezaan modal sosial ikatan Cina Muslim, selanjutnya data kualitatif menerangkan bahawa perbezaan dalam modal sosial ikatan tidak disebabkan oleh konflik selepas memeluk agama Islam tetapi disebabkan oleh perbezaan amalan dan kepercayaan, yang telah memberi kesan secara signifikan kepada modal sosial ikatan mereka. Oleh itu, usaha untuk meningkatkan kapasiti harus dilaksanakan supaya perbezaan agama tidak menjadi penghalang kepada hubungan yang sihat dan berterusan antara Cina Muslim dan ahli keluarga mereka yang tidak memeluk agama Islam. Kata kunci: Modal sosial, modal sosial ikatan, komuniti Cina Muslim, keupayaan, pemilikan
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UNNO-YAMAZAKI, Noriko. "Cutting off the Queue for Faith, Preserving the Queue for Face: Chinese Muslims’ Queue-Cutting Movements in North China during the Xinhai Revolution Period." Asian Studies 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2018): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2018.6.1.11-31.
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This article attempts to relativise the nationalism of Chinese-speaking Muslims, which has tended to be overemphasized in previous studies, focusing on a movement in which Muslims in North China cut off their braids or queues––Manchu men’s traditional hairstyle imposed on Chinese people under the Qing rule––and related debates among the Muslim elite before and after the Xinhai Revolution. Unlike some Chinese men who cut off their braids for patriotic reasons or anti-Manchu sentiment, Muslims did so for religious reasons, arguing that Islam forbids queues because they look like the tail of a pig, an animal considered to be unclean in their religion. It is notable that some Muslims simply followed the social trend among the majority and cut off their queues, while a young Muslim scholar in Tianjin chose not to do so to prevent conflicts among Muslims and save face. This study thus illustrates the complex and diverse opinions of Muslims at that time, which cannot be completely explained by patriotism or piety.
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Asfiati, Asfiati. "Dinamika penyelenggaraan pendidikan keagamaan Islam Etnis Tionghoa Muslim di Kota Padangsidimpuan." Jurnal Konseling dan Pendidikan 7, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.29210/138200.
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This study aims to determine the condition of ethnic Chinese Muslims in organizing Islamic religious education in the city of Padangsidimpuan. The Muslim Chinese community participated in moving Islamic religious education in the city of Padangsidimpuan The research method uses qualitative. Instrument for collecting data on observation, interview and documentation. The research findings show that the implementation of Islamic religious education developed in several centers of religious learning activities. The dynamics of the implementation of ethnic Muslim Islamic religious education in the city of Padangsidimpuan carried out in a variety of containers and facilities. The organization of religious education is based on groups and individuals.It was concluded that the Muslim Chinese ethnic studied religious learning material on aqeedah, sharia and morals. Learning methods build communication between educators and students. Educators and students come from various scientific backgrounds, Islamic and Indonesian.
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Ramli, Ramli. "Moderasi Beragama bagi Minoritas Muslim Etnis Tionghoa di Kota Makassar." KURIOSITAS: Media Komunikasi Sosial dan Keagamaan 12, no. 2 (December 5, 2019): 135–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/kur.v12i2.1219.
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The results of this study indicate that religious moderation for the ethnic Chinese Muslim minority in Makassar City includes: (a) Chinese ethnic in Makassar, both those who have embraced Islam as their religious teachings, and the non-Muslim Chinese are long-lived communities in Makassar city. Its existence as a minority has become an inseparable part of religious life that lives in harmony and peace. (b) For the ethnic Chinese Muslim minority community in the city of Makassar, a good relationship has been established between the subject and object in every religious activity, both different, as well as the same ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. (c) The development of religious moderation involves all existing components and potentials, with cultural and religious considerations related to the implementers, material, methods, media and targets, as well as various elements involved in the process of enhancing the knowledge, understanding and implementation of peaceful religious teachings, polite and tolerant for the minority of ethnic Chinese Muslims in the city of Makassar, using the basic concepts of moderate religion (wasatiyah) both from the Koran, and in as-Sunnah.
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Willoughby, Jay. "Muslim Cosmopolitanism." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i1.1034.
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On November 8, 2013, Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied (National Universityof Singapore; Fulbright Fellow, Columbia University) addressed the topic of“Muslim Cosmopolitanism.” The event was held at the IIIT headquarters inHerndon, Virginia.He began his talk with a personal example: He is the child of an Arab fatherand an Indian mother, his culture is Malay, he prefers to talk in eitherMalay or English, and he understands Chinese. Thus, he is a living exampleof his assertion that “being Muslim is part and parcel of being able to appreciate many cultures … We are all hybrids,” and therefore it is only natural forMuslims to embrace diversity. While this was true for the first millennium ofIslamic civilization, it is, unfortunately, “not the case today.”Aljunied cited several examples of how contemporary Muslims have putthis reality aside. For example, he raised the question of why, when a Muslimengages in something that is clearly wrong, do Muslims apologize by sayingthat he/she is a “bad Muslim,” instead of a “bad person,” or become offensiveby saying that the action was somehow justified. He noted that this is “an unhealthydevelopment in the world in general, and especially in the UnitedStates” – one that Muslims should abandon. Instead, Muslims need to studytheir history and understand exactly who they are. With this goal in mind, hepraised AbdulHamid AbuSulayman’s Crisis in the Muslim Mind (IIIT: 1993)for its analysis of such concerns ...
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Oded, Abt (欧克德). "Chinese Rituals for Muslim Ancestors." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 2, no. 2 (November 13, 2015): 216–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00202004.
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Peterson, Kristian. "Reconstructing Islam." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 24–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v23i3.442.
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During the sixteenth century when Islam was already established in China, Chinese Muslims began to critically examine their understanding of Islamic knowledge and how to transmit it to future generations. Traditional tutelage based on purely Arabic and Persian sources generally evaded a Muslim population that, for the most part, could no longer read the available rare Islamic texts. The subsequent reconstruction of Islamic knowledge and education emphasized the intersections between the Chinese and the Muslim communities’ cultural and religious heritages. The new specialized educational system, “scripture hall education” (jingtang jiaoyu), utilized Chinese as the language of instruction and incorporated aspects of traditional Chinese literati education in collaboration with newly retrieved Islamic sources from the Muslim heartland. The ensuing standardization and organization of curriculum and pedagogical techniques enabled peripatetic students to replicate this system throughout China. It also allowed the religious community’s leaders to direct the discourse concerning Islam and disseminate a specific interpretation of religious knowledge. This is most clearly displayed through the Han Kitab, the canonized corpus of Chinese Islamic texts written, approximately, during 1600-1750. This literature articulated Islamic principles through the lexicon of literary Chinese and replicated the ideology highlighted by the educational network. This paper analyzes why Islamic knowledge was lost and traces how the new educational system transformed the indigenous Islamic discourse, articulated through the Han Kitab literature, to reflect a distinctive Chinese Muslim interpretation of the faith.
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Peterson, Kristian. "Reconstructing Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 24–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.442.
Full textAbstract:
During the sixteenth century when Islam was already established in China, Chinese Muslims began to critically examine their understanding of Islamic knowledge and how to transmit it to future generations. Traditional tutelage based on purely Arabic and Persian sources generally evaded a Muslim population that, for the most part, could no longer read the available rare Islamic texts. The subsequent reconstruction of Islamic knowledge and education emphasized the intersections between the Chinese and the Muslim communities’ cultural and religious heritages. The new specialized educational system, “scripture hall education” (jingtang jiaoyu), utilized Chinese as the language of instruction and incorporated aspects of traditional Chinese literati education in collaboration with newly retrieved Islamic sources from the Muslim heartland. The ensuing standardization and organization of curriculum and pedagogical techniques enabled peripatetic students to replicate this system throughout China. It also allowed the religious community’s leaders to direct the discourse concerning Islam and disseminate a specific interpretation of religious knowledge. This is most clearly displayed through the Han Kitab, the canonized corpus of Chinese Islamic texts written, approximately, during 1600-1750. This literature articulated Islamic principles through the lexicon of literary Chinese and replicated the ideology highlighted by the educational network. This paper analyzes why Islamic knowledge was lost and traces how the new educational system transformed the indigenous Islamic discourse, articulated through the Han Kitab literature, to reflect a distinctive Chinese Muslim interpretation of the faith.
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Tuerxun, Sainula, Nik A. Hisham, Ridhuan Abdulla, and Nur Syahidah Khalid. "PSYCHOLOGICAL ADJUSTMENT OF MUSLIM CHINESE INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS IN MALAYSIA." International Journal of Education, Psychology and Counseling 5, no. 34 (March 15, 2020): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijepc.534005.
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International students are growing in numbers in Malaysian college and university campuses since the commercialization of education at the tertiary level introduced in the 1990s. More significantly, there is an increase in the Muslim student population as more and more young Muslims come to Malaysia from different parts of the world. For example, there is a substantial increase in Muslim students from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) who see Malaysia as a peaceful and developing Muslim country. The aim of this qualitative study is to explore the thoughts and experiences of Muslim students from China studying at different Malaysian universities. Six Muslim students from RPC were interviewed in this study, and based on the data obtained from the interviews, the findings were categorized into several themes. Most Muslim-Chinese students found it difficult to adjust to the new environment, especially in terms of climate, food, and infrastructure. The students also found that language was a barrier in their interactions with the locals. At the individual level, the students suffered from loneliness and homesickness and also found that their financial situation posed a challenge. In the course of the study, several coping strategies were identified that the students had adopted in their pursuit of knowledge in Malaysia. On the other hand, they felt supported in their efforts to adjust to living in Malaysia by university management, faculty members, local students, and friends. Overall, the students concluded that Malaysia is a peaceful and beautiful country characterized by the kindness, tolerance, and helpfulness of her people. Finally, the students recommended that services and facilities should be improved for all international students in Malaysia.
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SHAN, Wei, and Ryan HO. "Islam in China: Current Conditions and State Policies." East Asian Policy 10, no. 04 (October 2018): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000417.
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In recent years, Muslim-related ethnic tensions and the Chinese government’s iron-fisted response have drawn controversies and attention from international society. The Islamic issue in China is intertwined with ethnic issues as a majority of the Muslims in China are ethnic minorities. The thrust of China’s policy for Islam is to promote its fusion with Chinese culture and to prevent influence of Arabic customs. These policies have failed to alleviate tensions between the Han-majority population and Muslim groups, and the government will face greater challenges in the future.
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Benite, Zvi Ben-Dor. "“Western Gods Meet in the East”: Shapes and Contexts of the Muslim-Jesuit Dialogue in Early Modern China." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 55, no. 2-3 (2012): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341244.
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AbstractThis essay is concerned with the possibilities and limitations of the Jesuit-Islamic dialogue in China in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It presents and discusses evidence for the interest of Chinese Muslims and Jesuits in each other almost from the outset, immediately after Matteo Ricci’s arrival in China. Muslims read Jesuit material and even incorporated it in their own works. Chinese Muslims were not, however, interested in Jesuit doctrines because of a shared monotheist faith: Chinese Muslims clearly saw Christianity not as a sister faith but as a Western one, and that was the main reason for their interest. With regard to the tendency to compare Jesuits and Chinese Muslims as two rivals competing for success in the Chinese world of ideas, the Chinese Muslim scholars should be considered not as rivals of the Jesuits but primarily as Chinese scholars engaging Jesuit knowledge and using it selectively for their own purposes.
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Eko Putro, Zainal Abidin. "Chinese Muslim Predicament in Indonesia's Post Reformation." Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 3, no. 1 (February 17, 2015): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/hn.v3i1.20.
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Indonesian Chinese with no exception Chinese Muslim in Indonesia has stepped into a considerable freedom during the current Reformation era. As like as many other Chinese Indonesians who take a part in creating integration model without abandoning their ethnic identity, Chinese Muslim have also shown similar endeavor. However, within the context of post-Reformation democracy, it seems that Chinese Muslim solely fights against any other Indonesian Chinese group and other Muslim community in Indonesia at the same time. Study about Chinese Muslim in Indonesia after Reformation is briefly undertaken ranging from its political contexts, cultural, and economy alike. Some scholars who interest in its cultural realm have been dealt with the important role of Chinese in spreading Islam into Nusantara in 14th Century. Here, Admiral Cheng Ho was an influential figure to introduce Islam to local people in northern coastal area of Java Island. It sounds that it is unlike with many other scholars who convince that Islam came to Java in the hand of Gujarat traders. This paper tries to explore the existence of Chinese Muslim in Jakarta during the current Post Reformation era. To complete this paper, I try to combine data that taken from in-depth interview with literature review and personal observation on some people and signs of Chinese Muslim in Jakarta.
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孔德維, HUNG Tak Wai. "After Diu: The Forgotten Islamic Trade in Early Nineteenth Century Cantonese Confucian Historiography (After Diu: Perdagangan Islam yand Kian dilupakan pada Awal Abad kesembilan belas Historiografi Cantonese Confucioan)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i1.775.
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Since the early 20th century, historians have studied interactions between China and Islamic communities. Most of them focused on the prosperity brought by the maritime trade between Muslims and Chinese in the earlier eras. How this trade ended, however, has not been extensively studied. This article studies the narratives regarding Arabs and Muslims participating in the Canton trade, as recorded in Yuehai guanzhi粵海關志 [Gazetteer of Canton Customs]. Yuehai guanzhi was published by Liang Tingnan 梁廷枏 (1796–1861), a Cantonese Confucian elite, with the first-hand government records in 1838, by which time non-Chinese speaking Muslim merchants had already became rare in the region. This article investigates how Islamic trade was recorded during the early 19th century. In particular, it will illustrate how the trade ended and was forgotten due to the diminishing presence of Muslim merchants after the Battle of Diu in 1509.
Keywords: Chinese Islam, Canton trade, customs system, Yuehai guanzhi, Leung Tingnan.
Abstrak
Sejak awal abad ke-20, sejarawan telah mengkaji interaksi yang berlaku antara komuniti Cina dan Islam. Kebanyakan mereka memberi tumpuan terhadap kemasyhuran perdagangan maritim antara Muslim dan Cina pada era tersebut. Walau bagaimanapun, kisah berakhirnya perdagangan ini tidak dikaji secara meluas oleh para sejarawan. Artikel ini mengkaji naratif mengenai orang Arab dan Muslim yang terlibat dalam perdagangan Canton, seperti yang dicatatkan dalam Yuehai guanzhi 粵 海關 志 [Gazetteer of Canton Customs]. Yuehai guanzhi telah diterbitkan oleh Liang See 梁廷 枏 (1796-1861), seorang elit Confucian Kantonis, dengan menggunakan rekod pertama kerajaan pada tahun 1838, dimana ketika itu para peniaga Muslim yang tidak fasih berbahasa Cina telah menjadi asing di rantau ini. Artikel ini mengkaji bagaimana perdagangan Islam direkodkan pada awal abad ke-19. Secara khususnya, artikel ini menggambarkan bagaimana perdagangan maritim antara Muslim dan Cina berakhir dan dilupakan setelah berkurangnya jumlah pedagang-pedagang Muslim selepas Pertempuran Diu pada tahun 1509.
Kata Kunci: Cina muslim,canton trade, sistem budaya, Yuehai guanzhi Leung Tingnan.
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Mahaswara, Hamada Adzani. "Muslim Tionghoa sebagai Jembatan Budaya: Studi Tentang Partisipasi dan Dinamika Organisasi PITI Yogyakarta." SHAHIH : Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary 2, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/shahih.v2i1.704.
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Socio-cultural and political changes occurred significantly in Chinese people in Indonesia after the fall of the new order. Gus Dur issued a revitalization policy of Chinese customs and beliefs as well as revoked Presidential Instruction numbered 14 of 1967. The shift in the political climate encouraged Chinese people to participate in the community, including from Chinese Muslims. Within Persatuan Islam Indonesia (PITI), they try to consolidate in order to adapt and exist. The objective of this research is to examine participatory strategy and PITI organizational dynamic in post-reformation Yogyakarta and use qualitative approach and phenomenology as a method. According to the analysis, keeping Chinese identity and being Javanese are cultural strategies in communicating Islam and methodology of adaptation. Manifested Chinese traditional elements (oral history, mythology, and philosophy) show dialogue and open-mindedness this community in the society. As a result, Chinese Muslims community plays a role as cultural broker between Chinese ethnicity and Yogyakarta Muslim society.
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Halevi, Leor. "Is China a House of Islam? Chinese Questions, Arabic Answers, and the Translation of Salafism from Cairo to Canton, 1930-1932." Die Welt des Islams 59, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 33–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00591p03.
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AbstractRashīd Riḍā’s six fatwas to China, disregarded by historians of China and by historians of Salafism, greatly expand our historical understanding of transnational intellectual exchanges between Muslim reformers in the interwar period. The questions that prompted the fatwas shed new light on the specific issues that divided Sino-Muslim nationalists in the republican era, when a Chinese awakening coincided with an Islamic awakening. They also reveal why a Sino-Muslim scholar, seeking external arbitration, decided to write to a Muslim authority in Cairo. The fatwas that ensued show, in turn, the care that Riḍā took to transmit his legal methods and religious values to a foreign country, where Muslims mainly followed the Ḥanafī school of law. On the basis of the fatwas, which were translated into Chinese, the article offers not an arbitrary, abstract, or ahistorical understanding of the origins of Salafism in China, but a concrete grasp of Salafism in translation.
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Atwill, David G. "Boundaries of Belonging: Sino-Indian Relations and the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 3 (August 2016): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816000553.
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Bridging Tibetan, Chinese, and South Asian studies, this article examines the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident, when nearly one thousand Tibetan Muslims declared themselves to be Indian citizens by virtue of their Kashmiri ancestry and petitioned the Chinese government to be allowed to emigrate to India. The paradox of the 1960 Tibetan Muslim Incident is that it occurred after a decade of careful Sino-Indian diplomacy, a diplomacy emerging out of each nation's shared struggle for independence and liberation from an anti-imperialist past. By locating the event in the broader ideological movements of postcolonial Asia, the article focuses on a set of aspirations, motivations, and spaces by which China, India, and the Tibetan Muslims sought to define their actions outside of standard nationalistic, ideological, and military narratives of the period.
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Mahfud, Choirul. "Filantropi Islam di Komunitas Muslim Tionghoa Surabaya: Ikhtiar Manajemen Zakat untuk Kesejahteraan dan Harmoni Sosial." INFERENSI: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (August 1, 2018): 149–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/infsl3.v12i1.149-176.
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The Chinese Muslim community in Surabaya takes a role in various social activities, through Islamic philanthropy programs in the zakat aspect. This study using qualitative data from several observation, interviews, reference books, news, journals and opinions in mass media as well as other relevant sources. This study focuses on the following questions: First, how is the effort to optimize Islamic philanthropy in the zakat program for community welfare in the Chinese Muslim community in Surabaya? Secondly, how is the management of professional zakat efforts to realize the community in the Chinese Muslim community? Third, how to build zakat movement in Indonesia? The results showed; first, the optimization of Islamic philanthropy in the Chinese Muslim community in Surabaya through the zakat program has been done, but still needs to be improved. Second, professional management of zakat is needed to realize society. How to involve a lot of professionals by using good management technology and systemic. Third, building the zakat movement in Indonesia among Chinese Muslim and non-Chinese Muslim and government partners to achieve optimal results.
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Gladney, Dru C. "Islam." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (May 1995): 371–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058742.
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The study of islam in china has been strongly influenced by what Lila Abu-Lughod (1989:269) termed “zones of theory” in the general Western scholarship of Islam, in which studies of the Middle Eastern “core” have been privileged over Islam on the so-called periphery. Muslims in China, relegated to the distant margins of both Sinological and Islamic scholarship, have rarely received much academic attention. This summary attempts a brief overview of past scholarship on Islam in China and recent contributions to the field. It is concerned primarily with Islam among the people known as the “Hui,” as they are the “Muslim Chinese” proper, whereas the other nine Muslim nationalities identified by the Prc government do not speak Chinese as their native languages and belong more properly to Central Asian studies. The 1990 census revealed that there are a total of 17.6 million members of the ten mainly Muslim nationalities, with the Hui numbering 8.4 million. Like the U.S. census, religion is not a category on the Chinese census, so this figure includes some members of these nationalities who may not believe in or practice the Islamic religion, as well as excluding Han and other minority nationalities who might believe in Islam. Though some Muslims, especially Uygur, complain of underreporting of their populations, this is a fairly good initial estimate of the number of Muslims in China, indicating an increase of 1.2 million over the 1982 figure, a 13 percent increase (Gladney 1991:20).
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Baoguang, Nuer Hassan Pang. "The Hui: a Chinese Muslim nationality." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 11, no. 2 (July 1990): 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666959008716170.
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Abt, Oded. "Muslim Ancestor, Chinese Hero or Tutelary God." Asian Journal of Social Science 42, no. 6 (2014): 747–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04206004.
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This paper examines the dynamic boundaries of Chinese identities and the role of family narratives in their formation. It examines the interplay between history and memory, focusing on traditions regarding ancestors of the Fujian Guo lineage of Muslim descent in China, Taiwan and the Philippines, over six centuries. Existing scholarship approaches these traditions in ethnic terms, corresponding to the ethnic discourse prevalent in the P.R.C., focusing solely on mainland groups, but overlooking other variations found overseas. Hence, scholars portray the changing narratives as reflecting a linear process: from past sinicisation, to today’s more “historically authentic” Hui identity. The present analysis offers a broader socio-cultural overview, showing how the pan-Asian Guo lineage re-imagines familial history across time and space by highlighting the forced assimilation narrative in which their early Ming ancestors falsely adopted Guo Ziyi, a Han-Chinese national hero, as their ancestor. The paper follows the narrative’s continuous transformations, analysing different interpretations of assuming Chinese identity among Muslims’ descendants within different contexts of contemporary Asia.
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Gladney, Dru C. "Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism?" China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000275.
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Many of the challenges China's Muslims confront remain the same as they have for the last 1,400 years of continuous interaction with Chinese society, but some are new as a result of China's transformed and increasingly globalized society, and especially since the watershed events of the 11 September terrorist attacks and the subsequent “war on terrorism.” Muslims in China live as minority communities, but many such communities have survived in rather inhospitable circumstances for over a millennium. This article examines Islam and Muslim minority identity in China, not only because it is where this author has conducted most of his research, but also because with the largest Muslim minority in East Asia, China's Muslims are clearly the most threatened in terms of self-preservation and Islamic identity. I argue that successful Muslim accommodation to minority status in China can be seen to be a measure of the extent to which Muslim groups allow the reconciliation of the dictates of Islamic culture to their host culture. This goes against the opposite view that can be found in the writings of some analysts, that Islam in the region is almost unavoidably rebellious and that Muslims as minorities are inherently problematic to a non-Muslim state. The history of Islam in China suggests that both within each Muslim community, as well as between Muslim nationalities, there are many alternatives to either complete accommodation or separatism.
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Rosi, Rois Imron. "BEING MUSLIM IN CHINA: HUI ETHNIC PERSPECTIVE." J-PIPS (Jurnal Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial) 7, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jpips.v7i1.10480.
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Understanding identity helps individual to understand himself/herself and knows his/her position in the society. It is also expected to lead individual having a better tolerant attitude toward other cultures. Furthermore, ‘Hui’ is a Muslim majority ethnic live in China while Muslim as minority group of the country. This study tries to explore Hui ethnic perspective and experience on being Muslim in China. This study is designed qualitatively. The data is presented in the form of description and explanations. The primary research objects are 3 female and 1 male Hui ethnic who are currently living and studying in Indonesia. The result stated that Muslim in China as represented in many Muslim world who are believing in God and practicing rituals, even there are some different practices experienced by Chinese-Muslim. In term of interaction, Chinese-Muslim are more open with other non-Muslim ethnic, and they develop and construct dual identity in order to live in harmony within ‘Han’ majority ethnic group. This study will enrich the sociological analysis of identity within minority group.Keywords: Muslim Identity; Chinese-Muslim; Hui Ethnic
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Hagras, Hamada Muhammed. "THE FUNCTIONS AND SYMBOLISM OF CHINESE MINARETS: A CASE STUDY OF THE HUAISHENG GUANGTA." Journal of Islamic Architecture 6, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jia.v6i2.10209.
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The Huisheng mosque in Guangzhou is one of China's oldest mosques; its initial construction dates back to 627. The minaret of the mosque is one of the surviving earliest examples of Islamic architecture in China. The Chinese minarets were built with a form of a wooden low-rise Chinese pavilion. In the case of Guangta, it was built by brick directly on the street with such a great height. The unique architectural form of Guangta raises many questions about its location, architecture, and function. The study traces the historical texts of the minaret to clarify its historical functions. It attempts to understand the minaret's meanings, the hidden symbolism, and its historical roles to serve the Muslim community as a religious minority in the city, on the one hand, as well as its cultural contributions on the other hand. There are several methods to achieve its objectives: the historical, the descriptive, and the comparative analytical approach. These approaches proved that the minaret played many roles associated with its form and architecture. In addition to its religious functions, it is entrusted to inform Muslims at prayer times. The minaret was also used as a control tower if the Muslim community in the city was exposed to external or internal threats and served as a lighthouse to facilitate Muslim maritime trade. Further, it carried a religious symbolism as it was a symbol of Islam itself within the local Chinese society that was not ruled by Muslims.
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Gladney, Dru C. "The History of Women’s Mosques in Chinese Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1605.
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This remarkable collaboration of primarily Maria Jaschok and Shui Jingjun(with contributions from nine other mostly Muslim Chinese women who areduly acknowledged), contains a wealth of information on a subject that most scholars of Muslim communities have never considered or perhaps evenimagined: the existence of bona fide women’s mosques in China. Throughpainstaking historical, archival, interview, and field research, the authors layout a convincing argument that such mosques have existed in China and continueto experience a “rapid increase” (p. 15), at least since the late Mingdynasty (sixteenth to seventeenth centuries), proliferating in northern China’scentral plains region (mainly Henan, Hebei, Shandong, and Anhui) during theQing emperor Jiaqing’s reign (1796-1820) (pp. 67-69).This work sheds light on “how women [in China] engendered and sustainedfaith, aspiration and loyalties under often challenging conditions” (p.5) – which is putting it mildly. Strenuously caught between Confucian,Islamic, and patrimonial requirements, they developed an institution of learningand cultural transmission perhaps unique to the Muslim world. While theauthors never fully address why “women’s mosques” and madrassahs developedso fully in China (and almost nowhere else), they do richly demonstratethe extraordinarily important role these religious and educational centershave played in preserving and promoting Islamic understanding amongChina’s Muslims, known as the Hui national minority (with a year 2000 populationof approximately 9.8 million, out of a total 20.3 million Muslims inChina, according to the especially accurate PRC state census).While the authors claim these women’s “prayer halls” (the Chinese termis ambiguous) and the women who lead them are fully-fledged ahongs orimams (again, the Chinese term, like the Arabic and Persian equivalents, isnot clear about the teacher’s actual status), the issue here is whether they haveany authority over men. Since they clearly do not, ahong should be taken inits more general sense of “one possessing advanced Islamic knowledge” ortraining, and does not imply institutionalized authority beyond the sphere ofwomen (and children, which in most instances includes boys). Nevertheless,it is significant that they have such organized authority, training, and separateprayer halls or mosques among themselves ...
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Mohd Khambali@Hambali, Khadijah, Suraya Sintang, Azarudin Awang, Khairul Nizam Mat Karim, Nur Farhana Abdul Rahman, Wan Adli Wan Ramli, Nurhanisah Senin, et al. "al-Wasatiyyah in the practice of religious tolerance among the families of new Muslims in sustaining a well-being society." Humanomics 33, no. 2 (May 8, 2017): 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/h-02-2017-0025.
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Purpose The main value in a culture of tolerance is wasatiyyah. The fragility of relationships and misunderstanding between Muslim and non-Muslim communities occurs when attention to values of tolerance which need more attention on moderation was not practiced especially in the life of a new Muslim convert community. Thus, the practice of moderation is one mechanism proposed by the government to ensure a harmonious continuation of life in a religious community can be achieved. For that, a qualitative study design was used to describe the current status of a phenomenon that occurs among new Muslim converts. The purposive sampling method is used to determine the applications of wasatiyyah in new Muslims’ life tolerance at Kota Kinabalu (East Malaysia) and Kuala Terengganu (West Malaysia). Although the study was conducted at two different locations, there is a relationship between religious phenomena that occur in the new Muslims community in Malaysia. The purpose of this study is to see the practical concept of moderation in the life of new Muslims and their relation with Muslims and non-Muslims. The results showed that the value of moderation was applied in the aspect of tolerance. The application of Wasatiyyah in practice of tolerance had helped non-Muslims family members to change their attitudes and perception towards Islam. This study suggests the values of wasatiyyah in the life of religious tolerance, need to be nourished especially in multiethnic society when sharing a living places, education and employment for better social development as well as a well-being pluralistic society. Design/methodology/approach The study was conducted through descriptive data qualitative methods. Purposive sampling was used which refers to a group that has the characteristics of samples required by researchers (Mohd Najib Abdul Ghafar 2003). This study applies the method of in-depth interview with the selected new Muslims around Kota Kinabalu (representing East Malaysia) and around Kuala Terengganu (representing Peninsular Malaysia/West Malaysia). Thus, data accumulation involves new Muslims (new Converts) from various ethnics (Sabahan and Sarawakian) which comprise Kadazandusun, Murut, Rungus, Sino and Iban. Secondly, those are from the Peninsular Malaysia which includes Chinese and Indian. Whereas in Kuala Terengganu, data accumulation involves new Muslims from various ethnics (Chinese, Indian, Sarawakian and others). The result of the interview is shown through descriptive narratives which display the practice of tolerance in the form of supportive interaction from the non-Muslim families towards the new Muslims in Islamic lifestyle. Findings The concept of wasatiyyah has nurturing tolerance among Muslim, newly Muslim and non-Muslim as well as fostering harmony among the diverse ethnics in Malaysia. Based on the discussion, it was observed that the concept of wasatiyyah had a great influence on the relationship among Muslim, newly Muslim and non-Muslim, as it had a strong link with the value of akhlaq that have been embedded in the Muslim community. The wasatiyyah is the main element that shapes the relationship, and it is the results of interaction with social norms, for it has bred certain social values that include tolerance, compromise, modesty, respect and cooperation as transpired when they (Muslim and newly Muslim) interact among themselves or with other communities. Furthermore, the main goal for the concept is to maintain peace and built well-being in the society as well as bracing racial ties in Malaysia, especially among Muslim, newly Muslim and non-Muslim. Originality/value Tolerance is a culture that founded the co-existence of pluralistic society in Malaysia. The culture of tolerance can only be built if ethnic tolerance and religious tolerance is accepted as a common practice – Muslims and non-Muslims alike. The description of wasatiyyah in the practice of religious tolerance among the families of new Muslims is the platform towards the acculturation of tolerance in the societal life from different faith and ethnics. It can be said that the higher the tolerance of ethnic, the higher is the religious tolerance, which is manifested through the application of wasatiyyah between people from different religions. This situation is highlighted in the relations of Muslim, newly Muslim and non-Muslim in Sabah and Terengganu where the culture of tolerance is apparent in the life together. Extensive interaction through encounters, acquaintance and co-existence that shape the friendship, brotherhood and kinship is the best formula in nurturing the culture of tolerance in the pluralistic society of Malaysia. Perhaps, the concept of wasatiyyah may be implemented in the whole aspect of life in the context of Malaysia. It is because the term wasatiyyah has the main sources of Islamic epistemology as well as sustaining the well-being pluralistic society without destroying the differences.
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Mèngyáo, Sūn, and Michael Knüppel. "On Chinese Hui-Muslim elementary vocabulary (2): Funeral terminology." Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 138, no. 1 (2021): 25–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20834624sl.21.004.13281.
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With this paper the writers continue their series of articles on Chinese Muslim elementary vocabulary. As already mentioned in the first part,2 in most Chinese dictionaries the specific elementary vocabulary of Islam is omitted. The paper in hand deals with the funeral terminology of Chinese Muslim.3 In contrast to the prayer terminology, we can only find one direct borrowing in Sino-Arabic, but no Sino-Persian transcription (Arabic and Persian loanwords phonetically transcribed with Chinese characters) among the funeral terms. More often the common Chinese terms are also used in the specific Muslim context. Furthermore, it is obvious that the number of terms is somehow limited comparing to the prayer terminology.
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HO, WAI-YIP. "British Raj to China's Hong Kong: The rise of madrasas for ethnic Muslim youth." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 2 (February 13, 2014): 399–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000668.
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AbstractThe madrasa, the Islamic institution of learning, has for centuries occupied a central role in the transmission of religious knowledge and the shaping of the identity of the global Muslim community (umma). This paper explores the sharp rise in the number of madrasas in contemporary Hong Kong. It examines, in particular, how South Asian Muslim youth, after receiving a modern education in a conventional day school, remain faithful to their religious tradition by spending their evenings at a madrasa studying and memorizing the Qur'an. Engaging with the stereotypical bias of Islamophobia and national security concerns regarding the ties of madrasas to Islamic terrorist movements over the last decade, this paper argues that the burgeoning South Asian madrasa networks have to be understood in the context of Hong Kong's tripartite Islamic traditions—South Asian Muslim, Chinese Hui Muslims, and Indonesian Muslims—and within each Muslim community's unique expression of Islamic piety. Furthermore, the paper also identifies factors contributing to the increase in madrasas in Hong Kong after the transition from British colonial rule to China's resumption of sovereign power in 1997.
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Santoso, Budi, and Dhanang Respati Puguh. "PEMBAURAIN KOMUINITAS TIOINGHOA MUSLIM DI KUDUS 1961 - 1998." Sabda : Jurnal Kajian Kebudayaan 1, no. 1 (February 3, 2017): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/sabda.v1i1.13275.
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This research discusses the assimilation process of Chinese moslem community in Kudus in the year 1961-1998 by using historical method. There are four factors which formed Chinese moslem community in Kudus, namely environment, education, marriage, and willingness. There are two unique typologies owned by Chinese moslem community, first, 'abangan'Chinese moslem and second, 'putihan' Chinese moslem. Behavioral configurations of social religiousness of abangan Chinese moslem still entangle ancestor's traditional procedures, such as doing worshiping to ancestor, celebrating Imiek, and installing to 'rajah' (tatto) Chinese. On the contrary, putihan Chinese moslem configurations have eliminated all ancestor's traditional procedures and they are active in running Islam teaching, like conducting shalat five times a day, holy fasting in ramadlan, zakat, and haji. The logical consequence from the assimilation process between Chinese moslem and native moslem is the decreasing orientation to ancestor's culture. The reduction orientation of the ancestor's culture can be seen from assimilation channels, such as name changing, marriage, communication and language, education, and earn living