Academic literature on the topic 'Chinese state-corporate media model'

The Chinese Model and Chinese Wisdom of Modernization 1 Abstract: The Soviet model of socialism and the American model of capitalism are the two major solutions to modernization. Under the guidance of the traditional Chinese Doctrine of the Mean and the Marxist dialectical materialism, the Communist Party of China, by successively learning from these two major solutions and combining with the actual situation of China, has proposed Chinese solutions of socialism with Chinese characteristics to modernization of state governance and thus offered to the world Chinese wisdom beyond the conflicts between two major ideologies, namely, socialism and capitalism. Keywords: State governance. Modernization. Chinese wisdom. Chinese situations. O modelo chinês e a sabedoria chinesa da modernização Resumo: O modelo soviético de socialismo e o modelo americano de capitalismo são as duas principais soluções para a modernização. Sob a orientação da doutrina chinesa tradicional do caminho do meio e do materialismo dialético marxista, o Partido Comunista da China, aprendendo sucessivamente com essas duas soluções principais e combinando-se com a situação atual da China, propôs soluções chinesas de socialismo com características chinesas, modernização da governança do estado e, assim, ofereceu ao mundo a sabedoria chinesa além dos conflitos entre duas grandes ideologias, a saber, socialismo e capitalismo. Palavras-chave: Governança estatal. Modernização. Sabedoria chinesa. Situações chinesas. El modelo chino y la sabiduría china de la modernización Resumen: El modelo soviético del socialismo y el modelo estadounidense del capitalismo son las dos soluciones principales para la modernización. Bajo la guía de la Doctrina tradicional china de la media y el materialismo dialéctico marxista, el Partido Comunista de China, al aprender sucesivamente de estas dos soluciones principales y combinar con la situación actual de China, ha propuesto soluciones chinas del socialismo con características chinas para modernización de la gobernanza estatal y, por lo tanto, ofreció al mundo sabiduría china más allá de los conflictos entre dos ideologías principales, a saber, el socialismo y el capitalismo. Palabras clave: Gobernanza estatal. Modernización. Sabiduría china. Situaciones chinas. 1This paper is related to “the Research of the Relationship between the Thought of the Communist Party of China about state Governance and Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture” supported by Beijing Social Science Fund Research Project Base (Project No. 17JDKDB003) Data de registro: 30/07/2020 Data de aceite: 21/10/2020 1 This paper is related to “the Research of the Relationship between the Thought of the Communist Party of China about state Governance and Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture” supported by Beijing Social Science Fund Research Project Base (Project No. 17JDKDB003).

PurposeAnchored in the role of a social arbiter, the purpose of this study is to examine whether and how media coverage has an impact on CEO overconfidence and further explore how media ownership and Confucianism affect the relationship in the Chinese context.Design/methodology/approachUsing a sample of 1,492 Chinese listed companies from 2010 to 2015, the study adopts random effects models to empirically analyze the effect of media coverage on CEO overconfidence and the roles of media ownership and Confucianism.FindingsThe paper finds that media coverage is significantly and positively associated with CEO overconfidence, and the positive relationship between media coverage and CEO overconfidence becomes stronger for state-controlled media. What is more, the influence of media coverage on CEO overconfidence is attenuated for those firms located in stronger Confucianism atmosphere. A further analysis reveals that different tenors of media coverage yield asymmetric effects.Originality/valueThe paper provides a new and solid support for the argument that media praise stimulates CEO overconfidence and increases the knowledge about under what conditions CEO overconfidence varies, broadly speaking which fosters the development of upper echelons theory (UET). Meanwhile, the results extend the literature on media effect and information processing. The findings are also beneficial to improve corporate decisions and government regulation on Chinese media systems.

This study analyzes changes in how corporate social responsibility (CSR) affects corporate value in China. We use multiple regression analysis on a sample of A-share listed companies on the Shanghai and Shenzhen Stock Exchanges from 2009 to 2018. We divide the sample into 2009–2012 and 2013–2018 periods according to the development of CSR-related media and corporate policies. The dependent variable is corporate value, measured by Tobin’s Q. The independent variable is the CSR score calculated and published by RKS, a widely recognized CSR evaluation agency in China. We use firm size, sales growth rate, return on equity, top 10 shareholders’ equity, operating cash flow, and debt ratio as control variables. The panel-based regression models find no statistical correlation between CSR score and corporate value from 2009 to 2012 but find that the CSR score has a significantly positive influence on corporate value from 2013 to 2018. The impact of CSR activities on corporate value increases over the 10-year period. This decade saw the Chinese government shift its development strategy from a rapid growth model to a high-quality growth model and pursue sustainable development. This study is useful for Chinese companies considering adopting CSR activities to promote sustainable development.

Government supervision and media investigation play an important role in regulating manufacturing produce mode and reducing carbon emissions. In terms of theoretical implications, this study uses the tripartite evolutionary game model to investigate the dynamic decision-making process of stable strategies among three participating stakeholders: manufacturing enterprises, government regulatory departments, and media survey agencies. The payoff matrix and replicator dynamic functions of three parties are specifically calculated based on the evolutionary game theory. From a lower-carbon economy perspective, the main factors (revenue, subsidy, cost, and loss) that affect the stable strategies of three stakeholders are included in the sensitivity analysis. In terms of practical implications, this paper describes the evolutionary dynamic process of the stability condition using numerical simulation tests, and it proposes the promotion mechanism of four different supervision stages of manufacturing production mode. In the beginning and early stage, strengthened government supervision and active media investigation have a positive effect on reducing the heavy-polluting manufacturer proportion in China. Under this circumstance, the lower cost, in-creased revenue, and added subsidies all motivate firms to adopt the lower-carbon production mode. With the maturity of the supervision platform, public media will gradually reduce their investigations and interventions to the manufacturing business, and finally engage in no-investigation. This paper also demonstrates that lower penalties and subsidies are not related to the optimal strategy among three stakeholders, and the extravagant survey cost will reduce the enthusiasm of public media to investigate manufacturing firms.

Examining the public’s attention and comments on smart city topics in social media can help enable a full understanding of the development characteristics of smart cities, and provide a realistic reference for improving the level of public participation and citizens’ sense of acquisition in smart city construction. Based on Sina Weibo, a well-known social media platform in China, over 230,000 public comments related to smart cities were extracted to analyze. Using LDA (Latent Dirichlet Assignment) and CNN-BiLSTM (Convolutional Neural Network and Bi-directional long and short memory) models, a topic mining and sentiment analysis model for user comments was constructed to study the current state of public perception of smart city concepts. The results demonstrate that public discussions on smart cities were macro-oriented, focusing on strategic layout and technical applications. As public awareness of smart cities deepens, topics about application scenarios and social services are gradually emphasized. The public’s positive sentiment toward smart cities dominates and varies in sentiment intensity across years; the positive sentiment intensity of individual users on smart city ideas is significantly lower than that of official certified Weibo users, such as government departments and corporate organizations, which reveals the identity and temporal characteristics of public participation in cyberspace.

This study explores factors that drive environmental accounting information disclosure (EAID) among corporations in China. Using a sample of 200 A-shared listed firms, we apply a structural equation model (SEM) and multiple linear regressions to examine how, and to what extent, external pressure, corporate performance and corporate governance affects the EAID of corporations. The results show that external pressure and corporate performance can significantly and positively affect corporate EAID. Regarding external pressure, government regulations, media pressure and loans are the most important driving factors, whereas profitability and sales ability are the most important ones among corporate performance factors. However, we found that governance factors have no significant impact on EAID. This paper enriches research on environmental accounting information disclosure and provides important insights for Chinese regulators into effective ways of fostering disclosures of environmental accounting information and raising corporate awareness of CSR fulfillment to ensure sustainable development.

Along with command-and-control and market-incentive environmental regulation policies, environmental information disclosure (EID) is an important measure used by the Chinese government to implement environmental governance. In the context of advocating for corporate sustainable development and green governance, this study uses data from China’s Shanghai and Shenzhen A-share listed companies in heavily polluting industries spanning 2008–2019 to empirically explore the relationship between corporate EID and green innovation (GI). The results reveal the following: (1) high-quality EID significantly promotes the absolute GI level and the relative GI level of enterprises. (2) An intermediary model found that the internal mechanism of corporate EID used to promote GI mainly comes from the government’s energy-saving innovation subsidy effect and the social media attention effect. (3) Corporate EID has a more evident promotional effect on green patents for energy conservation and green patents for inventions. (4) The EID of state-owned enterprises is more conducive to GI than to the activities of private enterprises. (5) The EID of enterprises in high-level administrative cities has no significant impact on GI. However, it has a significant promoting effect in low-level administrative cities. The research not only provides an empirical basis for China to improve the environmental information disclosure system of listed companies but also to offer guidance for companies to pursue green and sustainable development.

The article aims to highlight some of the features of Chinese information policy and state regulation in order to survey the current state of Chinese media theory within the country. In the sphere of China's foreign relations, the aim was to find evidence that, under conditions of economic pressure, China is moving from a policy of “soft power” towards its partner countries to the practice of building direct economic and infrastructural dependence. The theoretical part of the article is mainly based on the materials of the Chinese Tsinghua Institute. When studying the situation abroad, data from the Australian Institute for Strategic Policy and similar think-tanks in North America were used. According to the current Chinese media theory, all information sources inside the country make up three major groups with more than six subdivisions inside each group. Another point of Chinese media theory, which includes the “six forces” concept, brings much more controversy. According to it, “government” and “party force” are different actors while “capital force” has only limited influence over media content. This concept may be disputed by example of “Southern Model”, when one of the Chinese provinces used a lot of autonomy in its broadcasting policy. The autonomy came to an end, when the state-owned company SMC gained control over the province's broadcasting in 2007. This is one of the examples of how party, state and capital forces' acts combined and merged into one. Correlation analysis shows the interdependence between capital and state forces within the country. The article examines activities of Chinese media, government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGO), and communications corporations abroad. According to open-source data, the hugest economic intervention in media markets of developing countries made by China so far is united under the Digital Silk Road initiative. During the trade war, many Chinese companies, like Huawei, lost their western customers and markets access. By maintaining Chinese media market shut for foreign capital and by expanding own communication network beyond borders through the web of GONGO and favored contracts, Beijing gains an advantage in the ongoing trade war. Such impermanence shows the incompleteness of media theory in China. While being recent, it struggles to describe objective reality without notion that in highly monopolized and regulated spheres, like Chinese media market, the forces of national capital and government may act on behalf of each other. China, despite the lack of a sophisticated theoretical basis, gains control over the media policy in developing countries. The Chinese-built communication infrastructure, which allows controlling internet and mobile media, becomes fundamental for countries in Africa, South-East and Central Asia. Such a situation may lead these countries to fall into the Chinese sphere of influence.

The coronavirus epidemic is putting the state system and governments of different countries around the world on trial. While Western countries are still suffering from the epidemic, China is not only keeping its spread effectively under control, but also ensuring current economic growth. The difference between China's success and the West's helplessness in fighting the epidemic has drawn the attention of the Russian media to the Chinese model. They believe that, compared to Western countries, namely the United States, the Chinese authorities were quick to react and highly organised after the outbreak, always putting people's lives above everything else and, as a result, securing the people's trust. As a result of joint actions of the Communist Party, public discipline and people's trust towards the authorities, China has effectively mobilised all social forces in the fight against the coronavirus. China has clearly demonstrated its humanistic strategy both to its own citizens and to the rest of the world. All this clearly showed the great advantages of the Chinese model, i.e. of the specific Chinese socialism. Undoubtedly, the Russian media give a more objective assessment of China's measures and results in fighting the epidemic than the Western media. According to the authors of the article, this is closely linked to the Russian «East + West» special geopolitical situation and the special historical process of «socialism + capitalism» development in Russia. In conclusion, the authors are confident that Russia will be able to find a model of development suitable for the Russian people, comparing the Chinese model with the Western one.

With the development of economy and society, the utilization of the Internet in all walks of life is booming, and corporate social responsibility (CSR) has also evolved from a traditional offline model to a combination of online and offline models. The use of social media for value co-creation is called virtual value co-creation. China’s Alipay platform launched a public welfare activity Ant Forest, which is an example of virtual value co-creation. Behind this seemingly simple activity is a complex value co-creation behavior. This article considers Ant Forest as an example, guided by the theory of value co-creation, and selects the post-90s as the research object to explore the motivation of users to participate in virtual value co-creation.

This thesis argues, based upon a comparison of the 2000 Olympics and the 2008 Beijing Olympics, that there is a very close relationship between nationalism, media and Olympics. For the purposes of cross-cultural analysis, the thesis undertakes a comparison of relevant media models ... will be argued that elements of propaganda infuse the Olympic coverage of both papers and events, albeit from within distinctly different social and ideological contexts. In the lead-up to the Sydney and Beijing events of 2000 and 2008, both the Australian and the People's Daily emphasised national unity over difference, even if the People's Daily appears to do so more systematically than the Australian"--Abstract.

Western commentators have often criticized the state of press freedom in China, arguing that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restrictions and that its mass media remains under an authoritarian mode. Yet the history of press freedom in the Chinese context has received little examination. Unlike conventional historical accounts which narrate the institutional development of censorship and people’s resistance to arbitrary repression, Freedom of the Press in China: A Conceptual History, 1831-1949 is the first comprehensive study presenting the intellectual trajectory of press freedom. It sheds light on the transcultural transference and localization of the concept in modern Chinese history, spanning from its initial introduction in 1831 to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. By examining intellectuals’ thoughts, common people’s attitudes, and official opinions, along with the social-cultural factors that were involved in negotiating Chinese interpretations and practices in history, this book uncovers the dynamic and changing meanings of press freedom in modern China.

‘Big Brother: journalism and the altered state’ discusses the role of the state in journalism. Russia has retightened its grip on television and newspaper journalism despite its constitutional guarantee of press freedom. In China, a separate Chinese Internet has been created that allows a certain level of freedom, but which is contained and free from foreign intervention. The ‘Arab Spring’ of 2010 was triggered in part by social media activism, and Western news media are facing their own questions of neutrality. What does this all mean for journalism now set in a world of corporate media ambition, telecommunications regulation, and global Internet governance?

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

America as a superpower is alleged to be able to set the news agenda through framing devices that even foreign media often mimics. A noteworthy theory explaining how this agenda is set is given by E.S. Hermann and Noam Chomsky in their propaganda model (PM). The PM model would assume educated elites in the US and in other comparable states (like China) will simply reiterate the framing narrative given by a state. Five films from non-American directors are selected and several issues the state has a consensus on are used (immigration, Iraq) to test the PM. In only three cases was the PM confirmed and even in those not for the reasons given by Hermann and Chomsky. In two cases the PM was moderately disconfirmed. While the PM is a valuable model, it needs refinement by taking more seriously how ideas by social groups in society such as feminism and gender equality complicate the agenda of the state. The conclusion makes recommendations how the PM can be better built to examine how non-Americans view America through film and the mass media.

The growth of unregistered churches, which now surpass state churches in number, is one of the remarkable stories of modern China. This chapter presents an initial survey of the writings of three Protestant Christians whose theological allegiance is to the house churches: Lü Xiaomin, Wang Yi, and Yu Jie. The chapter begins in the countryside, the nucleus of growth for house churches during the 1980s, where the itinerant evangelist Lü Xiaomin expressed her faith in the medium of the hymn. Lü’s work from the 1990s and 2000s represents an enduring acceptance of persecution, a “suffering servant” model of Christian living. More recently, certain new urban house-church ministers have enjoyed a strong media presence as they have argued with the government over their right to worship and to register their churches. The chapter considers the work of Wang Yi, the pioneer Reformed minister from Sichuan, and his joint writings with émigré dissident Yu Jie. The work of such house-church leaders and their experience speaking nationally and internationally represent a new stage in the history of the Chinese Protestant church.

The concluding chapter discusses the distinct experience generated from the Huawei case. It is argued that the Chinese state possesses strong autonomy and capacity to seek reorientation of China’s ICT developmental path and to increase the country’s competence in indigenous technology, which formed a strong state-capital alliance to carry out strategic developmental plans. The Huawei story sheds light on geoeconomic and geopolitical implications of China’s globalized corporate power, suggesting China’s role in the global power shift. It also underscores the significance of “self-reliant” development that constitutes the distinct “Chinese model” of ICT development.

This chapter looks at Huawei’s expansion into the global South in terms of its motivations, practices, and implications. The Huawei story reflects China’s rise as an indispensable actor in restructuring the global ICT infrastructure network system via exporting China’s experience and undercutting the Western dominance in the traditional political-economic order. However, it also has generated conflicts between state-backed Chinese corporate capital and local societies. This chapter tends to respond to the critiques on “China’s threat” with regard to China’s engagement in the global South.

This chapter examines Huawei’s move to the global North, particularly to the European and US markets. Changing from an original equipment manufacturer to a favored investor, Huawei’s entry and encroachment into the European market shows a pattern and ramifications of Chinese ICT capital’s counterflow into developed markets. A series of setbacks Huawei encountered in the United States, however, demonstrates the US move to contain China’s business and technological power. The evolving disputes surrounding Huawei fully show inter-state/inter-capitalist competition between US hegemonic power and the newly emerging-market corporate power.

This chapter provides a historical account of the geopolitical economy of the global digital infrastructure and the role played by multinationals in configuring the global communications order. Locating the Huawei case in the international political-economic framework, it is argued that the relationship of capital, state, and class is mutually constituted. This approach offers a perspective to capture the dynamics of power structure and social relations underlying the globalization of corporate China. By contextualizing Huawei’s growth in China’s political-economic transformations and the country’s integration into global digital capitalism, this case also contributes to the theoretical discussion of the “Chinese model.”

Questions about the international have emerged around the power of big tech companies: Google attempting to access the Chinese market, Facebook providing digital infrastructures in Africa. Starting from the problem of drawing borders and boundaries as constitutive of the international, we analyse how states attempt to render algorithms governable by redrawing sovereign boundaries and creating legal regulations for the content that social media companies have and circulate. In response to this reactivation of sovereign borders, social media companies have prioritized a different mode of governing the international that works through thresholds rather than geopolitical borders. This chapter traces how states and companies reshape the contours of the international over the production and circulation of hate speech and other harmful social media content. We argue that these arts of governing reproduce categories of citizens and users, while making work and workers invisible. Drawing on a class action by former Facebook content moderators, the chapter shows how workers resist both commercial discourses of moderation and state claims of rebordering by opening a scene of possible internationalism.

While Host expanded corporate partnerships with the NCAA, he also obtained control of the marketing rights for multiple universities. In addition to the University of Texas, HCI began to work with Purdue, Florida State, Notre Dame, and other schools. While HCI expanded nationally, Host also won back the broadcasting and media rights to University of Kentucky (UK) sports. This time, Host took what he had learned with the NCAA and other universities and introduced a new innovation in intercollegiate athletics: bundled rights. Corporate sponsors signed up to be official partners with UK, and the deals included advertising across print, radio, and television markets. The bundled rights model became the standard template for individual universities and their sports marketing programs. At UK, Host and athletic director CM Newton brought in Rick Pitino as the new head men’s basketball coach, after PJ Carlesimo turned down the position. Pitino resurrected the basketball program and helped prove that the bundled rights model worked. Host Communications then looked to replicate the model at other universities.

This chapter examines the build-up of risk in the emerging system, reviewing the problems of mounting corporate debt as well as rising aggregate debt levels in the Chinese economy are being increasingly seen as significant challenges to the statist growth model. The chapter deals with the risks in the shadow banking sector, risks in the real estate market, and risks in China's sharply rising level of aggregate debt. The Chinese leadership is increasingly aware of the risks and is responding in a range of ways, including with greater regulation. The chapter covers how the increased reliance on debt and rising asset prices to underpin growth, as well as the role of the state in backstopping the financial system, poses particular risks. It argues that, without effective economic rebalancing, the financial and credit system will continue to be distorted in supporting prevailing unsustainable credit flows and will thus be rendered increasingly vulnerable.

This chapter examines the environment-related provisions of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) to assess how and how much they contribute to a larger megaregulatory program for the Asia-Pacific region. TPP calls for “high levels” of environmental protection and effective enforcement; incorporates duties from several multilateral environmental agreements; adds new provisions addressing several important environmental problems; mandates administrative best practices; promotes corporate social responsibility and the use of voluntary certification systems; and provides implementation mechanisms for most of these provisions ranging from Party negotiations to committee processes and binding arbitration. On the whole, it promotes a model of environmental regulation consistent with that of the most OECD countries. The resulting movement toward cross-border regulatory alignment is likely to make member state environmental programs increasingly legible and navigable for transnational business actors. Alignment dynamics are likely to contribute to increased economic and political integration through implementation of common administrative techniques, increasing levels of communication and idea-sharing among mandated committees and resulting networks of officials, and increased trade and regulatory interactions across member states. While these developments seem likely also to lead to modest strengthening of environmental regulation in some member states, they clearly leave the dominant role to markets and trade as the driving forces in megaregional integration. Finally, TPP’s environmental regulatory program is quite different from China’s current model, and seems likely to provide an important arena for engaging and countering Chinese policies. While TPP’s environmental provisions are likely to spur improved environmental regulation in some member countries, they do not pre-figure a governance system capable of controlling the environmental degradation wrought by continuingly intensifying production and trade.

Stock recommendation plays a critical role in modern quantitative trading. The large volumes of social media information such as investment reviews that delegate emotion-driven factors, together with price technical indicators formulate a “snapshot” of the evolving stock market profile. However, previous studies usually model the temporal trajectories of price and media modalities separately while losing their interrelated influences. Moreover, they mainly extract review semantics via sequential or attentive models, whereas the rich text associated knowledge is largely neglected. In this paper, we propose a novel heterogeneous interactive snapshot network for stock profiling and recommendation. We model investment reviews in each snapshot as a heterogeneous document graph, and develop a flexible hierarchical attentive propagation framework to capture fine-grained proximity features. Further, to learn stock embedding for ranking, we introduce a novel twins-GRU method, which tightly couples the media and price parallel sequences in a cross-interactive fashion to catch dynamic dependencies between successive snapshots. Our approach excels state-of-the-arts over 7.6% in terms of cumulative and risk-adjusted returns in trading simulations on both English and Chinese benchmarks.