Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cholera - history'

Two disease regions existed on the Oregon Trail. Asiatic cholera impacted the Platte River flood plain from 1849 to 1852. Dysentery developed two endemic foci due to the decay of buffalo carcasses in eastern and middle Nebraska between 1844 and 1848, but later developed a much larger endemic region west of this Great Plains due to the infection of livestock carcasses by opportunistic bacteria. This study demonstrates that whereas Asiatic cholera diffusion along the Trail was defined primarily by human population features, topography, and regional climate along the Platte River flood plain, the distribution of opportunistic dysentery along the Trail was defined primarily by human and animal fitness in relation to local topography features. By utilizing a geographic interpretation of disease spread, the Asiatic cholera epidemic caused by Vibrio cholerae could be distinguished from the dysentery epidemic caused by one or more species of Salmonella or Campylobacter. In addition, this study also clarifies an important discrepancy popular to the Oregon Trail history literature. "Mountain fever," a disease typically associated with Rocky Mountain Spotted Fever, was demonstrated to be cases of fever induced by the same bacteria responsible for opportunistic dysentery. In addition, several important geographic methods of disease interpretations were used for this study. By relating the epidemiological transition model of disease patterns to the early twentieth century sequent occupance models described in numerous geography journals, a spatially- and temporally-oriented disease model was produced applicable to reviews of disease history, a method of analysis which has important applications to current studies of disease patterns in rapidly changing rural and urban population settings.

This study discusses the three cholera epidemics in 1848-49, 1853-54 and 1865-66, focussing on how the disease was experienced and acted upon, as well as its impact in the four large towns of the West and East Riding of Yorkshire (Bradford, Hull, Leeds and Sheffield). It does this comparatively and sets cholera outbreaks in the context of local social, administrative and geographical factors. The main thesis is that historians should not talk about the national experience of cholera for the period 1848-66, rather they should recognise different experiences and impacts between towns, through time and at different levels of society. A subsidiary argument, however, is that the scares which occurred in the 1870s, 1880s and 1890s can be considered at the national, even international level. In 1848-49 there were major differences in mortality between the four towns, with Hull and Sheffield at two ends of the spectrum nationally and regionally. In 1853-54 and 1865-66 none of the four towns experienced a major epidemic, though they did experience exceptional levels of public health activity, such that an 'epidemic consciousness' can be identified. While nationally there was an incremental fall in cholera mortality over the three later epidemics, in the four towns there was a single fall after 1849. As each threat passed there was growing confidence that cholera was controllable, though it never lost its power to 'shock'.In 1848-49 there were major differences between the towns in levels and forms of activity both to the approach and the containment of the epidemic. This was due to a number of variables: social relations and class attitudes, the role of the medical profession, theories of cholera's etiology (including the gradual adoption and adaptation of Snow's ideas), local reactions to relations with central government, the intensity of the mortality crisis and past experiences of epidemic diseases. The most striking feature in 1853-54 was the lack of variation in official actions across the towns. During and after the 1866 epidemic a two-tier approach was adopted, with cholera increasingly seen as a port disease. Was cholera the local sanitary reformers' best friend? The answer given is no, but this is qualified in several ways. The commonest middle class view of the later epidemics was that those who suffered were culpable, due to their ignorance and fecklessness. In other words, the problem was not so much the disease as the people. Working class reactions to sanitary reform were not characterised, as is often said, by ignorance or hostility, rather they were varied and patterned. Actions were guided by a specific, usually local, understanding of urban disease ecology and of the wider determinants of health and disease. This knowledge of the local physical environment was linked to views on rights and responsibilities. The working class did not share the one dimensional environmentalism of the sanitarians; instead they contended that many other factors were determinants of health, not least wages and hours of work.

This study explores the relationship between emigration and cholera in British North American port towns, between 1832 and 1866. It focuses specifically on three established and growing port towns located directly off of the Atlantic Ocean – St. John's, Newfoundland, Halifax, Nova Scotia and Saint John, New Brunswick. The pressures of mass immigration from the British Isles, the transmission of highly-feared diseases from emigrant and cargo ships to port towns in British North America, and the dependence, vulnerability and constraints felt by colonial governments and their citizens are three important themes that emerge and are continually challenged throughout this dissertation. This thesis presents the way in which colonial port towns managed the recurrent and unpredictable threats to their health, wellbeing and prosperity during this period, and highlights the increasing strain and growing dislocation felt by British North Americans under colonial rule. The history of cholera in Canada has focused overwhelmingly on Upper and Lower Canada, with little exploration or comparative analysis of the outbreaks in the Atlantic region. The following research examines the interconnected, complex and at times distant relationship between Britain and its North American colonies, under the influence of emigration and transmission of disease from coloniser to colonised. High points of calamity and upheaval clarified the extent to which the colonies were responsible for themselves, forcing many towns to re-evaluate their ability to control emergencies on their soil, with or without the help of the mother country. This study contributes not only to the historical understanding how cholera was managed in British North American ports, but it also provides a unique perspective on understanding the greater struggles of nineteenth-century colonial life.

The idea of providence was a prominent and pervasive theme in public discourse on subjects of national importance, and upon momentous occasions in nineteenthcentury England. Perceptions of divine involvement and purpose in human affairs embodied in the notion of providence seemed to be at the heart of a religious world view in the Christian tradition, and thus essential elements for study in any historical investigation of religious change. The midcentury years, ostensibly a period of high religious consciousness, provide an opportunity to explore processes which were eventually to lead to the more secular nature of society apparent by the end of the century. The recurring cholera epidemics between 1831 and 1854 were alarming events which provoked reactions throughout society; they provide a means of tracing developments in perceptions of providential involvement in calamitous events during a critical twenty-four year period. Systematic surveys of a broad range of sources, including newspapers, periodicals and sermons were carried out to document the responses of different sections of society, and facilitated investigation of cross-sectional and longitudinal patterns in religious attitudes. It was hypothesised that changing ideas about the nature and extent of providential action in relation to epidemic disease could provide an index of the process of secularization of thought, and thus contribute to the wider debate on secularization. The results vindicated the use of the concept of providence to explore religious consciousness. They have confirmed the mid-nineteenth century to be a critical period for religious change. Analysis of religious perceptions of cholera at three points in time produced a complex picture of changing attitudes, including an unexpected peaking of providential interpretations by some observers during the second epidemic. However, the variation between different sources and social groups did not obscure a significant longer-term trend of decline in providential attitudes, consistent with a secularization of thought during the quarter of a century studied.

Utilizing medical manuals, medical records, newspapers, and letters, the history of the management of epidemics from 1803-1902 will be explored. This thesis weaves together and explores the political history of the nineteenth century by analyzing the contribution of doctors and reformers in the management of diseases. This thesis explores the intersection between the construction of a public health system and the implementation of these practices by political actors and physicians. The history of the management of disease is analyzed from the introduction of the mass vaccination campaign, in Spain, in 1803. This thesis first analyzes the development of a public health system focused on prevention. It then challenges the system created by examining how effective these measures were against the multiple waves of cholera to hit Spain. It then addresses the important role reformers had in the late nineteenth century. It was through their efforts that doctors and reformers became explicitly linked to new ideas of citizenship and responsibility. This paper emphasizes both continuity in the importance of health care, but also the transformations in the discourse of public health responsibility. Ultimately, it centers liberalism and an emerging middle class within the discussion of a health policy.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the extent to which the cholera epidemics that prevailed in Sweden during the nineteenth century affected Döderhult parish during the period 1834-1866. The study aims first to examine the total number of cholera deaths in Döderhult parish. Additionally, it examines the individuals who died of cholera concerning gender, age and occupation. The essay also aims to examine whether Döderhult parish was more affected by the cholera epidemic than other nearby parishes were and if so, why? In accordance to this, the death rate of Döderhult parish is thus studied in comparison with Mönsterås parish and documented cholera deaths in Fliseryd parish during the period.  The results show that of the 68 people who died in Döderhult parish between 1834 and 1866, 35 were men and 33 were women. The examination of the deceaseds’ age showed that the most vulnerable groups in the parish were the children and the elderly. The results regarding the deceased’s occupation showed that most men, women and children belonged to the working class. Last but not least, the comparative examination between Döderhult parish and the nearby parishes showed that Döderhult parish was worse affected by the cholera epidemic due to factors such as potential trade agreements, overcrowding, lack of public health measures, the industries’ impact on population and the spread of infection through relocation from the town of Döderhultsvik to the parish.

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This work belonging to the line of research of Regional History in the Post Graduation Program in History of the Federal University of Paraíba, within the area of Historic Culture has as objective to discuss the representations engendered by the weekly newspaper O Araripe printed in the city of Crato, region of Cariri in the south of the Province of Ceará, under the orientation of a group of market traders and liberal professionals of that city, connected to the Liberal Party to refer to a disease: the cholera. The period chosen starts in 1855, the year of the foundation of the referred newspaper and of the arrival of the cholera to the Brazilian territory, and ends in 1864, when the second and last outbreak of this disease happens in the 19th century Crato and before the last year of circulation of the newspaper. This dissertation has as inspiration the Historiography of Diseases, mainly developed in the last decades of the 20th century, due to the dialogue between History and other disciplines such as Sociology and Anthropology. The studies developed by this historiography have shown how the phenomenon of the diseases exceeds the domain of the natural, in that they are experienced from many different contexts and spaces, being socio-culturally interpreted by the historical subjects that start multiple representations and practices with the purpose to attribute meaning to these.
Este trabalho vinculado à linha de pesquisa História Regional do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal da Paraíba, com área de concentração em História e Cultura Histórica tem por objetivo discutir as representações engendradas pelo semanário O Araripe impresso na cidade do Crato, região do Cariri, no sul da província do Ceará, sob orientação de um grupo de comerciantes e profissionais liberais daquela cidade, ligados ao Partido Liberal para se referir a uma doença: o cólera-morbo. O recorte escolhido começa em 1855, ano de fundação do jornal em questão e da chegada do cólera ao território brasileiro, e termina em 1864, quando se deu o segundo e último surto dessa moléstia no Crato do século XIX, e penúltimo ano de circulação d‟O Araripe. A dissertação tem como inspiração a Historiografia das Doenças, desenvolvida, principalmente, a partir das últimas décadas do século XX, devido ao diálogo da História com outras disciplinas, tal como a Sociologia e a Antropologia. Os estudos desenvolvidos por tal historiografia têm demonstrado como o fenômeno das doenças ultrapassa a esfera do natural, na medida em que são vividas a partir de diferentes contextos e espaços, sendo interpretadas socioculturalmente pelos sujeitos históricos, que encetam múltiplas representações e práticas na busca de dar sentido às mesmas.

This study examines the situation and activities of Hindu temple women (devadasis) in the 9th-13th centuries, as revealed in Tamil inscriptions. These temple women, unlike their male counterparts or the devadasis of more recent times, were not primarily identified as temple servants, with professional expertise or ritual responsibilities, but were instead defined with reference to a particular status, predicated on relationship with a temple. This relationship was secured through the donations that temple women made to temples. In the course of the Chola period, the status of "temple woman" became increasingly well-defined and the numbers of temple women increased, while other types of women disappeared from public view. Temple women's strengthening links with--but marginal positions in--the temple are analyzed in this study with reference to the changes that occurred during this period in the structure of the temple and in the temple's position within the social environment.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Stephen H. Rapp, committee chair; Donald M. Reid, committee member. Electronic text (210 p. : ill. (some col.), maps, facsim.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Dec. 20, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-210).

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No presente trabalho buscamos compreender a epidemia de cÃlera morbus na vila de Maranguape no ano de 1862 e como esta foi compreendida pelos sujeitos que compunham os saberes mÃdico e religioso, bem como os usos polÃticos que a epidemia assumiu a partir do olhar dos partidos liberal e conservador. Focamos nosso olhar sobre as aÃÃes dos mÃdicos que fizeram parte da comissÃo de socorros pÃblicos, nos dois sacerdotes que atuaram na vila no perÃodo da doenÃa e na aÃÃo dos administradores pÃblicos. Objetivamos compreender a doenÃa e seus significados a partir de uma leitura mais ampla do que era a vila de Maranguape no ano de 1862, das teorias mÃdicas que norteavam e das respostas dadas pela religiÃo. Para levarmos tal empreendimento a cabo, utilizamos documentos de carÃter variado, tais como: relatÃrios de presidente de provÃncia, cartas enviadas pelos mÃdicos comissionados, correspondÃncias dos sacerdotes e dos membros da cÃmara da vila, leis provinciais, jornais e crÃnicas.
In this study we sought to understand the epidemic of cholera morbus in the village of Maranguape in 1862 and how this was understood by the individuals that comprised the medical and religious knowledge and the political uses that the epidemic has assumed from the look of liberal parties and conservative. We focus our attention on the actions of doctors who took part in the commission of public relief, the two priests who worked in the village during the illness and the action of public administrators. We aim to understand the disease and its meaning from a broader reading than was the village of Maranguape in 1862, the medical theories that guided and the answers given by religion. To bring out such a venture, we use varied character documents such as reports of the provincial president, letters sent by the commissioned doctors, letters of the priests and members of the chamber of the village, provincial laws, newspapers and chronicles.

El presente trabajo se enmarca en parte de la historia del sur de la India, indaga en aspectos de la política, religión y arte predominantes, y se enfoca en investigar el papel religoso y social de la danza en los templos de Tamilnadu bajo el reinado de la dinastía Chola (de fines del siglo IX a mediados del siglo XIII). El principal objetivo de ésta investigación es establecer el papel de las esculturas de danza en el espacio sagrado del templo Hindú de la dinastía Chola. Este tipo de templo se fue conformando como una institución, que a través del desarrollo del arte sagrado incluyó y sistematizó antiguas culturas locales, articulándolas dentro de la más amplia tradición del Hinduismo. En éste proceso jugaron un papel preponderante la especulación filosófica Hindú, que logró armonizar la multiplicidad de cultos, propia del sur de India, con el concepto de Absoluto desarrollado en los Upanishads. Esta especulación toma forma a través del movimiento devocional de santos Bhakti, que fue un importante agente en la conformación del Hinduismo de la zona meridional.

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In this study, two circadian related centres, the suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) and the intergeniculate leaflet (IGL) were evaluated in respect to their cytoarchitecture, retinal afferents and chemical content of major cells and axon terminals with a tract tracer and immunohistochemical techniques in the rock cavy (Kerodon rupestris), a Brazilian caviidae rodent species. The rock cavy SCN is innervated in its ventral portion by terminals from the predominantly contralateral retina. It also contains neurophisin and vasoactive intestinal polypeptide immunoreactive cell bodies and neuropeptide Y and enkephalin immunopositive fibres and terminals and is marked by intense GFAP immunoreactivity. The IGL receives a predominantly contralateral retinal projection, contains neuropeptide Y and nitric oxide synthase producing neurons and enkephalin immunopositive terminals and is characterized by dense GFAP immunoreactivity. This is the first report examining the neural circadian system in a crepuscular rodent species for which circadian properties have been described. The results are discussed comparing with what has been described for other species and in the context of the functional significance of these centres
O sistema de temporiza??o circadiana compreende um conjunto de estruturas neurais diferenciadas, que incluem um marcapasso central, o qual produz ritmicidade na aus?ncia de est?mulos externos; vias de entrada, incluindo as afer?ncias retininas, que permitem a sincroniza??o dos ritmos aos ciclos ambientais; e vias de sa?da, que conectam o marca-passo aos efetores comportamentais. Entre os componentes centrais do sistema de temporiza??o circadiana de mam?feros, destaca-se o n?cleo supraquiasm?tico (NSQ) do hipot?lamo, at? o presente o ?nico marca-passo circadiano formalmente comprovado, e o folheto intergeniculado (FIG) do complexo geniculado lateral do t?lamo, que atua como modulador do marca-passo. Neste estudo, estes dois centros foram avaliados com rela??o a sua citoarquitetura, padr?o de inerva??o retiniana e conte?do neuroqu?mico de c?lulas e terminais ax?nicos, usando um tra?ador neural e t?cnicas imuno-histoqu?micas no moc? (Kerodon rupestris), um roedor nativo do Nordeste Brasileiro, cuja atividade locomotora exibe um padr?o circadiano predominantemente crepuscular. O NSQ do moc? ? inervado em sua por??o ventrolateral por terminais da retina predominantemente contralateral. O NSQ ? dotado de neur?nios contendo neurofisina (NPH) e polipept?deo intestinal vasoativo (VIP) e as prote?nas ligantes de c?lcio calbindina (CB) e cal-retinina (CR), terminais imunorreativos a neuropept?deo Y (NPY) e encefalina (ENK) e ? tamb?m marcado por imunorreatividade ? prote?na ac?dica fibrilar glial (GFAP). O FIG recebe uma proje??o retiniana predominantemente contralateral, cont?m neur?nios produtores de NPY, CB e CR, terminais positivos para ENK e ? marcado por imunorreatividade a GFAP. Este ? o primeiro trabalho a examinar o sistema de temporiza??o circadiana (STC) numa esp?cie de roedor crepuscular, para o qual as propriedades formais dos ritmos circadianos tenham sido descritas. Os resultados s?o comparados com resultados previamente descritos em outras esp?cies diurnas e noturnas e discutidos no seu contexto funcional

Facteur clé du développement des nations, la médecine et son organisation se trouvèrent au centre des préoccupations des autorités politiques qui se sont succédées en Argentine et en Uruguay dès que ces territoires ont été conquis par l’Espagne. Pourtant, une fois l'indépendance acquise, des crises économiques répétées et une situation politique chaotique ont fait que, dans les deux rives de la Plata, la médecine a peiné à s’éveiller et à se consolider. Tandis qu’en Uruguay l’érection de la faculté de médecine ne fût possible qu’en 1875, celle de Buenos Aires, érigée en 1821, fonctionna de manière chancelante jusqu’en 1852, à cause de la situation politique troublée que connut le pays avec la dictature de Juan Manuel de Rosas. De ce fait, bon nombre d'Uruguayens et Argentins sont partis entamer ou parfaire leur formation médicale à la Faculté de Paris. En même temps, et en dépit des agitations politiques et de l’instabilité économique de la région, de nombreux médecins français ont, dès la première moitié du 19ème siècle, décidé de s’établir dans les rives de la Plata. Ce travail se penche sur les liens que les médecins séjournant de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique entre 1828 et 1886 ont noués, entretenus et renforcés au fil du siècle. Cette dynamique circulatoire des savoirs, des pratiques et des techniques médicaux, énergique et permanente, bénéficia à la médecine de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique. Cette circulation est abordée, en particulier, par l’analyse de la gestion effectuée, par le corps médical de Montevideo et Buenos Aires, des épidémies de choléra et de fièvre jaune lorsqu’elles firent irruption dans ces villes et des connaissances qui, à leur sujet, ont circulé dans la région avant et après leur apparition. Nous étudions également l’accueil accordé par les membres des sphères médicales française et rioplatense aux discours liés à la crémation des cadavres - système qui provoqua l’engouement du corps médical européen au tournant des années 1860 - et à sa mise en place. Nous montrons que la médecine de part et d’autre de l’Atlantique s’est vue enrichie par le contact et les échanges réciproques que ces médecins ont entretenus. En effet, si la médecine de la Plata a connu dans une grande mesure son éveil par la contribution des acteurs médicaux français qui ont amené dans la région leurs connaissances et leur savoir-faire, la médecine française a été, à son tour, alimentée par le séjour des médecins de l’Hexagone dans les rives de la Plata. Indépendamment de la durée de leurs séjours dans la région, les diverses explorations qu’ils ont effectuées et leur confrontation directe à la pathologie locale ont permis aux médecins français d'accroître leurs connaissances et d’acquérir une expérience singulière. Cette expérience a eu un impact significatif, non seulement dans leur pratique quotidienne, mais aussi dans l’adoption de pratiques innovantes indispensables au progrès médical français dans le dernier quart du 19ème siècle
As a key factor in the development of nations, medicine and its organization were at the center of the preoccupations of the political authorities who succeeded one another in Argentina and Uruguay as soon as these territories were conquered by Spain. Yet, once independence has been achieved, repeated economic crises and a chaotic political situation have meant that medicine on both sides of the Plata has struggled to awaken and consolidate. While in Uruguay the erection of a faculty of medicine was not possible until 1875, that of Buenos Aires, erected in 1821, functioned in an intermittent manner until 1852, because of the troubled political situation in the country with the Juan Manuel de Rosas's dictatorship. As a result, many Uruguayans and Argentines have gone to begin or perfect their medical training at the Faculty of Paris. At the same time, in spite of the political unrest and the economic instability of the region, many French doctors decided to establish themselves on the banks of the Plata in the first half of the 19th century.This work examines the links that physicians living on both sides of the Atlantic between 1828 and 1886 developed, maintained and strengthened over the course of the century. This dynamic circulation of knowledge and medical techniques, energetic and permanent, benefited the medicine on both sides of the Atlantic. More specifically, we approach these exchanges by an analysis of the management carried out by the medical corps of Montevideo and Buenos Aires of the epidemics of cholera and yellow fever when they broke out in these towns and of the knowledge that circulated in the area before and after their appearance. We also study the reception given by the members of the French and Rioplatense medical spheres to the speeches related to the crematist system and its establishment, a system that excited the European medical profession at the turn of the 1860s. We show that medicine on both sides of the Atlantic has been enriched by the contact and reciprocal exchanges that these doctors have maintained. Indeed, while Plata's medicine has to a large extent been awakened by the contribution of the French medical actors who brought their knowledge and know-how to the region, French medicine was in turn fueled by the stay of doctors of the Hexagon in the banks of the Plata. Regardless of the length of their stay in the region, the various explorations they have carried out and their direct confrontation with the local pathology have allowed French physicians to increase their knowledge and acquire a singular experience. This experience had a significant impact, not only in their daily practice, but also in the adoption of innovative practices essential to French medical progress in the last quarter of the 19th century
Factor esencial para el desarrollo de las naciones, la medicina y su organización se encontraron en el centro de las preocupaciones de las autoridades políticas del Río de la Plata (Argentina y Uruguay) desde el momento mismo de la conquista española. Sin embargo, una vez adquirida la Independencia, las crisis éconómicas y la inestabilidad política fueron permanentes en los dos países, En consecuencia, el despliegue y la consolidación de la medicina de parte y parte de la Plata se vieron fuertemente comprometidos. Mientras que en Uruguay la facultad de medicina fue creada apenas en 1875, la facultad de Buenos Aires, instalada desde 1821, funcionó de manera irregular hasta 1852, puesto que el régimen dictatorial de Juan Manuel de Rosas entorpeció la enseñanza y puso freno al movimiento científico establecido desde principios de siglo 19. Fue por eso que, con el objetivo de formarse o especializarse en la facultad de medicina de París, numerosos uruguayos y argentinos viajaron a Francia. Paralelamente, y a pesar de las múltiples agitaciones políticas y de la economía vacilante de la Plata, varios médicos franceses decidieron establecerse en la región desde la primera mitad del siglo. Este trabajo explora las relaciones establecidas y consolidadas con el paso del tiempo entre los médicos y estudiantes en medicina rioplatenses y franceses que viajaban entre el viejo continente y la Plata, y que dieron paso a la instauración de una circulación énergica y permanente de saberes, de prácticas y de técnicas médicas, que benefició tanto a la medicina rioplatense como a la medicina francesa. Dicha circulación es ejemplificada a través de la actuación concreta de los cuerpos médicos de Buenos Aires y Montevideo en los momentos en que el cólera y la fiebre amarilla irrumpieron en estas ciudades de forma epidémica, asi como también de la circulación de saberes que, sobre estas enfermedades exóticas, tuvo lugar en la región antes y después de su aparición en la Plata. Asimismo, se analiza la recepción de los discursos y la puesta en práctica de la cremación de cadáveres – sistema que provocó el entusiasmo del cuerpo médico europeo desde finales de los años 1860 – en las esferas médicas francesa y rioplatense. Se espera así recalcar que la medicina de parte y parte del Atlántico se vió enriquecida por el contacto y los intercambios científicos enfectuados entre los médicos franceses y rioplatenses. En efecto, si los médicos franceses, llevando sus conocimientos y su experiencia a la Plata, jugaron un rol clave y estimularon el desarrollo de la medicina rioplatense, la medicina francesa fue, a su turno, alimentada por la estadía de los médicos franceses en la región. En efecto, sin importar el tiempo pasado en la Plata, las múltiples exploraciones geográficas y la confrontación directa avec la patología local enriquecieron los conocimentos de esos médicos y les aportaron una experiencia singular cuyo impacto, altamente significativo en el ejercicio cotidiano de su profesión, repercutió igualmente en el desarrollo de la médicina nacional, estimulando la adopción de prácticas innovantes indispensables al progreso médico francés en el último cuarto del siglo 19

Dans les années 1830, l’image de Sade apparaît dans le roman noir. La révolte de Juillet fait écho à la Révolution de 1789. Le régime de Louis-Philippe dirige la France dans une période de transition. Les émeutes ponctuelles et le choléra de 1832 déterminent la tonalité sombre de l’imaginaire de la souffrance et du mal à l’époque. Le mouvement romantique rencontre Sade dans cette période difficile de l’évolution sociale. Les Jeunes-France, qualifiés un siècle plus tard par les surréalistes de petits romantiques, mettent en avant Sade face aux critiques des moralistes. L’image de Sade et l’imaginaire sadien apparaissent dans leurs romans noirs, genre indéfinissable au centre de différents versants littéraires, le roman gothique, le conte fantastique et le roman historique. La légende de la vie de Sade se forme à la fin du XVIIIe siècle dans les gazettes et dans les enquêtes de police. Il est vu par ses contemporains, Rétif de La Bretonne, par exemple, comme un libertin criminel, resté impuni sous l’Ancien Régime et un écrivain aliéné de la littérature libertine et perverse. Sade est également lié à la Révolution. Il a survécu à la Terreur de 1793 et son atrocité féodale est comparée à la cruauté de Danton et de Robespierre. Au tournant de 1830, Sade prisonnier en tant que victime de l’arbitraire de l’Empire est découvert par Charles Nodier dans ses recherches historiques. Celui-ci définit le terme « sadisme » dans le dictionnaire en 1834. La même année, les différentes facettes de l’image de Sade sont enfin abordées par Jules Janin dans son article biographique. Les jeunes romantiques explorent avec une certaine timidité les images de Sade dans leurs romans noirs. Dans les contes noirs et le roman historique de Pétrus Borel, Sade représente non seulement l’atrocité et la corruption de la cour de Louis XV, mais également la violence du déchaînement révolutionnaire. Chez Balzac, Sade et ses œuvres signifient une collaboration de la littérature érotique avec le récit noir. Dans les boudoirs balzaciens, se mettent en scène les crimes frénétiques et les perversions transgressives. Dans les romans noirs de Frédéric Soulié sous la forme du feuilleton, l’image de Sade et l’imaginaire sadien sont utilisés pour décrire la monstruosité sociale. Le sadisme est popularisé dans l’univers des mœurs corrompues
The revolt of July in 1830 echoed the Revolution of 1789 and the rule of Louis-Philippe took France into a period of transition where the punctual riots and the cholera epidemic in 1832 was reflected in the dark tones of the image of sufferings and evil of that time. The romantic movement merged with the image of Sade in this difficult period of social evolution. The Jeunes-France, one century later qualified by the surrealists as petits romantiques, used the image of Sade to face down the critics of the moralists. It was during these turbulent times the image of Sade emerged in the black novel, an undefined genre in different literary tendencies, including the gothic novel, the fantastic tale and the historical novel. The legend of Sade’s life took its form at the end of 18th century in the gazettes and political inquiries. He was seen by his contemporaries, for example, Rétif de La Bretonne, that as a criminal libertine, one unpunished by the Ancien Régime, and was considered the insane writer of the libertine and perverse literature. Sade is related to the Revolution. Surviving the Terror of 1793, his feudal fury was compared to the cruelty of Danton and Robespierre. At the beginning of the 1830’s, the writings of Sade the prisoner, victim of an Empire, was discovered by Charles Nodier in his historical research. He defined the term “sadism” in the dictionary in 1834. In the same year, the multiple faces of the image of Sade were recorded by Jules Janin in his biographical article. The young romantic poets timidly explored the images of Sade in their black novels. Within these tales and within the historical novel of Pétrus Borel, Sade represented not only the atrocity and corruption of the Louis XV’s court, but also the violence of the revolutionary rampage. For Balzac, Sade and his work signified a collaboration of the erotic literature with the black story and in Balzac’s boudoirs, the frantic crimes and the transgressive perversions set the scenes. In the black novels of Frédéric Soulié in the form of the feuilleton, the image and the imaginary of Sade was used to describe the social monstrosity. The sadism was popularized in the universe of corrupted morals

In the fall of 1892, fear of cholera was pervasive in North America. Ten years into the fifth international cholera epidemic -- that lasted from 1881 to 1896 -- cholera had been raging in the Middle East, India, and Europe, but the disease had yet to cross the Atlantic Ocean. The maritime traffic of immigrants from Europe was continuous, and each migrant ship potentially carried the disease. Doctors, government officials, and politicians were not asking 'will cholera come?', but rather when. While no one got sick or died of cholera in the city of Toronto in 1892, the crisis and fear of imminent cholera was very real. Drawing on archival research, this dissertation maps how a cholera crisis was shaped by urgency, immediacy, and speculation on the future. My argument will show how the geography of an epidemic is not limited to the presence of a disease. If crises are times of profound activity, how does this event need to be substantiated in order to produce change? This dissertation follows how cholera was integral to producing an object called proliferating life that held together: migrating populations, growing cities, and degeneration; marshland as the source of disease; the medical theory of zymosis that explained how disease outbreaks got out of control; and Malthusian 'laws' of population. Health experts used correlation and synecdoche to visualize these relations. However, these experts needed a stable institutional base to articulate both their fears and their recommendations, which included: professionalized expanding health boards, as social infrastructures; reclaiming Toronto’s marshland of Ashbridge's Bay; and a health ideology built upon the fear of future epidemics, immigration, and a growing economic rationale for health. By the early 20th century, state health became instrumental to a "national vitality", a practice of government intervention that I frame as bureaucratic bio-economy.

O século XIX português é um período conturbado no campo político e epidémico. Politicamente, assistimos à transição do Antigo Regime para o Liberalismo, mas também a várias revoltas e governos de pouca duração e à instabilidade daí resultante. Paralelamente, tal como outros Estados europeus, enfrentavam-se epidemias de qualidades e durações diferentes. Face a isto, encontramos os médicos, atores que participam em ambos os campos, contudo com papéis diferentes ao longo deste século. Neste trabalho pretendemos analisar a emergência e gradual afirmação do poder médico com base nas duas epidemias de cólera que atingiram Lisboa (1833 e 1855/56) e o seu combate no Hospital de São José. Nestes dois momentos contemplamos não só as diferenças políticas destes dois períodos (de guerra civil à paz regeneradora, resistência do Antigo Regime e consolidação do Liberalismo, da caridade à assistência pública), como também estados diferentes da medicina e do poder médico. Na primeira vaga de cólera, os médicos ainda estavam “reféns” de antigas estruturas, incapazes de confrontar o poder político, refletindo-se numa inabilidade em domar a hecatombe e numa elevada taxa de mortalidade. Apesar de parte desta incapacidade ser resultado de uma medicina que ainda não detinha todos os instrumentos necessários para enfrentar a epidemia, também se deve às particularidades da guerra civil e ao governo miguelista, impossibilitando a tomada de medidas de prevenção e, depois, tratamento. No segundo momento, assistimos a processos de organização diferentes. Para além de um clima político mais permissivo e colaborativo, também os médicos já não se encontravam tão submissos ao poder político, pelo contrário, utilizando essa esfera como forma de elevar os seus interesses e de afirmar a sua importância na sociedade. Um reflexo disto é a comparativamente diminuta mortalidade provocada pela epidemia de cólera de 1855/56. Porém, o mais significativo são as formas encontradas para a combater, manifestas na liberdade com que as decisões são tomadas em espaço hospitalar, restritas quase exclusivamente pelo erário régio. Aliás, para o final do século já existem análises que procuram demonstrar como o poder médico não só existe, como já se encontrava consolidado e moldava a sociedade. No entanto, não parecem surgir análises que analisem os médicos no início do oitocentos, isto é, como se interpretam, como veem os outros, que processos permitiram a sua ascensão e que métodos utilizaram para atingir esse estado. Assim, com este trabalho tentamos dar resposta a essa ausência, partindo das duas primeiras vagas da epidemia de cólera em Lisboa e do Hospital de São José enquanto principal instituição médica da capital para revelar os processos que levaram e permitiram à consolidação deste tipo de poder.
The Portuguese nineteenth century is a difficult period both in terms of political struggles and epidemical matters. Politically, braced with a transition from the Ancién Regime to liberalism, but also many revolts and short-lived governments, resulting in further turmoil. Similarly, like many other European States, we were also plagued with various epidemics. In this scenario we find doctors, actors that played in both fields, however, with changing roles over this period. In this dissertation, we try to analyse the rise and gradual assertion of medical power, based on the two cholera epidemics that hit Lisbon (1833 and 1855/56) and what was done by the Hospital of São José to control these epidemics. Both these moments have their share of political differences (from civil war to the peace of the “Regeneração”, resistance of the Ancién Regime and consolidation of Liberalism, from assistance by charity to public assistance), but also different states of medicine and medical power. During the first cholera epidemic, doctors were held “hostage” of old power structures, unable to face politic power, resulting in failure to tame this disaster and the following high mortality. Even if part of this incapability was due to insufficient medical knowledge on how to treat this disease, the problems raised with the ongoing civil war and the government of King Miguel also contributed, namely due to limiting preventive measures and treatment. The second wave presents us with a different scenario. Besides a much more permissive and collaborative political climate, doctors were no longer as chained by the political sphere, on the contrary, they managed to use it to further their desires and solidify their place in society. Not only does this result in comparatively lower mortality, but likewise in the formal mechanisms established inside the hospital and other supplementary infirmaries. As such, decisions inside these spaces were taken with great liberty, almost always only restricted by the kingdom’s treasury. Interestingly, for the end of the nineteenth century there are some works that try to demonstrate how not only does medical power exist, but also that it is consolidated and moulded society. Although, there don’t seem to be any research done on how it came to be. That is, how do doctors see themselves as a profession, how they see others, which structures allowed their rise and what means were used reach such place. As such, with this paper we try to answer to this, limiting our analysis to the time when cholera epidemics hit Lisbon and from the Hospital of São José as the main medical institution fighting against it, to study and reveal how and what processes contributed and led to the consolidation of medical power.