Journal articles on the topic 'Christ's College (Manchester, England)'

Background After European Medicines Agency (EMA) approval of axicabtagene ciloleucel and tisagenlecleucel for the treatment of relapsed/refractory (r/r) high-grade lymphoma in 2018, England was one of the first European countries granting fully funded access to these CD19 CAR-T therapies. Both products are available through the National Health Service England (NHSE) Cancer Drug Fund until their cost-effectiveness has been determined. The NHSE CAR-T program has been set up in a structure aiming to implement robust and transparent criteria for patient selection and to ensure equity of treatment access: CAR-T slots are approved by a weekly National CAR-T Clinical Panel (NCCP), consisting of independent clinical experts, patient representatives, and delegates from each CAR-T centre; treatment is delivered in 7 geographically spread commissioned CAR-T centres (Birmingham, Bristol, King's College Hospital London, University Hospital London, The Christie Manchester, Manchester Royal Infirmary, Newcastle). Here, we report prospective data on the first 122 lymphoma patients approved by the NCCP. Methods Patients with r/r high-grade lymphoma referred to the NCCP between December 2018 and July 2019 and deemed eligible for treatment with CD19 CAR-T were analysed. Eligibility was assessed in the CAR-T centre's tumor board, based on organ function and fitness (performance status 0/1), absence of active CNS disease, and biopsy confirmation of r/r high-grade lymphoma. The final decision on patient eligibility was made by consensus through the NCCP independent clinical panel. CAR-T product selection for each patient was done by the CAR-T centre, mainly on the basis of manufacturing slot availability. Results 122 patients were approved for treatment with CD19 CAR-T therapy by the panel. CAR-T centres selected 76 patients for axicabtagene ciloleucel and 46 for tisagenlecleucel. Patients' median age was 56 years (range 18-75). 62% were male. 87 (71%) patients had de novo diffuse large B-cell lymphoma, 29 (24%) transformed lymphoma (23 from follicular- and 6 from marginal zone lymphoma), and 6 (5%) primary mediastinal B-cell lymphoma. 96 (79%) patients had biopsy confirmation of disease prior to submission. 71 (58%) patients had received 2 prior lines of therapy for high-grade lymphoma, 51 (42%) patients 3 or more treatment lines (maximum 6). 5 patients had previous allogeneic, 19 previous autologous transplant. 88% of patients (107/122) were refractory to the last line of treatment (stable- or progressive disease (PD) or relapse within 6 months). Among 122 patients, 112 completed leukapheresis, 3 are awaiting the procedure, and 7 patients did not proceed (6 due to PD, 1 opted for radical radiotherapy). 57 of 112 patients were infused at the time of abstract submission, 42 are awaiting CAR-T infusion. 10 patients did not proceed to infusion due to disease progression and clinical deterioration (3 with CNS relapse), 2 due to manufacturing failure. One patient achieved a complete response following bridging therapy and is currently monitored. 84% (88/105) patients received bridging therapy between the time of NCCP approval and CAR-T infusion (median 64 days), 62 had chemotherapy, 9 radiotherapy, and 17 steroids only. Details on bridging therapy, treatment-related toxicities and outcomes will be provided at the meeting, by which time approximately 62 patients will have completed their 3 months PET response assessment. Conclusion NHSE has successfully implemented a national structure for providing licenced CAR-T products in England, enabling equity of access and oversight on capacity and patient outcomes, which can serve as a model for newly licenced, cost-intense and complex cell- and gene therapies in the future. The prospective and centralised nature of this dataset offers a true reflection of the real-world patient population undergoing CAR-T therapy in England. Disclosures Kuhnl: Kite Gilead: Honoraria. Roddie:Gilead: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Celgene: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Novartis: Consultancy. Menne:Janssen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Novartis: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Kite/Gilead: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Roche: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Bayer: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Kyowa Kirin: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Daiichi Sankyo: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Celgene: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Takeda: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Astra Zeneca: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Pfizer: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant; Jazz: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Amgen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Travel grant, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau. Sanderson:Kite/Gilead: Honoraria. Osborne:Novartis: Other: Travel; Pfizer: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; MSD: Consultancy; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel, Speakers Bureau; Roche: Consultancy, Honoraria, Other: Travel, Speakers Bureau; Servier: Consultancy; Gilead: Consultancy. Radford:AstraZeneca: Equity Ownership, Research Funding; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; BMS: Consultancy, Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; ADC Therapeutics: Consultancy, Research Funding; GSK: Equity Ownership; Seattle Genetics: Consultancy, Honoraria. Patten:Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Gilead: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; Abbvie: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Roche: Honoraria, Research Funding. O'Reilly:Kite Gilead: Honoraria. Bloor:Abvie, Gilead, Novartis, Autolus, Celgene, etc: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Other: Educational grant. Rowntree:Novartis: Consultancy. Bowles:Abbvie: Research Funding; Janssen: Research Funding. Collins:Gilead: Consultancy, Honoraria. McMillan:BMS: Honoraria; Celgene: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Gilead: Honoraria; Novartis: Honoraria; Sandoz: Honoraria; Pfizer: Honoraria, Research Funding; MSD: Honoraria.

The Lancashire Independent College in Whalley Range, Manchester (1839-43), was built to train Congregational ministers. As the first of a number of Nonconformist educational institutions in the area, it illustrates Manchester‘s importance as a centre of higher education generally and Nonconformist education in particular. The building was designed by John Gould Irwin in Gothic style, mediated through references to All Souls College in Oxford by Nicholas Hawksmoor, whose architecture also inspired Irwins Theatre Royal in Manchester (1845). The College was later extended by Alfred Waterhouse, reflecting the growing success of the institution, which forged links with Owens College and went on to contribute, with other ministerial training colleges, to the Universitys Faculty of Theology established in 1904. The building illustrates an interesting strand in early nineteenth-century architectural style by a little-known architect, and has an important place in the history of higher education in north-west England.

Sir William Flinders Petrie (the grandson of Captain Matthew Flinders who explored the coast of Australia between 1797 and 1803) had a brilliant career as an archaeologist that spanned five decades, and his contribution to the subject in developing scientific methodologies for excavation is unparallelled. Initially, it was Amelia B. Edwards, a founder of The Egypt Exploration Fund in London, who recognised Petrie’s genius, and ensured that he was recruited as one of the Fund’s first archaeologists. However, disagreements with the Committee led to a parting of the ways, and in 1886, he had no excavations in view and his career faced premature extinction. Amelia Edwards then introduced Petrie to Jesse Haworth, a textile manufacturer with an interest in Egyptology who lived in Manchester, England. He took up the support of Petrie’s work and, for many years, he financed his excavations. Finds from these sites came to form the basis of two major collections: at The Petrie Museum, University College London, and at The Manchester Museum, University of Manchester. The recent establishment of the endowed KNH Centre and Chair for Biomedical Egyptology at the University of Manchester has fulfilled Jesse Haworth’s hope that the university would establish a professorship in Egyptology.

Dr Arnold Renshaw trained in both dentistry and medicine in Manchester, being actively involved in the University student organisations. He followed a career in pathology and bacteriology that was interrupted by serving in the RAMC during World War I. Bacteriological interest in the antiseptic properties of aniline dyes followed. His main interest, however, was in pathology where he was associated with the Pathology Society of Manchester for more than twenty years. He was also actively involved in the founding of the Association of Clinical Pathologists. The Association led to the formation of the Royal College of Pathologists and to Renshaw being elected one of the Founding Fellows. He also developed a special expertise in forensic pathology which he pioneered in northwest England. His later years witnessed an interest in rheumatoid arthritis to investigate a possible cause and suggest a unique treatment consisting of the small intestinal enzymes, erepsin.

Michael Szwarc was born in Będzin, an industrial town in the south of Poland, as an only son of a Jewish family. Michael received his pre–college and college education in Warsaw and in 1932 received his degree in chemical engineering from the Warsaw Polytechnic Institute. After graduation he married in 1933 Maria Frenkel (Marysia), whose brother married his younger sister Rala. From 1933 to 1935 he worked in Poland as a chemical engineer. In 1935 he emigrated to Palestine (today's Israel) and after a year was joined there by his sister and brother–in–law. Two of his three children were born during his stay in Jerusalem, where he was engaged in research at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and from which he gained a PhD in organic chemistry. In late 1945 he went to England, where he joined the group under Professor Michael Polanyi FRS in Manchester.

Thomas Hincks was born 15 July 1818 in Exeter, England. He attended Manchester New College, York, from 1833 to 1839, and received a B.A. from the University of London in 1840. In 1839 he commenced a 30-year career as a cleric, and served with distinction at Unitarian chapels in Ireland and England. Meanwhile, he enthusiastically pursued interests in natural history. A breakdown in his health and permanent voice impairment during 1867–68 while at Mill Hill Chapel, Leeds, forced him reluctantly to resign from active ministry in 1869. He moved to Taunton and later to Clifton, and devoted much of the rest of his life to natural history. Hincks was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of London in 1872 for noteworthy contributions to natural history. Foremost among his publications in science were A history of the British hydroid zoophytes (1868) and A history of the British marine Polyzoa (1880). Hincks named 24 families, 52 genera and 360 species and subspecies of invertebrates, mostly Bryozoa and Hydrozoa. Hincks died 25 January 1899 in Clifton, and was buried in Leeds. His important bryozoan and hydroid collections are in the Natural History Museum, London. At least six genera and 13 species of invertebrates are named in his honour.

John Dyson was born on the 7th January 1941 in Meltham Mills, West Yorkshire, England, and later grew up in Harrogate and Leeds. The proudest moment of John's early life was meeting Freddie Trueman, who became one of the greatest fast bowlers of English cricket. John used a state scholarship to study at Kings College London, after hearing a radio lecture by D. M. McKay. He received a first class BSc Special Honours Degree in Physics in 1962, and began a Ph.D. at the University of Manchester Department of Astronomy after being attracted to astronomy by an article of Zdenek Kopal in the semi-popular journal New Scientist. John soon started work with Franz Kahn, and studied the possibility that the broad emission lines seen from the Orion Nebula were due to flows driven by the photoevaporation of neutral globules embedded in a HII region. John's thesis was entitled “The Age and Dynamics of the Orion Nebula“ and he passed his oral examination on 28th February 1966.

AbstractThe NHS provides more than 98% of all surgical procedures in infants and children in the United Kingdom through a comprehensive network of secondary (typically for the general surgery of childhood) and tertiary (specialist neonatal and specialist pediatric surgery) centers [n = 22]), typically located within large conurbations. It was originally envisaged that these specialized centers would be able to provide the full range of surgical interventions (aside from organ transplantation). However, there has been a trend toward centralization of some key procedures, previously thought to be within general neonatal surgery.The architype for centralization is the management of biliary atresia (BA). Since 1999, within England and Wales, this has been exclusively managed in three centers (King's College Hospital, London; Birmingham Children's Hospital and Leeds General Infirmary). All of these provide facilities for the diagnosis of BA, primary surgical management (Kasai portoenterostomy), and liver transplantation if required. The case for centralization was made by rigorous national outcome analysis during the 1990s showing marked disparity based on case volume and driven by parents' organizations and national media. Following centralization, national outcome data showed improvement and provided a benchmark for others to follow.The management of bladder exstrophy was later centralized in England and Wales, albeit not based on strict outcome data, to two centers (Great Ormond Street, London and Royal Manchester Children's Hospital).

Ali Mazrui was born in 1933 in Mombasa, Kenya. Sent to England in 1955 for his secondary school education, he remained there until he earned hisB.A. (1960, politics and philosophy) with distinction from the University of Manchester. He received his M.A. (1961, government and politics) and Ph.D. (1966, philosophy) from Columbia and Oxford universities, respectively. In Africa, he taught political science at Uganda’s Makerere University College (1963-73), and then returned to the United States to teach at the University of Michigan (1974-91) and New York’s Binghamton University (1991-2014). An avatar of controversy, Mazrui was also legendary for the fertility of his mind. Nelson Mandela viewed him as “an outstanding educationist” 1 and Kofi Annan, former secretary-general of the United Nations, referred to him as “Africa’s gift to the world.”2 Salim Ahmed Salim, former secretary-general of the Organization of African Unity and prime minister of Tanzania wrote: Ali Mazrui provided [many of us] with the illuminating light to understand the reality we have been confronting. He armed us with the tools of engagement and inspired us with his eloquence, clarity of ideas while all the time maintaining the highest degree of humility, respect for fellow human beings, and an unflagging commitment to justice.

Ali Mazrui was born in 1933 in Mombasa, Kenya. Sent to England in 1955 for his secondary school education, he remained there until he earned hisB.A. (1960, politics and philosophy) with distinction from the University of Manchester. He received his M.A. (1961, government and politics) and Ph.D. (1966, philosophy) from Columbia and Oxford universities, respectively. In Africa, he taught political science at Uganda’s Makerere University College (1963-73), and then returned to the United States to teach at the University of Michigan (1974-91) and New York’s Binghamton University (1991-2014). An avatar of controversy, Mazrui was also legendary for the fertility of his mind. Nelson Mandela viewed him as “an outstanding educationist” 1 and Kofi Annan, former secretary-general of the United Nations, referred to him as “Africa’s gift to the world.”2 Salim Ahmed Salim, former secretary-general of the Organization of African Unity and prime minister of Tanzania wrote: Ali Mazrui provided [many of us] with the illuminating light to understand the reality we have been confronting. He armed us with the tools of engagement and inspired us with his eloquence, clarity of ideas while all the time maintaining the highest degree of humility, respect for fellow human beings, and an unflagging commitment to justice.

The topic of my research is the Hungarian students at the universities of England and Scotland in the modem age (1789-1914). In this topic, prof. emer. George Gömöri carried on research-work on Hungarian students in England and Scotland (16—17th century) and there are other researchers and historians who are concerned with making scientific investigations on H ungarian and Transylvanian students abroad like Richard Hörcsik and Agnes Simovits. Moreover, regarding to the Transylvanian Unitarians: Elisabeth Zsakó and Andrew Kovács have to be mentioned. My research includes the studies of students from the Hungarian Kingdom and from Transylvania. I burrowed in sources and I collected references and trying to find all of the H ungarian students who studied in England and Scotland during the long 19th century. First of all I examined the matriculation books of Oxford and Cambridge which contain facts about the students’ birth-places, nationality or their origin, the date of entry, and their fathers' name. I also checked the registers of the colleges in w hich I found the same data. Furthermore, I burrowed in the documents of the H ungarian Protestant church districts, especially the documents of foreign affairs and of the educational administration. I also searched through the annual reports of Universities. After all I completed my data from different encyclopedias, like Pallas, Szinnyei's or Révai's. During the long 19th century 13 English and 4 Scottish universities existed. I found H ungarian and Transylvanian students in 4 English universities and in all the Scottish ones. Altogether there were 226 students. A couple of them studied in more universities. In England: 138. In London: 70, in Cambridge: 32, in Oxford: 30, in Manchester: 1, the target universities of 5 students are unknown. In Scotland: 101. In Edinburgh: 91, in Aberdeen: 5, in Glasgow: 3, in St. Andrew's: 2. (I mention that during my research I found 2 other Hungarian students who studied in Belfast.) Before 1860 we can't talk about the flow of students, according to my research there were only 10 students. 1 have to emphasize that my research has not been finished yet, consequently the num bers may change in the future. Studying in England and in Scotland wouldn't have been possible without the foreign or the home scholarships and foundations. I found that the greater part (more than 50 per cent) of the students who studied in England and in Scotland, traveled and studied with the assistance of English and Scottish foundations. More than 80 of the Hungarian students learnt theology at the Neu> College in Edinburgh, where a foundation was founded in 1863 for H ungarian and Czech reformed theological students; which granted 50 pounds per capital for 2 people from both of the countries in every year. Another foundation existed for Transylvanian Unitarians by the Manchester New College which institute was situated in London, than in 1889 it moved to Oxford. This college welcome 20 Transylvanian Unitarians who studied theology, pedagogy and other arts. For Transylvanian Unitarian women there was another scholarship - so-called the Sharpefoundation - in London at the Charming House School, which made possible for 16 Transylvanian women to study different studies in England between 1892 and 1914. Besides these foreign foundations there were H ungarian ecclesiastical relief funds which helped students who would have liked to study in England and Scotland. I found Szalapfoundation among the documents of the Trans-Danubian Church District. In other church districts there were other aids about 200 korona/crowns per capital and in special cases the church district awarded 400 crowns to a student to cover his travel expenses. In H ungary there were other foundations at the universities to maintain the students who wanted to study in England. After having finished their studies in Hungary, the medical students could gain experiences in England with the Benc-travelling-scholarship and w ith the Schordann-scholarship. In the early years of the 20th century medical students studied at the universities of England and Scotland for 2 years in general. Tor engineers there was the Abraham Ganz scholarship which made the way free to England. Furthermore, I found a Joseph Ferenc jubilee scholarship, it was the foundation of the city of Budapest which made possible for students to study abroad, especially in London. Besides these, other state-foundation existed for students. The religious distribution of the students is the following: Reformed: 100, Unitarian: 38, Catholic: 6, Jew: 8, Evangelical: 4. It can be ascertained that the greater part of the students were reformed and Unitarian who according to my research studied theology at the universities of England and Scotland. Regarding the origin of the students, more than 22% came from Transylvania. The 50% of the Transylvanians chose London as a destination. It is worth examining what kind of jobs they took and what kind of articles and books they wrote in connection with their English and Scottish studies after they had returned from England or from Scotland. The majority became teachers and pastors. First of all they examined the educational system of England and Scotland, secondly they saw the renewal of the Free Church of Scotland so they played an important role in the changes of the Hungarian Reformed Church. For instance the new institution whereas priests are working in prisons came from Scotland too. Owing to the fact that there were H ungarians who studied medical science in England, they acquainted H ungary with new scientific achievements. Those who became the m asters of English language found employment in diplomacy or they became interpreters and translators. As a result of their works, the writings of Darwin, John Stuart Mill and Shakespeare could be read in Hungarian. Those who got job in connection with politics or law, examined the Anglo-Saxon system of law and the English parliamentarism. They wrote books about the comparison of the H ungarian and English system of government, also about the international law ... etc. A m ong the Hungarian engineers Andrew Veress w ho finished his studies in England took part in building the first Romanian railway. What is more, the botanist, paleontologist and mineralogist Elek Pávai Vajna, who originated from Transylvania, studied natural sciencies in England. O n top of all, the famous Asia-scientist Aurel Stein studied in England too. Thanked to other students who were engaged in horticulture the English style of parks became know n in H ungary. As a conclusion I w ould like to summarise my experiences. The revealed data shows that the m ajor part of Hungarian students who studied in England and Scotland, were Reformed theological men students w ho studied with the aid of foreign foundations after 1860. W ithout a scholarship it was hard to get to England and Scotland, because of the distance and the other reason w as that the University of Cambridge and Oxford w ere elite schools and too expensive for Hungarians. In these schools the members of H ungarian aristocratic families could study like Ziehy s, Batthyány's, Esterházy's and Festetics’s. Thanked to their foreign studies the Hungarian students brought back the new scientific achievem ents and knowledge from England/Scotland w hich led to the modernization and scientific renewal of Hungary.

Marie Stopes (1880-1958) is chiefly remembered as a birth control pioneer and sexologist, but in her twenties and thirties she carved out a highly successful career as a palaeobotanist and coal geologist. This paper outlines her early geological research on coal balls—carbonate concretions found within the Carboniferous coal seams of northern England, which preserve the remains of the peat-forming plants in beautiful anatomical detail. Stopes worked on coal balls during three intervals of her career. In the first phase (early 1903), she was Francis Oliver's postgraduate research assistant at University College London, during the critical period leading up to the ‘discovery of pteridosperms’ with D. H. Scott. Stopes's role was to hunt down key specimens in coal ball collections scattered across Britain. In the second phase (late 1904-1907), which followed a year of doctoral research in Munich, she grappled with the more broad-ranging questions of the origin of coal balls, their stratigraphic distribution, and the taphonomy and ecology of the plants they contained. This work took place while she was a Demonstrator in Botany at the Victoria University of Manchester, and was undertaken in collaboration with David Watson. Their findings transformed understanding of coal ball origins and remain influential today. In the third phase (1907-1911), she searched for coal balls in other countries and other stratigraphic intervals. She explored Japan for coal balls of Mesozoic age (1907-early 1909), and although unsuccessful in this particular endeavour, later she became one of the first geologists to locate Carboniferous coal balls in North America in 1911.

The English Shakespeare Company was founded in 1986 by Michael Bogdanov and Michael Pennington with a commitment to take large-scale productions to regional venues. Henry IV, Parts One and Two and Henry V opened at the Plymouth Theatre Royal in November 1986 under the title The Henrys: they were then staged at the Old Vic and toured extensively. In December 1987 Richard II, with a two-part adaptation of the three parts of Henry VI (House of Lancaster and House of York) and Richard III, were added to the previous trilogy to create a complete cycle of history plays – The Wars of the Roses. The cycle was toured in England and abroad before playing at the Old Vic in the spring of 1989. It has since been filmed for television by Portman Productions. The only comparable treatment of the histories in the theatre took place at Stratford in 1964. when Peter Hall and John Barton staged seven plays as a sequence spanning English history from the reign of Richard II to the downfall of Richard III. Andrew Jarvis has been with the English Shakespeare Company since 1986 when he played Gadshill, Douglas, Harcourt, and the Dauphin. He has since played Exton, Hotspur, and Richard III. In 1988 he won the Manchester Evening News Award for Best Actor in a Visiting Production for his portrayal of Richard III. Prior to joining the ESC he had played many roles for the Royal Shakespeare Company. Here, he is interviewed by Stephen Phillips, lecturer in drama at the College of St Mark and St John, Plymouth, who is currently preparing a study of Shakespeare's history cycles in performance in the twentieth century.

AimsTrans and non-binary people present with condition-specific health needs. General Practitioners (GPs) face increased demand to care for this population. The Royal College of General Practitioners note that “the gaps in education, guidance and training for GPs around treating gender dysphoria… and managing broader trans health issues… needs to be urgently addressed.” We are an interdisciplinary team using QI methodology to assess current self-reported knowledge and confidence amongst GP Specialty Trainees in the North-West of England (NWGPSTs) and deliver interventions targeting problem areas.MethodsFollowing engagement with Health Education England North-West, a preliminary questionnaire was distributed to all NWGPSTs to assess baseline knowledge and confidence regarding gender-diverse peoples' healthcare.Results were used to design a teaching session covering basic language and concepts; history and physical exam; gender affirming therapies; psychiatric, medical, and sexual health.Teaching was delivered in a pilot scheme at four NWGPST training locations. Data were gathered before and after each session, with 3 additional questions to assess the quality of teaching and open-text feedback.ResultsIn the preliminary questionnaire (n=150) the most common answer was the lowest amount of knowledge, confidence, or training (1 out of 6) for 11 out of 17 questions. Most reported no training during medical school or GP training programmes. Lack of knowledge in gender affirming therapies, fertility preservation, legal framework and referral pathways were identified.Using a Likert scale (1 to 5), comparison between pre (n=61) and post-teaching (n=49) questionnaires showed improvement in knowledge in all areas (CI 95%). Overall knowledge improved with a mean of 1.05 (95% CI 0.72–1.38). Teaching quality feedback achieved a total mean score of 4.18. Open-text feedback was overwhelmingly positive about teaching material, enthusiasm of presenters, and contained useful suggestions for improvement.ConclusionBaseline knowledge of trans and non-binary healthcare is generally very low. A brief educational intervention made a statistically significant improvement to self-reported knowledge and confidence.We have adapted the teaching based on participant feedback and with involvement from Experts by Experience and Experts by Training. We have enriched teaching with video submissions from Experts by Experience. We have continued to engage with stakeholders, including partners at The LGBT Foundation and Indigo (GP-based Manchester gender service). To grow further, we have trained a faculty of 10 GPSTs to provide teaching, with 11 sessions now delivered to over 300 GPSTs and 5 sessions upcoming. We are planning a nationwide virtual training day.

Background Diabetic retinopathy screening in England involves labour-intensive manual grading of retinal images. Automated retinal image analysis systems (ARIASs) may offer an alternative to manual grading. Objectives To determine the screening performance and cost-effectiveness of ARIASs to replace level 1 human graders or pre-screen with ARIASs in the NHS diabetic eye screening programme (DESP). To examine technical issues associated with implementation. Design Observational retrospective measurement comparison study with a real-time evaluation of technical issues and a decision-analytic model to evaluate cost-effectiveness. Setting A NHS DESP. Participants Consecutive diabetic patients who attended a routine annual NHS DESP visit. Interventions Retinal images were manually graded and processed by three ARIASs: iGradingM (version 1.1; originally Medalytix Group Ltd, Manchester, UK, but purchased by Digital Healthcare, Cambridge, UK, at the initiation of the study, purchased in turn by EMIS Health, Leeds, UK, after conclusion of the study), Retmarker (version 0.8.2, Retmarker Ltd, Coimbra, Portugal) and EyeArt (Eyenuk Inc., Woodland Hills, CA, USA). The final manual grade was used as the reference standard. Arbitration on a subset of discrepancies between manual grading and the use of an ARIAS by a reading centre masked to all grading was used to create a reference standard manual grade modified by arbitration. Main outcome measures Screening performance (sensitivity, specificity, false-positive rate and likelihood ratios) and diagnostic accuracy [95% confidence intervals (CIs)] of ARIASs. A secondary analysis explored the influence of camera type and patients’ ethnicity, age and sex on screening performance. Economic analysis estimated the cost per appropriate screening outcome identified. Results A total of 20,258 patients with 102,856 images were entered into the study. The sensitivity point estimates of the ARIASs were as follows: EyeArt 94.7% (95% CI 94.2% to 95.2%) for any retinopathy, 93.8% (95% CI 92.9% to 94.6%) for referable retinopathy and 99.6% (95% CI 97.0% to 99.9%) for proliferative retinopathy; and Retmarker 73.0% (95% CI 72.0% to 74.0%) for any retinopathy, 85.0% (95% CI 83.6% to 86.2%) for referable retinopathy and 97.9% (95% CI 94.9 to 99.1%) for proliferative retinopathy. iGradingM classified all images as either ‘disease’ or ‘ungradable’, limiting further iGradingM analysis. The sensitivity and false-positive rates for EyeArt were not affected by ethnicity, sex or camera type but sensitivity declined marginally with increasing patient age. The screening performance of Retmarker appeared to vary with patient’s age, ethnicity and camera type. Both EyeArt and Retmarker were cost saving relative to manual grading either as a replacement for level 1 human grading or used prior to level 1 human grading, although the latter was less cost-effective. A threshold analysis testing the highest ARIAS cost per patient before which ARIASs became more expensive per appropriate outcome than human grading, when used to replace level 1 grader, was Retmarker £3.82 and EyeArt £2.71 per patient. Limitations The non-randomised study design limited the health economic analysis but the same retinal images were processed by all ARIASs in this measurement comparison study. Conclusions Retmarker and EyeArt achieved acceptable sensitivity for referable retinopathy and false-positive rates (compared with human graders as reference standard) and appear to be cost-effective alternatives to a purely manual grading approach. Future work is required to develop technical specifications to optimise deployment and address potential governance issues. Funding The National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Health Technology Assessment programme, a Fight for Sight Grant (Hirsch grant award) and the Department of Health’s NIHR Biomedical Research Centre for Ophthalmology at Moorfields Eye Hospital and the University College London Institute of Ophthalmology.

Abstract PRIMROSE A national trainee collaborative-led, multicentre prospective audit on the care of breast cancer patients with central nervous system disease in the UK Mark P Lythgoe1, Vinton WT Cheng2, Hayley S McKenzie3, Amy Kwan4, Apostolos Konstantis5, Ruichong Ma6, Pei J Teo7, Amanda Fitzpatrick8, Laura Woodhouse9 & Carlo Palmieri10 on behalf of the BNTRC† and PRIMROSE study group 1Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, London, 2Leeds Cancer Centre, Leeds, 3University of Southampton, Southampton, 4University of Sheffield, Sheffield, 5The Princess Alexandra NHS Trust, Harlow 6Oxford University Hospitals NHS Trust, Oxford, 7Worcestershire Acute Hospitals NHS Trust, Worcester, 8Institute of Cancer Research, London, 9The Christie NHS Foundation Trust, Manchester, 10University of Liverpool, Liverpool, †British Neurosurgical Trainee Research Collaborative Introduction Breast cancer is the commonest cancer in the UK and the 4th leading cause of cancer-related death. Breast cancer brain metastases (BCBM) are a poor prognostic indicator and associated with very poor survival and only a minority of patients survive >1 year despite oncological treatment. The rising prevalence of patients with BCBM represent an increasing unmet healthcare need. However, in the UK there is a paucity of data about prevalence, survival and management. Guidance on managing brain metastases is improving, however it is unclear how this has been applied in the context of BCBM and whether recommended standards are uniformly applied across the UK Methods PRIMROSE is a trainee collaborative-led initiative to estimate BCBM prevalence, assess current practice (comparing national/international standards) and determine long term outcomes/sequalae. Anonymised data is being pooled via secure REDCap database collating demographics, clinico-pathological information, prior treatment, BCBM treatment and other key variables. All UK hospitals can register, with recruitment driven by trainees via the UK Breast Cancer Trainees Research Collaborative Group and British Neurosurgical Trainee Research Collaborative. Senior oversight will be provided by a local consultant oncologist or neurosurgeon. Results Opened in Jan 2020, 180 datasets have been entered, despite significant disrupted due to COVID-19 from Feburary to May). Over 25 sites are open/in the process of joining. Trainee networks have been established in all regions of the UK with the exception of Yorkshire and The Humber, East of England and North East England. Promotion of the network has occurred at significant oncology conferences (e.g. San Antonio Breast Meeting, and National Cancer Research Institute). We plan to expand to all major UK neurosurgical and oncology centres by December 2020, with data collection completed by December 2021. Conclusions PRIMROSE demonstrates the utility of trainee collaborative networks in rapidly organising large-scale multicentre data collection to understand care of patients at a national level. Such information will be important for identifying current pactice and act as a benchmark for improving local service delivery for patients with BCBM.

Abstract Drawing from practice and learning of Clinical Ethics Committees, Police Ethics Committees began to emerge in the years following the statutory creation of the College of Policing in 2012, but there is little research on their form and effectiveness. This paper reports the results of exploratory online and web surveys undertaken in 2021. The surveys revealed committees with the word ‘ethics’ in their title fell within two different types. First, discursive and advisory committees, largely inclusive but with those operated by the large forces in London and Greater Manchester functioning more like expert panels. Second, some committees operated within formal governance structures, receiving reports and scrutinizing aspects of police performance including complaints. Variation in operation between Police Ethics Committees was evident in respect of composition, web presence and reporting mechanisms. Further research on the operation and effectiveness of Ethics Committees is required.

Este artigo é um depoimento do antropólogo Peter Fry referente à sua formação acadêmica em Antropologia que se inicia no curso de graduação em Social Anthropology pela Cambridge University (1963). Sua tese de doutorado intitulada Zezuru Mediums: Spirit Possession and the articulation of consensus among the Zezuru of Southern Rhodesia, com financiamento da Commonwealth Scholarship, foi defendida na University of London em 1969, sob a orientação da antropóloga Mary Douglas. A Escola de Manchester desempenhou um papel fundamental na consolidação de um método etnográfico renovado para a compreensão de novas problemáticas vividas no século XX. No contexto das sociedades africanas colonizadas, configuravam-se mudanças políticas estruturais que demandavam um corpo teórico-metodológico para conceituação das novas complexidades. Neste relato para a Revista Iluminuras, Peter Fry desenha a rede de relações intelectuais no processo de sua formação e narra a experiência geracional de pesquisa na Rodésia e no âmbito universitário inglês de sua formação.Palavras chave: Escola de Manchester. Antropologia. Rodésia. Rede social. In the anthropological networks of de Manchester School: Reminiscences of an intellectual journey AbstractIn this article Peter Fry recalls his anthropological training: the undergraduate course at Cambridge University in 1960-63, research in Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) where he was brought into contact with the Manchester School, and the defence of his doctorate (Zezuru Mediums: Spirit Possession and the articulation of consensus among the Zezuru of Southern Rhodesia) supervised by Mary Douglas at University College, London in 1969. The Manchester School played an important role in consolidating a renewed ethnographic method based on situational analysis and the extended case method in order to meet the challenge of doing anthropology in situations of industrialization, and urbanization in late colonial Africa. In this text, Peter Fry describes the network of intellectual relations that were part of his training in England and Africa.Keywords: Manchester School. Anthropology. Rhodesia. Social networks.

AbstractIntroductionIn 2021, the UK Royal College of Anaesthetists published an updated curriculum which outlines specific peripheral nerve blocks in which all anesthetists must achieve competency during their training. Little is known about which nerve blocks anesthetists in the UK can perform, nor which techniques they use to perform them.MethodsWe conducted a survey of anesthetists in North West England to discover their experience in anesthesia, which nerve blocks they can perform, and which techniques they use to perform them.ResultsOverall, 195 responses were received. Seventy‐nine respondents (44%) preferred to perform nerve blocks on anesthetized patients, 70 (40%) preferred to perform nerve blocks with the patient awake with no sedation. One hundred and thirty‐seven (85%) respondents used ultrasound only to localize nerves when performing a block. Among consultant respondents, 21 (19%) were unable to perform any upper limb block, and 48 (44%) were unable to perform any block of the thorax, both are a required competency of trainees under the 2021 curriculum.DiscussionTrainees may struggle to achieve the required competencies of the new curriculum given many consultants are also unable to perform them. A structured placement in regional anesthetic training in each stage of training could help improve the acquisition of skills and knowledge among trainees. Further studies are needed to assess the ability of anesthetists nationwide in regional anesthesia.

When absence is disguised as excess, looking becomes a comedic performance. Architectural structures, poised in a moment between imminent collapse and perpetual construction, suggest a strangely funny and dreadful event on the verge of becoming. Useless or interstitial spaces invited peeping, whimsical, biomorphic creatures appear to pause in the midst of creeping, oozing or watching and additional elements, furtively placed among the architecture, intensify the potential for a narrative. My work activates the agency of that which evades certain knowing, experienced at the intersection of language, architecture and the body. The posed drama of the architectural “stage” exists in a state of limbo until the viewer chooses to enter, becoming both spectator and actor in an absurd narrative. The installation, The Former Mistake, created for the Currier Museum of Art, transformed the galleries into a space of physical and perceptual negotiation by disrupting the existing architecture with a baroque cascade of architectural elements, suggestive of scaffolding, coal mining tipples and interior dwellings. If the viewer entered the installation, they could move under, over and around the tableau. Much of the installation was built using foam painted or printed with faux finishes, such as wood-grain, to unsettle the material integrity of the object and playfully confuse the delineation between the real, the remembered, and the virtual. A graduate of Syracuse University and Maine College of Art, Kirsten Reynolds is the recipient of numerous awards, including those from the NH Charitable Foundation- Greater Piscataqua Region, the Berkshire Taconic Community Foundation and the NH State Council for the Arts. She has exhibited her work most recently at the Currier Museum of Art, Manchester, NH (2008-09), the DeCordova Museum and Sculpture Park, Lincoln, MA (2008); the Boston Center for the Arts, Boston, MA; Hallwalls Contemporary Art Center, Buffalo, NY, The Vox Populi, Philadelphia, PA and the Firehouse Gallery, Burlington, VT. Reynolds has been a guest lecturer at the Museum School of Fine Arts, Boston, The Massachusetts College of Art and the Maine College of Art, and has taught at the Maine College of Art, New Hampshire Institute of Art, Chester College of New England and the University of New England. Reynolds lives and works in Newmarket, New Hampshire.

AbstractIn his Account of the Present Greek Church of 1722, Dr John Covel (1638–1722), an Anglican cleric and master of Christ's College, Cambridge, reflected on how human beings, and Christians specifically, might best please God. In so doing, Covel argued that disputes over ‘meer outward forms of Godliness’, such as the acts of fasting or praying, were only important insofar as they helped worshippers to develop what he termed ‘inward affection’. For Covel, ‘inward affection’, though difficult to define, was easy to spot. It was evidenced by ‘the unfeigned Exercise of a holy Life’, which entailed the performance of good works, combined with the pursuit of more abstract virtues such as sincerity, solemnity, patience, moderation, faith and conviction. In this paper, I explore how Covel, between his education at Cambridge in the 1650s, and the publication of his Account in the 1720s, came to conceptualize the worship of God in this way, with a particular focus on the impact of his travels around the Mediterranean in the 1670s and his exposure to the religious diversity of the Ottoman world. As part of this discussion, I show how Covel's observations abroad led him to question the sharp distinctions which were presumed to exist not only among Christians but also between Christians and members of other religions, most notably Islam. Taken as a whole, this paper will make a novel contribution to our understanding of early modern ecclesiastical debates in England, by examining their frequently transcultural frames of reference.

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(Ulrich Niggemann, Augsburg) Boswell, Caroline, Disaffection and Everyday Life in Interregnum England (Studies in Early Modern Cultural, Political and Social History, 29), Woodbridge 2017, The Boydell Press, XII u. 285 S., £ 65,00. (Philip Hahn, Tübingen) Kinsella, Eoin, Catholic Survival in Protestant Ireland, 1660 – 1711. Colonel John Browne, Landownership and the Articles of Limerick (Irish Historical Monographs), Woodbridge 2018, The Boydell Press, XVI u. 324 S. / Abb., £ 75,00. (Matthias Bähr, Dresden) Mansel, Philip, King of the World. The Life of Louis XIV, [London] 2019, Allen Lane, XIII u. 604 S. / Abb., £ 30,00. (William D. Godsey, Wien) Gräf, Holger Th. / Christoph Kampmann / Bernd Küster (Hrsg.), Landgraf Carl (1654 – 1730). Fürstliches Planen und Handeln zwischen Innovation und Tradition (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Hessen, 87), Marburg 2017, Historische Kommission für Hessen, XIII u. 415 S. / Abb., € 29,00. (Alexander Schunka, Berlin) Schriften zur Reise Herzog Friedrichs von Sachsen-Gotha nach Frankreich und Italien 1667 und 1668. Eine Edition, 3 Bde., Bd. 1: Reiseberichte; Bd. 2: Planung, Landeskunde, Rechnungen; Bd. 3: Briefe, hrsg. v. Peter-Michael Hahn / Holger Kürbis (Schriften des Staatsarchivs Gotha, 14.1 – 3), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, XLVI u. 546 S. / Abb.; 660 S.; 374 S., € 200,00. (Michael Kaiser, Köln) Mulsow, Martin, Radikale Frühaufklärung in Deutschland 1680 – 1720, Bd. 1: Moderne aus dem Untergrund; Bd. 2: Clandestine Vernunft, Göttingen 2018, Wallstein, 502 bzw. 624 S. / Abb., € 59,90. (Helmut Zedelmaier, München) Göse, Frank / Jürgen Kloosterhuis (Hrsg.), Mehr als nur Soldatenkönig. Neue Schlaglichter auf Lebenswelt und Regierungswerk Friedrich Wilhelms I. (Veröffentlichungen aus den Archiven Preußischer Kulturbesitz. Forschungen, 18), Berlin 2020, Duncker & Humblot, 398 S. / Abb., € 89,90. 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(Stefan Kroll, Rostock) Die Tagebücher des Ludwig Freiherrn Vincke 1789 – 1844, (Heinz Duchhardt, Mainz) Bd. 7: 1813 – 1818, bearb. v. Ludger Graf von Westphalen (Veröffentlichungen des Vereins für Geschichte und Altertumskunde Westfalens, Abteilung Münster, 7; Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 58; Veröffentlichungen des Landesarchivs Nordrhein-Westfalen, 76), Münster 2019, Aschendorff, 777 S. / Abb., € 86,00. (Heinz Duchhardt, Mainz) Bd. 8: 1819 – 1824, bearb. v. Hans-Joachim Behr (Veröffentlichungen des Vereins für Geschichte und Altertumskunde Westfalens, Abteilung Münster, 8; Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 22; Veröffentlichungen des Landesarchivs Nordrhein-Westfalen, 48), Münster 2015, Aschendorff, 632 S. / Abb., € 79,00. (Heinz Duchhardt, Mainz) Bd. 9: 1825 – 1829, bearb. v. 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English in Hong Kong: Super Highway or road to nowhere? Reflections on policy changes in language education of Hong Kong. RELC Journal (Singapore), 34, 3 (2003), 370–384.04–286 Lui, Jun (U. of Arizona, USA). Effects of comic strips on L2 learners' reading comprehension. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 38, 2 (2004), 225–243.04–287 Lukjantschikowa, Marija. Textarbeit als Weg zu interkultureller Kompetenz. [Working with texts as a means to develop intercultural competence.] Deutsch als Fremdsprache (Leipzig, Germany), 3 (2004), 161–165.04–288 Lüning, Marita (Landesinstitut für Schule in Bremen, Germany). E-Mail-Projekte im Spanischunterricht. [E-Mail-Projects in the Spanish classroom.] Der fremdsprachliche Unterricht Spanisch (Seelze, Germany), 6 (2004), 30–36.04–289 Lyster, R. (McGill U., Canada; Email: roy.lyster@mcgill.ca). Differential effects of prompts and recasts in form-focussed instruction. 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IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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Although I'm a rich white guy, I'm also a feminist anti-racism activist who fights for the rights of the poor and oppressed. (Carl Kenner)Systemic bias is a scourge to the pillar of neutrality. (Cerejota)Count me in. Let's leave the bias to the mainstream media. (Orcar967)Because this is so important. (CuttingEdge)These are a handful of comments posted by online editors who have banded together in a virtual coalition to combat Western bias on the world’s largest digital encyclopedia, Wikipedia. This collective action by Wikipedians both acknowledges the inherent inequalities of a user-controlled information project like Wikpedia and highlights the potential for progressive change within that same project. These community members are taking the responsibility of social change into their own hands (or more aptly, their own keyboards).In recent years much research has emerged on Wikipedia from varying fields, ranging from computer science, to business and information systems, to the social sciences. While critical at times of Wikipedia’s growth, governance, and influence, most of this work observes with optimism that barriers to improvement are not firmly structural, but rather they are socially constructed, leaving open the possibility of important and lasting change for the better.WikiProject: Countering Systemic Bias (WP:CSB) considers one such collective effort. Close to 350 editors have signed on to the project, which began in 2004 and itself emerged from a similar project named CROSSBOW, or the “Committee Regarding Overcoming Serious Systemic Bias on Wikipedia.” As a WikiProject, the term used for a loose group of editors who collaborate around a particular topic, these editors work within the Wikipedia site and collectively create a social network that is unified around one central aim—representing the un- and underrepresented—and yet they are bound by no particular unified set of interests. The first stage of a multi-method study, this paper looks at a snapshot of WP:CSB’s activity from both content analysis and social network perspectives to discover “who” geographically this coalition of the unrepresented is inserting into the digital annals of Wikipedia.Wikipedia and WikipediansDeveloped in 2001 by Internet entrepreneur Jimmy Wales and academic Larry Sanger, Wikipedia is an online collaborative encyclopedia hosting articles in nearly 250 languages (Cohen). The English-language Wikipedia contains over 3.2 million articles, each of which is created, edited, and updated solely by users (Wikipedia “Welcome”). At the time of this study, Alexa, a website tracking organisation, ranked Wikipedia as the 6th most accessed site on the Internet. Unlike the five sites ahead of it though—Google, Facebook, Yahoo, YouTube (owned by Google), and live.com (owned by Microsoft)—all of which are multibillion-dollar businesses that deal more with information aggregation than information production, Wikipedia is a non-profit that operates on less than $500,000 a year and staffs only a dozen paid employees (Lih). Wikipedia is financed and supported by the WikiMedia Foundation, a charitable umbrella organisation with an annual budget of $4.6 million, mainly funded by donations (Middleton).Wikipedia editors and contributors have the option of creating a user profile and participating via a username, or they may participate anonymously, with only an IP address representing their actions. Despite the option for total anonymity, many Wikipedians have chosen to visibly engage in this online community (Ayers, Matthews, and Yates; Bruns; Lih), and researchers across disciplines are studying the motivations of these new online collectives (Kane, Majchrzak, Johnson, and Chenisern; Oreg and Nov). The motivations of open source software contributors, such as UNIX programmers and programming groups, have been shown to be complex and tied to both extrinsic and intrinsic rewards, including online reputation, self-satisfaction and enjoyment, and obligation to a greater common good (Hertel, Niedner, and Herrmann; Osterloh and Rota). Investigation into why Wikipedians edit has indicated multiple motivations as well, with community engagement, task enjoyment, and information sharing among the most significant (Schroer and Hertel). Additionally, Wikipedians seem to be taking up the cause of generativity (a concern for the ongoing health and openness of the Internet’s infrastructures) that Jonathan Zittrain notably called for in The Future of the Internet and How to Stop It. Governance and ControlAlthough the technical infrastructure of Wikipedia is built to support and perhaps encourage an equal distribution of power on the site, Wikipedia is not a land of “anything goes.” The popular press has covered recent efforts by the site to reduce vandalism through a layer of editorial review (Cohen), a tightening of control cited as a possible reason for the recent dip in the number of active editors (Edwards). A number of regulations are already in place that prevent the open editing of certain articles and pages, such as the site’s disclaimers and pages that have suffered large amounts of vandalism. Editing wars can also cause temporary restrictions to editing, and Ayers, Matthews, and Yates point out that these wars can happen anywhere, even to Burt Reynold’s page.Academic studies have begun to explore the governance and control that has developed in the Wikipedia community, generally highlighting how order is maintained not through particular actors, but through established procedures and norms. Konieczny tested whether Wikipedia’s evolution can be defined by Michels’ Iron Law of Oligopoly, which predicts that the everyday operations of any organisation cannot be run by a mass of members, and ultimately control falls into the hands of the few. Through exploring a particular WikiProject on information validation, he concludes:There are few indicators of an oligarchy having power on Wikipedia, and few trends of a change in this situation. The high level of empowerment of individual Wikipedia editors with regard to policy making, the ease of communication, and the high dedication to ideals of contributors succeed in making Wikipedia an atypical organization, quite resilient to the Iron Law. (189)Butler, Joyce, and Pike support this assertion, though they emphasise that instead of oligarchy, control becomes encapsulated in a wide variety of structures, policies, and procedures that guide involvement with the site. A virtual “bureaucracy” emerges, but one that should not be viewed with the negative connotation often associated with the term.Other work considers control on Wikipedia through the framework of commons governance, where “peer production depends on individual action that is self-selected and decentralized rather than hierarchically assigned. Individuals make their own choices with regard to resources managed as a commons” (Viegas, Wattenberg and McKeon). The need for quality standards and quality control largely dictate this commons governance, though interviewing Wikipedians with various levels of responsibility revealed that policies and procedures are only as good as those who maintain them. Forte, Larco, and Bruckman argue “the Wikipedia community has remained healthy in large part due to the continued presence of ‘old-timers’ who carry a set of social norms and organizational ideals with them into every WikiProject, committee, and local process in which they take part” (71). Thus governance on Wikipedia is a strong representation of a democratic ideal, where actors and policies are closely tied in their evolution. Transparency, Content, and BiasThe issue of transparency has proved to be a double-edged sword for Wikipedia and Wikipedians. The goal of a collective body of knowledge created by all—the “expert” and the “amateur”—can only be upheld if equal access to page creation and development is allotted to everyone, including those who prefer anonymity. And yet this very option for anonymity, or even worse, false identities, has been a sore subject for some in the Wikipedia community as well as a source of concern for some scholars (Santana and Wood). The case of a 24-year old college dropout who represented himself as a multiple Ph.D.-holding theology scholar and edited over 16,000 articles brought these issues into the public spotlight in 2007 (Doran; Elsworth). Wikipedia itself has set up standards for content that include expectations of a neutral point of view, verifiability of information, and the publishing of no original research, but Santana and Wood argue that self-policing of these policies is not adequate:The principle of managerial discretion requires that every actor act from a sense of duty to exercise moral autonomy and choice in responsible ways. When Wikipedia’s editors and administrators remain anonymous, this criterion is simply not met. It is assumed that everyone is behaving responsibly within the Wikipedia system, but there are no monitoring or control mechanisms to make sure that this is so, and there is ample evidence that it is not so. (141) At the theoretical level, some downplay these concerns of transparency and autonomy as logistical issues in lieu of the potential for information systems to support rational discourse and emancipatory forms of communication (Hansen, Berente, and Lyytinen), but others worry that the questionable “realities” created on Wikipedia will become truths once circulated to all areas of the Web (Langlois and Elmer). With the number of articles on the English-language version of Wikipedia reaching well into the millions, the task of mapping and assessing content has become a tremendous endeavour, one mostly taken on by information systems experts. Kittur, Chi, and Suh have used Wikipedia’s existing hierarchical categorisation structure to map change in the site’s content over the past few years. Their work revealed that in early 2008 “Culture and the arts” was the most dominant category of content on Wikipedia, representing nearly 30% of total content. People (15%) and geographical locations (14%) represent the next largest categories, while the natural and physical sciences showed the greatest increase in volume between 2006 and 2008 (+213%D, with “Culture and the arts” close behind at +210%D). This data may indicate that contributing to Wikipedia, and thus spreading knowledge, is growing amongst the academic community while maintaining its importance to the greater popular culture-minded community. Further work by Kittur and Kraut has explored the collaborative process of content creation, finding that too many editors on a particular page can reduce the quality of content, even when a project is well coordinated.Bias in Wikipedia content is a generally acknowledged and somewhat conflicted subject (Giles; Johnson; McHenry). The Wikipedia community has created numerous articles and pages within the site to define and discuss the problem. Citing a survey conducted by the University of Würzburg, Germany, the “Wikipedia:Systemic bias” page describes the average Wikipedian as:MaleTechnically inclinedFormally educatedAn English speakerWhiteAged 15-49From a majority Christian countryFrom a developed nationFrom the Northern HemisphereLikely a white-collar worker or studentBias in content is thought to be perpetuated by this demographic of contributor, and the “founder effect,” a concept from genetics, linking the original contributors to this same demographic has been used to explain the origins of certain biases. Wikipedia’s “About” page discusses the issue as well, in the context of the open platform’s strengths and weaknesses:in practice editing will be performed by a certain demographic (younger rather than older, male rather than female, rich enough to afford a computer rather than poor, etc.) and may, therefore, show some bias. Some topics may not be covered well, while others may be covered in great depth. No educated arguments against this inherent bias have been advanced.Royal and Kapila’s study of Wikipedia content tested some of these assertions, finding identifiable bias in both their purposive and random sampling. They conclude that bias favoring larger countries is positively correlated with the size of the country’s Internet population, and corporations with larger revenues work in much the same way, garnering more coverage on the site. The researchers remind us that Wikipedia is “more a socially produced document than a value-free information source” (Royal & Kapila).WikiProject: Countering Systemic BiasAs a coalition of current Wikipedia editors, the WikiProject: Countering Systemic Bias (WP:CSB) attempts to counter trends in content production and points of view deemed harmful to the democratic ideals of a valueless, open online encyclopedia. WP:CBS’s mission is not one of policing the site, but rather deepening it:Generally, this project concentrates upon remedying omissions (entire topics, or particular sub-topics in extant articles) rather than on either (1) protesting inappropriate inclusions, or (2) trying to remedy issues of how material is presented. Thus, the first question is "What haven't we covered yet?", rather than "how should we change the existing coverage?" (Wikipedia, “Countering”)The project lays out a number of content areas lacking adequate representation, geographically highlighting the dearth in coverage of Africa, Latin America, Asia, and parts of Eastern Europe. WP:CSB also includes a “members” page that editors can sign to show their support, along with space to voice their opinions on the problem of bias on Wikipedia (the quotations at the beginning of this paper are taken from this “members” page). At the time of this study, 329 editors had self-selected and self-identified as members of WP:CSB, and this group constitutes the population sample for the current study. To explore the extent to which WP:CSB addressed these self-identified areas for improvement, each editor’s last 50 edits were coded for their primary geographical country of interest, as well as the conceptual category of the page itself (“P” for person/people, “L” for location, “I” for idea/concept, “T” for object/thing, or “NA” for indeterminate). For example, edits to the Wikipedia page for a single person like Tony Abbott (Australian federal opposition leader) were coded “Australia, P”, while an edit for a group of people like the Manchester United football team would be coded “England, P”. Coding was based on information obtained from the header paragraphs of each article’s Wikipedia page. After coding was completed, corresponding information on each country’s associated continent was added to the dataset, based on the United Nations Statistics Division listing.A total of 15,616 edits were coded for the study. Nearly 32% (n = 4962) of these edits were on articles for persons or people (see Table 1 for complete coding results). From within this sub-sample of edits, a majority of the people (68.67%) represented are associated with North America and Europe (Figure A). If we break these statistics down further, nearly half of WP:CSB’s edits concerning people were associated with the United States (36.11%) and England (10.16%), with India (3.65%) and Australia (3.35%) following at a distance. These figures make sense for the English-language Wikipedia; over 95% of the population in the three Westernised countries speak English, and while India is still often regarded as a developing nation, its colonial British roots and the emergence of a market economy with large, technology-driven cities are logical explanations for its representation here (and some estimates make India the largest English-speaking nation by population on the globe today).Table A Coding Results Total Edits 15616 (I) Ideas 2881 18.45% (L) Location 2240 14.34% NA 333 2.13% (T) Thing 5200 33.30% (P) People 4962 31.78% People by Continent Africa 315 6.35% Asia 827 16.67% Australia 175 3.53% Europe 1411 28.44% NA 110 2.22% North America 1996 40.23% South America 128 2.58% The areas of the globe of main concern to WP:CSB proved to be much less represented by the coalition itself. Asia, far and away the most populous continent with more than 60% of the globe’s people (GeoHive), was represented in only 16.67% of edits. Africa (6.35%) and South America (2.58%) were equally underrepresented compared to both their real-world populations (15% and 9% of the globe’s population respectively) and the aforementioned dominance of the advanced Westernised areas. However, while these percentages may seem low, in aggregate they do meet the quota set on the WP:CSB Project Page calling for one out of every twenty edits to be “a subject that is systematically biased against the pages of your natural interests.” By this standard, the coalition is indeed making headway in adding content that strategically counterbalances the natural biases of Wikipedia’s average editor.Figure ASocial network analysis allows us to visualise multifaceted data in order to identify relationships between actors and content (Vego-Redondo; Watts). Similar to Davis’s well-known sociological study of Southern American socialites in the 1930s (Scott), our Wikipedia coalition can be conceptualised as individual actors united by common interests, and a network of relations can be constructed with software such as UCINET. A mapping algorithm that considers both the relationship between all sets of actors and each actor to the overall collective structure produces an image of our network. This initial network is bimodal, as both our Wikipedia editors and their edits (again, coded for country of interest) are displayed as nodes (Figure B). Edge-lines between nodes represents a relationship, and here that relationship is the act of editing a Wikipedia article. We see from our network that the “U.S.” and “England” hold central positions in the network, with a mass of editors crowding around them. A perimeter of nations is then held in place by their ties to editors through the U.S. and England, with a second layer of editors and poorly represented nations (Gabon, Laos, Uzbekistan, etc.) around the boundaries of the network.Figure BWe are reminded from this visualisation both of the centrality of the two Western powers even among WP:CSB editoss, and of the peripheral nature of most other nations in the world. But we also learn which editors in the project are contributing most to underrepresented areas, and which are less “tied” to the Western core. Here we see “Wizzy” and “Warofdreams” among the second layer of editors who act as a bridge between the core and the periphery; these are editors with interests in both the Western and marginalised nations. Located along the outer edge, “Gallador” and “Gerrit” have no direct ties to the U.S. or England, concentrating all of their edits on less represented areas of the globe. Identifying editors at these key positions in the network will help with future research, informing interview questions that will investigate their interests further, but more significantly, probing motives for participation and action within the coalition.Additionally, we can break the network down further to discover editors who appear to have similar interests in underrepresented areas. Figure C strips down the network to only editors and edits dealing with Africa and South America, the least represented continents. From this we can easily find three types of editors again: those who have singular interests in particular nations (the outermost layer of editors), those who have interests in a particular region (the second layer moving inward), and those who have interests in both of these underrepresented regions (the center layer in the figure). This last group of editors may prove to be the most crucial to understand, as they are carrying the full load of WP:CSB’s mission.Figure CThe End of Geography, or the Reclamation?In The Internet Galaxy, Manuel Castells writes that “the Internet Age has been hailed as the end of geography,” a bold suggestion, but one that has gained traction over the last 15 years as the excitement for the possibilities offered by information communication technologies has often overshadowed structural barriers to participation like the Digital Divide (207). Castells goes on to amend the “end of geography” thesis by showing how global information flows and regional Internet access rates, while creating a new “map” of the world in many ways, is still closely tied to power structures in the analog world. The Internet Age: “redefines distance but does not cancel geography” (207). The work of WikiProject: Countering Systemic Bias emphasises the importance of place and representation in the information environment that continues to be constructed in the online world. This study looked at only a small portion of this coalition’s efforts (~16,000 edits)—a snapshot of their labor frozen in time—which itself is only a minute portion of the information being dispatched through Wikipedia on a daily basis (~125,000 edits). Further analysis of WP:CSB’s work over time, as well as qualitative research into the identities, interests and motivations of this collective, is needed to understand more fully how information bias is understood and challenged in the Internet galaxy. The data here indicates this is a fight worth fighting for at least a growing few.ReferencesAlexa. “Top Sites.” Alexa.com, n.d. 10 Mar. 2010 ‹http://www.alexa.com/topsites>. Ayers, Phoebe, Charles Matthews, and Ben Yates. How Wikipedia Works: And How You Can Be a Part of It. 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