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Journal articles on the topic 'Christian Archaeology'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Jennbert, Kristina. "Archaeology and Pre-Christian Religion in Scandinavia." Current Swedish Archaeology 8, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2000.07.

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Archaeological research on pre-Christian religion has increased greatly during the last two decades. Studies of ritual and religion appear frequently in scholarly, popular and antiquarian publications of the 1990s. Selected publications in Scandinavian archaeology are presented in order to characterise and discuss different approaches. Central theoretical and methodological questions are discussed, as well as the co-operation with other humanistic disciplines.

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2

Panegyres, Konstantine. "Christian and Non-Christian Agricultural Deities." Mnemosyne 70, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342123.

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This article explores a continuity in the use of agricultural deities in rural areas by Christians and non-Christians. Beginning with a discussion of a passage from Arnobius’Adversus nationes, it argues that the same traditions and spells emerge in the agricultural sphere in both non-Christian and Christian times, even though the deities described in the traditions and spells changed. It does so by comparatively analysing different agricultural spells and traditions, with particular attention given to specific examples ranging frombctoad. Ultimately, the article suggests how and why those involved in agriculture so readily worked their non-Christian customs, traditions, and spells into Christianity.

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3

Walters, C. C. "Christian Paintings from Tebtunis." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 75 (1989): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821907.

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4

Walters, C. C. "Christian Paintings from Tebtunis." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 75, no. 1 (August 1989): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338907500114.

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The material presented here constitutes the only record of a discovery made at the end of the last century by Bernard Grenfell and Arthur Hunt in the Fayûm, where they unearthed a building containing Christian paintings. The building itself almost certainly formed part of a monastic complex. The paintings, which in toto make a significant contribution to the corpus of Christian art from Egypt, gain considerably in their importance by the originality of some of their subject-matter. Evidence is put forward to support a mid-tenth century date for the majority of the paintings.

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5

Hemans, Caroline J., and Robert Milburn. "Early Christian Art and Architecture." American Journal of Archaeology 94, no. 3 (July 1990): 517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505832.

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6

Paterson, Jeremy. "Cary Fellowship: Christians and power in the early Christian centuries." Papers of the British School at Rome 66 (November 1998): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200004335.

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7

Bowes, Kim. "Early Christian Archaeology: A State of the Field." Religion Compass 2, no. 4 (July 2008): 575–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00078.x.

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8

Stopford, J. "Some approaches to the archaeology of Christian pilgrimage." World Archaeology 26, no. 1 (June 1994): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1994.9980261.

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9

EDWARDS, M. J. "Some Early Christian Immoralities." Ancient Society 23 (January 1, 1992): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.23.0.2005873.

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10

Walker, Lawrence D., and Rudolph Binion. "After Christianity: Christian Survivals in Post-Christian Culture." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 703. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873760.

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11

Priest. "Missionary Positions: Christian, Modernist, Postmodernist." Current Anthropology 42, no. 1 (2001): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3596471.

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12

Brun, Jean-Pierre, Jean Guilaine, Vincent Guichard, and Michel Gras. "Hommages à Christian Goudineau (1939-2018)." Gallia 76, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 2–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/gallia.4924.

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13

Stiebing, William H., and Joan E. Taylor. "Christians and the Holy Places: The Myth of Jewish-Christian Origins." American Historical Review 99, no. 3 (June 1994): 873. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167788.

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14

Handley, Mark, and C. Thomas. "Christian Celts. Messages and Images." Britannia 31 (2000): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526945.

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15

Stokstad, Marilyn. "Understanding and Enjoying the Earliest Christian Art." American Journal of Archaeology 112, no. 3 (July 2008): 533–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.112.3.533.

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16

Mills, Ian N. "Pagan Readers of Christian Scripture: the Role of Books in Early Autobiographical Conversion Narratives." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 481–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341396.

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Abstract Most scholars agree that “pagans” did not read Christian scripture. This critical consensus, however, places inordinate weight on a decontextualized quotation from Tertullian and neglects a body of evidence to the contrary. In particular, the role of books in early autobiographical conversion narratives suggests that early Christian authors and copyists could sometimes work with a reasonable expectation of pagan readership. Against traditional notions of the restricted appeal and circulation of Christian literature, pagan and Christian sources alike indicate that Christian writings found an audience among philo-barbarian thinkers and that certain Christians promoted their books in pagan circles.

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17

Schnabel, Eckhard J. "The Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology." Bulletin for Biblical Research 27, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 454–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.27.3.0454.

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18

Caseau, B蠴rice. "ORDINARY OBJECTS IN CHRISTIAN HEALING SANCTUARIES." Late Antique Archaeology 5, no. 1 (2009): 625–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000124.

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The evidence from miracle stories and from archaeology is used in this paper to document the appearance and contents of the healing shrines of Late Antiquity; particularly the prosaic objects of everyday life that would have been present at a shrine alongside liturgical and devotional objects. It explores the evidence relating to the everyday lives of those staying at the shrine, and shows how even the most ordinary object could be sanctified by its presence in a healing sanctuary.

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19

Hodges, Richard, and Mary Gough. "Alahan. An Early Christian Monastery in Southern Turkey." American Journal of Archaeology 91, no. 4 (October 1987): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505317.

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20

Hedeager, L. "Cosmological Endurance: Pagan Identities in Early Christian Europe." European Journal of Archaeology 1, no. 3 (December 1, 1998): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146195719800100305.

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21

Hedeager, Lotte. "Cosmological endurance: pagan identities in early Christian Europe." European Journal of Archaeology 1, no. 3 (1998): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.1998.1.3.382.

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In this article, I attempt to show how the Germanic peoples of the Migration Period in Early Chiristian Europe (c. AD 400–500) created – or preserved – a pagan Scandinavian myth of their origin as a, significant part of their identity and perception. The function of the myths as political and ideological legitimations is related to the iconography of the material culture, notably the early animal ornamentation (Salins' Style I). Integration of the written evidence and the archaeological sources makes it possible to demonstrate how origins, myths and iconography together express a formative core of pagan identity in Early Christian Europe.

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22

Brandt, Olof. "The Symbolism of Water in Early Christian Baptisteries." Current Swedish Archaeology 11, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2003.01.

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The symbolism of water in the Early Christian baptisteries was not expressed in the architecture of the building but rather in its decoration. This article illustrates the references to water in the sculptures and inscriptions of the fourth and fifth-century phases of the Lateran baptistery in Rome. This decoration shows that the water was a symbol ofboth li fe and death: the death of the sinner and the life of God, to which baptism gave access.

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23

Stróż, Anna. "Historia badań nad zagadnieniem najstarszych zachodnich sanktuariów męczenników. Od kontrreformacyjnej apologetyki po współczesne badania interdyscyplinarne." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3994.

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In the course of centuries the Early Christian sanctuaries of the martyrs either continued their purpose and remained the sacred destinations or fell into ruin and became forgotten. There was not much interest in the study of them, at least until the XVIth century, the Counter-Reformation period, when the evidence of sources was used as a weapon to defeat the opponents of the cult of the saints. Ipso facto the study has become only a devotional enterprise. Religiously oriented investigations of Early Christian sanctuaries became more scientific later, with the development of the Christian archaeology, as it gradually separated from theological studies. The remains of the monuments finally started to be regarded as a precious heritage, which should be carefully excavated, documented and well preserved. With G.B. de Rossi’s work the interest in the subject of Christian archaeology increased. Initiated by him the huge archaeological campaign spread in the latin West and goes on till present day. The recent research challenge is to make the picture of the earliest sanctuaries more clear by removing the confessional additions and trying to face the sources in broader, interdisciplinary context.

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24

Novacek, Karel, and Philip Wood. "The Monastic Landscape of Adiabene in the First Centuries of Islam." Journal of Islamic Archaeology 7, no. 1 (November 7, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jia.18271.

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The article considers the archaeological and literary evidence for Christian populations in provinceof Hadyab (Adiabene) in northern Iraq in the 5th to 9th centuries AD. We argue that there was a conspicuous expansion of settlements, both rural and urban, clustered around newly built churches, monasteries and fortifications in the 7th century. We link this to local Christian aristocrats (shahregan), who flourished under the light tax regime of the Early Caliphate and are discussed in contemporary Syriac hagiography.

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25

Jones, Peter D'A, and Edward Norman. "The Victorian Christian Socialists." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 769. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873835.

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26

Bays, Daniel H., and Jessie Gregory Lutz. "Chinese Politics and Christian Missions: The Anti-Christian Movements of 1920-28." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (June 1990): 883. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164429.

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27

Teitler, H. C. "Ammianus, Libanius, Chrysostomus, and the Martyrs of Antioch." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 3 (2013): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341129.

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Abstract Christian sources name several dozen Christian martyrs under Julian the Apostate. Six of these martyrs were according to such sources executed in Antioch during Julian’s stay in this city in 362-363 A.D. Pagan authors like Ammianus Marcellinus and Libanius are silent about their martyrdom, and about the persecution of Christians by Julian in general. It is examined in this article whether the Christian authors, among them John Chrysostom, represent historical reality more than Ammianus and Libanius do, and whether their writings can be adduced to prove that Julian was a persecutor.

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28

Voderstrasse, Tasha. "Archaeology of Medieval Lebanon: an Overview." Chronos 20 (April 30, 2019): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v20i0.476.

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This article will present an overview of the archaeological work done on medieval Lebanon from the 19th century to the present. The period under examination is the late medieval period, from the 11th to the 14th centuries, encompassing the time when the region was under the control of various Islamic dynasties and the Crusaders. The archaeology of Lebanon has been somewhat neglected over the years, despite its importance for our understanding of the region in the medieval period, mainly because of the civil war (1975-1990), which made excavations and surveys in the country impossible and led to the widespread looting of sites (Hakiman 1987; Seeden 1987; Seeden 1989; Fisk 1991; Hakiman 1991; Ward 1995; Hackmann 1998; Sader 2001. In general, see Fisk 1990). Furthermore, many collections within Lebanon itself could not be visited for the purpose of study and even collections outside Lebanon remained largely neglected. The end Of the civil war, however, marked a time of renewed interest in the country's archaeology, particularly in the city of Beirut. Also, the identification of large numbers of Christian frescoes in the region meant that churches and their paintings were studied in detail for the first time. Although much had been lost during the civil war, it was clear the archaeological heritage of Lebanon remains critical to our understanding of the archaeology of the Levant. As a crossroads for Christians, Muslims, and Jews in the late medieval period, the region that is now Lebanon was of great importance in the 1 lth to 14th centuries.

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29

Edwards, David N. "Post-Meroitic (‘X-Group’) and Christian Burials at Sesibi, Sudanese Nubia. The Excavations of 1937." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80, no. 1 (December 1994): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339408000113.

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Publication of a small group of ‘X-Group’ and Christian graves at Sesibi, excavated by the Egypt Exploration Society in January 1937. This is the most southerly site where typically ‘X-Group’ material has been found. A range of practices can be seen which provide a useful insight into the transition from typically pagan to Christian burial rites during the early sixth century AD.

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30

García-Contreras, Guillermo. "Are Postcolonial Narratives useful in Al-Andalus Archaeology?." Anduli, no. 20 (2021): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/anduli.2021.i20.10.

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Archaeological investigations of al-Andalus has become increasingly important in medieval studies, but it has traditionally been left out of the research agenda of European medieval archaeology. This is due to its exoticism and not fitting in well with the construction of a European identity and Spanish national history based on Christian expansion and the “Reconquest” process. At the same time, due to the geographical location and geopolitical position of the Iberian Peninsula within the “West”, scholars working on Islamic archaeology have dedicated less attention to al-Andalus than to other territories. Several factors pose a challenge for current research: the possibility of confrontation with feudal societies; the increasing importance given to technological transfer all along al-Andalus; religious, economic and institutional differences within Christian territories; the importance given in recent years to the identity construction of alterity; and the strong impact that the Andalusi period had on the creation of current landscapes, especially due to irrigated agriculture. This paper tries to reflect on and analyze the historiographical marginality of al-Andalus in both European medieval archaeology and Islamic archaeology. The aim is to understand how we have built an international narrative of the marginality of a territory that is theoretically outside Europe and outside the environment in which classical Islam developed, based mainly on literature produced in English on this matter. In short, this paper poses the question of whether postcolonial theory is a valid category of analysis for al-Andalus.

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31

Loosley, Emma. "Art, Archaeology and Christian Identity in Contemporary Lebanon and Syria." Chronos 19 (April 11, 2019): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v19i0.456.

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In western society, as in the rest of the world, the vast majority of teenagers mould their identity by reacting to the world around them. However this sense of identity is unlikely in the early twenty-first century to be predicated by religion; music, sport, fashion and choice of friends are the elements by which schoolchildren and students define themselves and, with the notable exception of some members of minority religions, Faith is unlikely to play a major part in their formation of "self'. There is little understanding as to why immigrant Muslim, Sikh or Hindu communities place such a high value on their children remaining within the orbit of the local place of worship, as religion is seen by many of the white majority as a peripheral part of life.

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32

Cookson, Neil. "The Christian Church in Roman Britain: A synthesis of archaeology." World Archaeology 18, no. 3 (February 1987): 426–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1987.9980016.

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33

Hemans, Caroline J., Kurt Weitzmann, and Herbert L. Kessler. "The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art." American Journal of Archaeology 95, no. 3 (July 1991): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505519.

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34

Rose, P. J. "An Early Christian extra-mural settlement at Qasr Ibrim." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 39, no. 1 (January 2004): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672700409480388.

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35

Randsborg, Klavs. "Inigo Jones & Christian IV: Archaeological Encounters in Architecture." Acta Archaeologica 75, no. 1 (June 2004): 3–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0065-001x.2004.00009.x.

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36

Humphreys, A. J. B., and J. S. Kruger. "Along Edges. Religion in South Africa: Bushman, Christian, Buddhist." South African Archaeological Bulletin 51, no. 164 (December 1996): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3888853.

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37

Neumayer, Heino. "Christian Pescheck, Das Reihengräberfeld von Kleinlangheim, Lkr. Kitzingen, Nordbayern." prhz 73, no. 1 (January 2013): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/prhz.2013.73.1.135.

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38

Petrosyan, Hamlet. "Politics, Ideology and Landscape: Early Christian Tigranakert in Artsakh." Electrum 28 (2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.012.13370.

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Tigranakert in Artsakh was founded at the end of 90s BC by the Armenian King Tigranes II the Great (95–55 BC) and in the Early Christian period continued to play a role of an important military-administrative and religious center. As аresult of excavations the Early Christian square of the Central district with two churches, remains of a monumental stela witha cross, as well as an Early Christian underground reliquary and a graveyard were unearthed. The sepulchre-reliquary was opened under the floor of the small church of early Christian Square. It has only the eastern entrance. As had been shown by further excavations Saint Grigoris’s sepulchre-reliquary in Amaras also had an eastern entrance. Saint Stephanos’s reliquary in Vachar also has only an eastern entrance. All these three structures are dated from 5th–6th centuries. In early Christian East the only tomb that had an only eastern entrance is Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Analysis of the data on Vachagan the Pious (end of 5th–early 6th centuries), king of Albania (which included since the middle of 5th century the eastern provinces of Greater Armenia – Artsakh and Utik), allows us to conclude that at the end of the 5th century the king initiated theecclesiastical reform, trying to link the origin of the Albanian church to Jerusalem. One ofthe manifestations of this reform was the creation of the legend of the Apostle Yeghisha arriving to Albania from Jerusalem. Comparative analysis of archaeological, architectural and written data leads to the conclusion that all three tombs with the single east entrance are the result of the reformist activity of Vachagan, and the idea of single eastern entrance, most likely, was taken from the tomb of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. A new approach to the localizations of Early Christian sanctuaries in and near Tigranakert allows to compare this sacred area with early Christian sacred topography of Jerusalem.

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39

Finney, Paul Corby. "Images on Finger Rings and Early Christian Art." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291556.

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40

Tsakos, Alexandros. "Book Review: God’s Library: The Archaeology of the Earliest Christian Manuscripts." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 105, no. 2 (December 2019): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513320905837.

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41

Knight, Jeremy K. "An Inscription from Bavai and the Fifth-Century Christian Epigraphy of Britain." Britannia 41 (July 5, 2010): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x10000164.

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ABSTRACTThe consular dated memorial of a military accountant (scrinarius) of a.d. 404 with a chi-rho monogram from Bavai (France, Nord), previously thought to be a forgery, is reconsidered. Geographically close to Britain and well-dated, it is relevant to the origins of post-Roman insular epigraphy and to the possibility of recognising specifically Christian tombstones in Roman Britain. The insular series derives from a late antique tradition introduced to Britain via the Christian Church at an uncertain date. There is little sign of continuity with claimed Romano-British Christian tombstones, but an early phase of the insular series can be recognised. Literacy and perhaps the ‘epigraphic habit’ survived in other media.

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42

Nuffelen, Peter Van. "EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA AND THE CONCEPT OF PAGANISM." Late Antique Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2011): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000153.

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In scholarship the term ‘paganism’ is often rejected on the grounds that it reflects Christian attempts to project a false unity onto the variety of ancient religions. Although this is true to a certain extent, this paper argues that philosophers of the imperial age already ascribed a fundamental unity to all religions, and that Christian apologists drew on these ideas to formulate their own concept of ‘paganism’. The creation of paganism should thus been seen as a dialectical process, not as a onesided projection.

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43

Nielsen, Finn Ole Sonne, and Margrethe Watt. "PRE-CHRISTIAN OFFERINGS FROM GULDHULLET NEAR SMØRENGE ON BORNHOLM, DENMARK." Acta Archaeologica 89, no. 1 (December 2018): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0390.2018.12193.x.

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44

Desideri, Andrea Vanni, and Silvia Leporatti. "Monks across the desert. Hermitic life in Christian Petra." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 24 (December 1, 2020): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.24.2020.24.06.

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Monks across the desert. Hermitic life in Christian Petra A new interpretation of the pre-Crusader phase of the site follows from the identification of a pre-Crusader rock-cut chapel. In particular, in early mediaeval time, a monastic community at al-Wu’ayra and a number of hermitic cells surrounding a central fortified coenobium preceded the later military castle keep. The Crusaders profited by the presence of a Christian fortified settlement, easy to transform into a military installation by a simple addition of a number of buildings, which are identifiable by a chrono-typology of building techniques.The new program of research which started in 2017 aims at registering, surveying, and studying various hermitic installations around the perimeter of the town in order to contextualize this early medieval phase of al-Wu’ayrain the topography of Petra and contribute to the knowledge of a ‘minor’and underestimated aspect of the town in early Christian time. In fact, these monastic-hermitic settlements located in segregated spots of the peri-urbanarea, surviving the abandonment of the major churches of the town, can help to understand in a more realistic way the articulated forms of Christian presence and its duration until the late 19th century.

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45

Brodman, James W., and Kenneth Baxter Wolf. "Christian Martyrs in Muslim Spain." American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (October 1989): 1084. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906645.

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46

Depauw, M., and W. Clarysse. "How Christian was Fourth Century Egypt? Onomastic Perspectives on Conversion." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 4 (2013): 407–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341144.

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Abstract In 1982 Roger Bagnall published a ground-breaking article about conversion to Christianity in fourth century Egypt. Using onomastic data for individuals in seleced texts, he tried to demonstrate that the growth of the Christian element in the population was early and rapid, rising to 90% by the end of the century. A new date for one of the documents led to a revision of the pace of growth in 1987, but his method was never tested on other datasets. In this article we apply an adapted vesion of his method to a large new dataset, containing all attestations of personal names in fourth century documentary papyri and ostraca. We also investigate the accuracy of Christian names as a binary test for Christianity, and estimate the mutiplication factor which can be applied to determine the number of Christians. Our results are similar to the curve which can be distilled from Bagnall’s adapted results in 1987, with 20-30% Christians around 313, a Christian majority around 350 and virtually complete Christianization around the middle of the fifth century.

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47

Cross, Morag. "Miss Christian MacLagan, pioneer Victorian antiquary and archaeologist." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 150 (November 30, 2021): 119–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.150.1310.

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Christian MacLagan (1811-1901), from Stirling, occupies the intersection of amateur antiquarian-ism and modern archaeology. Although not Scotland’s earliest female archaeologist, she pioneered the compilation and publication of prehistoric sites, using her own plans and fieldwork. This paper examines her previously undocumented social background and the roots of her maternal family, the Colvilles, and their fortune in the colonial indigo trade in Bengal. Colville links with Annfield estate, Stirling and Laws, Monifieth, are noted. A large Calcutta-derived legacy in 1859 enabled MacLagan to circumvent many conventional restrictions on women.

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48

Tsaferis, Vassilios. "An Early Christian Church Complex at Magen." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 258 (April 1985): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1356894.

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49

Meyendorff, John. "Christian Marriage in Byzantium: The Canonical and Liturgical Tradition." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 44 (1990): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291620.

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50

Callmer, Johan. "The Clay Paw Burial Rite of the Åland Islands and Central Russia: A Symbol in Action." Current Swedish Archaeology 2, no. 1 (December 28, 1994): 13–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.1994.02.

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The clay paw burial rite is a special feature of the Åland Islands. It is introduced already in the seventh century shortly after a marked settlement expansion and considerable cultural changes. The rite may be connected with groups involved in beaver hunting since the clay paws in many cases can be zoologically classified as paws of beavers. On the Åland Islands only minor parts of the population belong to this group. Other groups specialized in contacts with the Finnish mainland. The clay paw group became involved in hunting expeditions further and further east and in the ninth century some of the members established themselves in three or four settlements on the middle Volga. There is a later expansion into the area between the Volga and the Kljaz'ma. The clay paw burial rite gives us an unique possibility to identify a specific Scandinavian population group in European Russia in the ninth and tenth centuries. With the introduction of Christian and semi-Christian burial customs ca. A.D. 1000 we cannot archaeologically distinguish this group any more but some historical sources could indicate its existence throughout the eleventh cetury in Russia. The clay paw burial rite brings to the fore questions about local variations and special elements in the Pre-Christian Scandinavian religion. Possibly elements of Finno-ugric religious beliefs had a connection with the development of this rite.

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