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Journal articles on the topic 'Christian Church in Canada'
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1
Stackhouse, John G. "What Has Happened to Post-Christian Canada?" Church History 87, no. 4 (December 2018): 1152–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071800241x.
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A dozen years ago, I was sitting in a suburban Vancouver church on a Saturday afternoon, waiting for my young sons’ piano recital to start. I looked around the rented facility, new to me, and noticed an impressionistic painting of the crucifixion toward the front of the sanctuary.
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Laugrand, Frédéric, and Pascale Laneuville. "Armand Tagoona and the Arctic Christian Fellowship: The first Inuit church in Canada." Polar Record 55, no. 2 (March 2019): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247419000226.
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AbstractArmand Tagoona (1926–1991) was born in Naujaat (Repulse Bay, Northwest Territories) in 1926, from an Inuk mother and a German father. Born as a Roman Catholic, he converted to Anglicanism. In 1969, he founded a new independent religious group affiliated to the Anglican Church in Qamani’tuaq (Baker Lake, Northwest Territories): the Arctic Christian Fellowship (ACF). In this paper, we examine his life briefly as well as this very first “Inuit church” he created. We argue that Tagoona played the role of a mediator encompassing various religious traditions and various cultures at a time when solid boundaries separated all these institutions. In bridging them, Tagoona’s church turned to be very innovative and aimed at more religious autonomy, while being fundamentally guided by the words of God. Tagoona’s church carries conversionist, reformist and utopian aspects at the same time.
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Williams Omotoye, Rotimi. "Pentecostalism and African diaspora : a case study of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), in North America." African Journal of Religion, Philosophy and Culture 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-7644/2020/1n2a5.
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Pentecostalism as a new wave of Christianity became more pronounced in 1970's and beyond in Nigeria. Since then scholars of Religion, History, Sociology and Political Science have shown keen interest in the study of the Churches known as Pentecostals because of the impact they have made on the society. The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) was established by Pastor Josiah Akindayomi in Lagos,Nigeria in 1952. After his demise, he was succeeded by Pastor Adeboye Adejare Enock. The problem of study of this research was an examination of the expansion of the Redeemed Christian Church of God to North America, Caribbean and Canada. The missionary activities of the church could be regarded as a reversed mission in the propagation of Christianity by Africans in the Diaspora. The methodology adopted was historical. The primary and secondary sources of information were also germane in the research. The findings of the research indicated that the Redeemed Christian Church of God was founded in North America by Immigrants from Nigeria. Pastor Adeboye Enock Adejare had much influence on the Church within and outside the country because of his charisma. The Church has become a place of refuge for many immigrants. They are also contributing to the economy of the United States of America. However, the members of the Church were faced with some challenges, such as security scrutiny by the security agencies. In conclusion, the RCCGNA was a denomination that had been accepted and embraced by Nigerians and African immigrants in the United States of America.
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Csinos, David M. "Speaking Back: Reading a Christian Denomination’s Vision for Diversity through the Eyes of its Children and Congregations." Ecclesial Practices 7, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22144471-bja10018.
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Abstract This article analyzes the United Church of Canada’s vision for becoming intercultural through data generated by qualitative research into the theological meaning-making of children within United Church congregations. The author provides an overview of the broader research project through which this data was generated and background information about Canadian multiculturalism and the United Church’s response to the challenges of multiculturalism, particularly its 2006 document, ‘A Transformative Vision for the United Church of Canada.’ The author presents three points of critique of this document that come into focus when analyzed through the lens of children within United Church congregations. These points include the important step of intentionally listening to voices on the margins, the document’s neglect of individuals and contexts that hold hybrid cultural identities, and its tendency to overlook congregations that are intercultural.
5
Orlowski, Paul. "The Light to the Left: Conceptions of Social Justice Among Christian Social Studies Teachers." in education 23, no. 1 (June 7, 2017): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2017.v23i1.315.
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This article describes a study that took place in Saskatchewan, Canada, during 2013-2014. Ten practicing high school social studies teachers who self-identified as Christian answered an unsolicited invitation to participate in a qualitative study about the ways in which they think about social justice. Almost evenly split between Catholic and Protestant, female and male, and urban and rural, most participants were very progressive in their thinking about important economic and social issues. For example, all supported paying taxes and the social welfare state, and almost all supported gay rights and feminism. As well, an important emergent theme arose: The majority spoke about breaking from the teachings of their church if the teachings did not fit with contemporary society. All of them claimed that their faith influenced their thinking about social justice. The study challenges some secular notions about the values held by Christian social studies teachers. Situated in Canada, the study challenges American research findings about the political ideology and values of Christian social studies teachers. Keywords: social studies education; teaching for social justice; controversial issues; teacher beliefs; Christian teaching
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Tse, Justin K. H. "DIFFERENCE AND THE ESTABLISHMENT: AN ASIAN CANADIAN SENIOR PASTOR’S EVANGELICAL SPATIALITY AT TENTH AVENUE ALLIANCE CHURCH IN VANCOUVER, BC." Revista Relegens Thréskeia 3, no. 2 (December 18, 2014): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rt.v3i2.39092.
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This paper explores how the evangelical spatiality of an Asian Canadian senior pastor at a historically Anglo-Saxon congregation has transformed it from an ethnically homogeneous, aging church to a heterogeneously-constituted gathering in an evangelical Protestant tradition. This piece challenges the conventional wisdom of the church growth movement and the new religious economics in the sociology of religion, both of which advise religious groups to construct homogeneity and consensus in efforts for numerical growth over against secularizing forces. The paper argues instead that Pastor Ken Shigematsu’s evangelical spatiality from the mid-1990s to the present must be understood as a theological embrace of difference in a church gifted to him by God over which he prayerfully pastors along with his staff. This paper understands Shigematsu’s evangelical spatiality through his own New Testament exegesis, his denominational affiliation with the Christian and Missionary Alliance, his ancient spiritual practices of indiscriminate hospitality, and his mystical reception of Tenth as a welcoming space toward a multiplicity of ethnic, class, and religious backgrounds. This article contributes to Asian Canadian Christian studies by discouraging a future where pan-Asian churches in Canada are homogeneously constructed and by exploring the concrete possibility of non-strategies in which heterogeneous, complex spaces that include Asian Canadians are received by pastors and studied by academics as a divine gift.
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Driedger Hesslein, Kayko. "Free to Die: A Lutheran-Relational Approach to Medical Assistance in Dying." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 23, 2020): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040213.
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In 2016, Canada legalized Bill C-14, which removed from the Criminal Code medical assistance in dying (MAID) under certain circumstances. In essence, the Bill legalized what is commonly described as euthanasia, under the provisions that the patient has a terminal medical diagnosis, anticipates extreme suffering, is at least 18 years old and still maintains their own medical power of attorney, has received the same diagnosis from two separate doctors, and requests such a procedure without duress. The bill exempts doctors and nurses from culpability in murder, along with those aiding the medical staff. The bill replaces sections of the Criminal Code that criminalize death by suicide. In this article, I first review the theological and historical interpretation of suicide within the Christian church. I then offer a specifically Lutheran feminist framework of our baptism into death, Luther’s explanation of the First Commandment, and Christian freedom to affirm Christians’ faithful decisions in seeking medical assistance in dying.
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Zwissler, Laurel. "Sex, Love, and an Old Brick Building: A United Church of Canada Congregation Transitions to LGBTQ Inclusion." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 87, no. 4 (July 30, 2019): 1113–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz045.
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AbstractWhereas much literature focuses on ways that Christian discourses can perpetuate homophobia and transmisogyny, there is less scholarly attention focused on Christian groups that embrace people with diverse gender and sexual identities. As this article demonstrates, it is precisely because of their traditional marginalization that active inclusion of LGBTQ people may come to serve as a signifier of less institutionally oriented and more socially progressive forms of religiosity, especially for communities actively negotiating intersecting neoliberal oppressions. Drawing on sustained fieldwork with a progressive Protestant congregation, this project analyzes two of the community’s foundational narratives: one of a minister coming out as lesbian; and one of giving up their church building. As members connect these stories to their more recent embrace of the first known transwoman to be ordained in the denomination, they reveal tensions surrounding power, embodiment, and sexuality at the core of contemporary conversations about North American religion.
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Young, Pamela Dickey. "Same-sex marriage and the Christian churches in Canada." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 35, no. 1 (March 2006): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980603500101.
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Same-sex marriage is an important topic in Canadian courts, legislatures and churches today. This paper explores the sorts of official arguments put forth in public policy venues by Canadian churches and then proceeds to analyze these contributions.
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D'Auria, Eithne. "Sacramental Sharing in Roman Catholic Canon Law: A Comparison of Approaches in Great Britain, Ireland and Canada." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 9, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x07000361.
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Faced with difficulties of communication between separated churches, the Roman Catholic Church has attempted to provide a framework for sacramental sharing between Christians genuinely prevented from receiving the sacraments in their respective churches and ecclesial communities. This paper first considers the Roman Catholic canonical requirements for sacramental sharing. It then addresses the approach taken in the ecclesiastical jurisdictions in Great Britain and Ireland, and compares it with that of Canada. Finally, suggestions for reform are considered.
11
Yeo, Geoffrey. "A Case Without Parallel: The Bishops of London and the Anglican Church Overseas, 1660–1748." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 3 (July 1993): 450–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014184.
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‘For a bishop to live at one end of the world, and his Church at the other, must make the office very uncomfortable to the bishop, and in a great measure useless to the people.’ This was the verdict of Thomas Sherlock, bishop of London from 1748 to 1761, on the provision which had been made by the Church of England for the care of its congregations overseas. No Anglican bishopric existed outside the British Isles, but a limited form of responsibility for the Church overseas was exercised by the see of London. In the time of Henry Compton, bishop from 1675 to 1713, Anglican churches in the American colonies, in India and in European countrieshad all sought guidance from the bishop of London. By the 1740s the European connection had been severed; the bishop still accepted some colonial responsibilities but the arrangement was seen as anomalous by churchmen on both sides of the Atlantic. A three-thousand-mile voyage separated the colonists from their bishop, and those wishing to seek ordination could not do so unless they were prepared to cross the ocean. Although the English Church claimed that the episcopate was an essential part of church order, no Anglican bishop had ever visited America, confirmation had never been administered, and no church building in the colonies had been validly consecrated. While a Roman Catholic bishopric was established in French Canada at an early date, the Anglican Church overseas had no resident bishops until the end of the eighteenth century. In the words of Archbishop Thomas Seeker, this was ‘a case which never had its parallel before in the Christian world’.
12
Goossen, Rachel Waltner. "“Repent of the Sins of Homophobia”." Nova Religio 24, no. 3 (February 1, 2021): 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2021.24.3.68.
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Across North America, Mennonites are widely regarded to be among the most conservative of Christian groups. But in recent decades, Mennonite understandings of LGBTQ+ identity have transformed faith communities, as the engagement of social media-conscious activists such as Pink Menno have contributed to evolving practices regarding sexual minorities in Mennonite churches. Recent ordinations and the growing visibility of queer ministers, chaplains, and theologians have led to recent schism in Mennonite Church USA, with traditionalists departing the denomination in record numbers. The decentralized nature of Mennonitism has contributed to more inclusive policies in the past two decades, although decentralization also allows exclusionary practices to persist in some churches and institutions. This article draws from oral history interviews with thirty Mennonite theologically trained LGBTQ+ leaders from across the United States and Canada. These narratives demonstrate how—in some sectors of the Mennonite community—queer and non-queer people are accelerating changes in historically homophobic spaces.
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Ferraz, Salma, Erik Dorff Schmitz, and Igor Livramento. "O Vento Sopra onde Quer: unção do riso." Mosaico 11, no. 2 (August 21, 2018): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/mos.v11i2.6377.
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Este artigo apresenta o fenômeno da Benção do Riso, ou Unção do Riso, surgida na Igreja Comunhão Divina de Toronoto, Canadá. Embora esse tenha sido o fenômeno que tornou o movimento conhecido para o mundo, há alusão que já havia relatos da Unção do riso em 1933, em escala menor, e em pequenas igrejas. Foi a partir de 1980, portanto, antes do episódio de Toronto, que a Unção do Riso chega ao Brasil por meio do Pastor Argentino Carlos Anacondia, que difundiu essa doutrina em inúmeras comunidades evangélicas. A Unção do riso é praticada no Brasil e no mundo por grupos pentecostais e neopentecostais, e também carismáticos. O artigo questiona as nuances do evento e suas contradições no ambiente cristão, tanto a nível religioso, teológico e litúrgico.
The Wind Blows Where it Wishes: holy laughter
This article discusses the phenomenon of the Holy Laughter (also known as Anointing of Laughter, Unction of Laughter, Anointing of Isaac, Toronto Blessing, etc.) that emerged in 1994 at the Holy Communion Church in Toronto, Canada. Despite that phenomenon rising the movement to worldwide fame, there are allusions to said Holy Laughter on accounts since 1933, on a smaller scale and on smaller churches. Firstly, we present the reality of laughter as present in the Judeo-Christian sacred texts and briefly some of its contemporary developments in satirical and humorous adaptations of the Christian bible. Afterwards we present how said Holy Laughter was positively held but also how it became target for harsh criticism by both religious groups and researchers. Lastly, we present how it may be interpreted as an authentic element of faith and worship, or as a cathartic psychological phenomenon led by religious leaders during Christian worship.
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Mussio, Louise A. "The Origins and Nature of the Holiness Movement Church: A Study in Religious Populism." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 7, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031103ar.
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Abstract This article examines the development of holiness-inspired dissent in Canada by focusing on the Holiness Movement Church, a sect led by Methodist evangelist R.C. Homer and created in opposition to official Methodism in 1895. It investigates the relationship between holiness and Methodism and finds that the Hornerite schism served to discredit the doctrine in the eyes of Methodist leaders. The holiness crisis sheds light on the broad cultural support for the experience, and demonstrates that the pressures placed upon Methodism by dissent were integral to its transformation. The schism reinforced the Holiness Movement's critique of professional elites and the middle class. As such, Hornerism and late nineteenth-century Christian perfectionism can be viewed as part of a broad populist movement intent on defending traditional social values against the forces of modernization.
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Reimer, Sam, and Rick Hiemstra. "The Rise of Part-time Employment in Canadian Christian Churches." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 44, no. 3 (August 13, 2015): 356–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429815595811.
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Using data from Canada Revenue Agency’s charitable status (T3010) forms, this article demonstrates the increase in part-time staffing among Canada’s Christian churches over a nine-year period. The growth of part-time staffing and the decline of full-time staffing reflect the declining institutional participation and declining incomes of Catholic and Protestant churches. However, our data suggest that staffing changes are not simply due to tighter budgets, but mirror a societal trend toward part-time work, or the “feminization” of labour norms. We reflect on the implications of this change for clergy and other congregational staff, for churches, and for secularization theory.
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Schrauwers, Albert. "“Money bound you—money shall loose you”: Micro-Credit, Social Capital, and the Meaning of Money in Upper Canada." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 314–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000077.
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In late 1832, a small religious sect, the Children of Peace, completed their second place of worship, a temple, in the village of Hope in the sparsely settled northern reaches of Toronto's rural hinterland. Called by a vision to “ornament the Christian Church with all the glory of Israel,” the Children of Peace rebuilt Solomon's temple as the seat of their New Jerusalem (Schrauwers 1993; 2009). As William Lyon Mackenzie, newspaper editor, mayor of Toronto, and member of the elected assembly for the riding enthused, this three-tiered building was “calculated to inspire the beholder with astonishment; its dimensions—its architecture—its situation—are all so extraordinary” (CA 18 Sept. 1828). The Children of Peace, having fled a cruel and uncaring English pharaoh, viewed themselves as the new Israelites lost in the wilderness of Upper Canada; here they would end sectarianism and rebuild God's kingdom on the principle of charity. It is important to stress both the symbolism and the intended function of this, their second church; the highly symbolic temple was intended solely for their monthly alms sacrifice for the poor “Israelite fashion.” The Charity Fund they collected there was utilized for “the relief of the poor of the contributors, and others” (Sharon Temple n.d.: 11), as well as the support of a shelter for the homeless (Schrauwers 2009: 47). Targeted recipients included victims of a cholera epidemic in Toronto and starving pioneer settlers in the outlying districts (CA 23 Aug. 1832; Constitution 4 May 1837).
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Kaye, Bruce. "Catholicity and a Vocation for the Anglican Communion." Anglican Theological Review 102, no. 1 (December 2020): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332862010200105.
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For several decades now, Anglican churches around the world have been struggling with serious conflicts about gender relationships. Internal troubles have been most apparent in the United States, Canada, England, Scotland, and more recently in Aotearoa New Zealand. These conflicts between churches have occupied the attention of the institutions of the Anglican Communion, usually in terms of establishing some framework of unity between the churches. In this context, I wish to suggest a different way of approaching these issues. I want to draw on a renewed sense of catholicity in the church and of the eschatological framework in which all Christians are called to live. In the process, I hope to offer a picture of what might be a vocation for the Anglican Communion, specifically its institutions, that will better honor the narrative tradition of Anglicanism and provide a more effective way into engaging with the problems of our times.
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Goetz, Rebecca Anne. "From Protestant Supremacy to Christian Supremacy." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 763–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001896.
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Over the last generation, historians have begun to explain Christianity's impact on developing ideas of race and slavery in the early modern Atlantic. Jon Sensbach's A Separate Canaan: The Making of an Afro-Moravian World in North Carolina, 1763–1840 showed how Moravians struggled with both race and slavery, ultimately concluding that Moravians adopted the racist attitudes of their non-Pietist North Carolina neighbors. Travis Glasson's Mastering Christianity: Missionary Anglicanism and Slavery in the Atlantic World showed how the Anglican church accustomed itself to slavery in New York and the Caribbean. Richard Bailey's Race and Redemption in Puritan New England unraveled changing puritan ideas about race and belonging in New England. My own book, The Baptism of Early Virginia: How Christianity Created Race, argued that Protestant ideas about heathenism and conversion were instrumental to how English Virginians thought about the bodies and souls of enslaved Africans and Native people, and to how they developed a nascent idea of race in seventeenth-century Virginia. Heather Kopelson's Faithful Bodies: Performing Religion and Race in the Puritan Atlantic traced puritan ideas about race, the soul, and the body in New England and Bermuda. From a different angle, Christopher Cameron's To Plead Our Own Cause: African Americans in Massachusetts and the Making of the Antislavery Movement outlined the influence of puritan theologies on black abolitionism. Engaging all this scholarly ferment is Katharine Gerbner's new book, Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World. Gerbner's work both synthesizes and transforms this extended scholarly conversation with a broad and inclusive look at Protestants—broadly defined as Anglicans, Moravians, Quakers, Huguenots, and others—and race in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries over a geography stretching from New York to the Caribbean. The book is synthetic in that it builds on the regional and confessionally specific work of earlier scholars, but innovative in its argument that Protestants from a variety of European backgrounds and sometimes conflicting theologies all wrestled with questions of Christian conversion of enslaved peoples—could it be done? Should it be done? And, of overarching concern: how could Protestant Christians in good conscience hold fellow African and Native Christians as slaves?
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Grandy, Gina, and Tatiana Levit. "Value co-creation and stakeholder complexity: what strategy can learn from churches." Qualitative Research in Organizations and Management: An International Journal 10, no. 3 (September 14, 2015): 243–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrom-03-2014-1205.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to extend understandings of the demand-side view of strategy and how organizations co-create value with stakeholders. Through an iterative process of theory development, data collection, data analysis and writing, the authors propose a value co-creation perspective that more fully takes into account stakeholder complexity. Design/methodology/approach – The empirical data derives from a wider exploratory study on value creation and competitive advantage in Christian churches in Canada. Here the authors explore one case study from that wider study and analyze interviews with church members and leaders. Findings – The authors discuss two mutually constitutive processes of value co-creation, building a culture of community and enacting relational and shared leadership. Research limitations/implications – The authors propose a stakeholder-complex understanding of value creation where stakeholders can enact multiple roles, often simultaneously, in co-creation and where products/services are consumed for their symbolic, rather than material value. Further, co-creation may involve ongoing interactions and value creation can occur in non-monetary transactions. Originality/value – The authors offer, through an empirical exploration of a religious organization, an illustrative account of how value co-creation might be tied to stakeholder complexity. This study stretches the boundaries of mainstream strategy research by challenging two fundamental assumptions: that stakeholder roles must be distinct and that “value” must be clearly defined and explicitly linked to exchange value.
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Moore, Kathleen. "New Claimants to Religious Tolerance and Protection." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2696.
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IntroductionIn The Myth of the Judeo-Christian Tradition, Arthur A. Cohen questionsthe notion that a "Judeo-Christian" tradition even exists, and suggeststhat it is an invention of twentieth century American politics spawned byefforts to form a cultural consensus and, in the process, homogenize religiousidentification and promote interfaith harmony. The conception of such atradition is, in Cohen's words, " ... mythological or, rather, not preciselymythological but ideological and hence, as in all ideologies, shot throughwith falsification, distortion, and untruth."A political use of the term "Judeo-Christian" has gained particular currencyin the latter part of the twentieth century as reliance on certain religiousvalues, symbols and rhetoric in public discourse has both generated andreflected popular approval, the ideal of separation of church and state not withstanding.Common assumptions about the place of religion and moralityin public life are being reevaluated. In an era of greater conformity andconsensus-building, ushered in by a general swing toward conservatism inNorth American politics, an effort is being made to resurrect a shared setof traditional beliefs and values thought once to be the backbone of Americanand Canadian life. Instead of celebrating diversity and pluralism in NorthAmerica, the emphasis has been placed on the merits of unity and a sharedsense of ethics. Conservatives are engaged in an effort to redefine Americanvalues and beliefs and ameliorate what they see as deplorable conditionsprecipitated by the liberalism, secularity and moral relativism of the 1960s.This corrective impulse is proving to be an important factor in reshapingboth the religious and political scene.It is in this context that the meaning of difference has been obscured.A commitment to pluralism has been an important part of the heritage ofNorth American societies, especially Canada, since their inception and yetwhat is meant by reference to the "Judeo-Christian" tradition remains ambiguous.Rather than promoting interfaith harmony, the current use of theconcept functions to exclude those who are judged to deviate from the socialand cultural norm or to be nonbelievers, i.e., persons conceived to be a threatto the bedrock values of America. Observers of the North American religiousscene have noted that religion is used as a means of negotiating one's placein society and establishing identity. Public figures appeal to our sense ofnational identity and patriotism by talking about the United States as a 'judeoChristiannation," which, in effect, serves to exclude other religious groups(such as Muslims) and nonreligious groups from the mainstream of Americansociery.What is implied by reference to "Judeo-Christian" is even narrowerthosewho actually mean to promote an exclusively Christian America6 useit to signify the defense of purportedly Christian-cum-American values andlife-style from the inroads of secular humanism. President Reagan, in his1983 speech to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando. Florida, ...
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Moore, Kathleen. "New Claimants to Religious Tolerance and Protection." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2838.
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IntroductionIn The Myth of the Judeo-Christian Tradition, Arthur A. Cohen questionsthe notion that a "Judeo-Christian" tradition even exists, and suggeststhat it is an invention of twentieth century American politics spawned byefforts to form a cultural consensus and, in the process, homogenize religiousidentification and promote interfaith harmony. The conception of such atradition is, in Cohen's words, " ... mythological or, rather, not preciselymythological but ideological and hence, as in all ideologies, shot throughwith falsification, distortion, and untruth."A political use of the term "Judeo-Christian" has gained particular currencyin the latter part of the twentieth century as reliance on certain religiousvalues, symbols and rhetoric in public discourse has both generated andreflected popular approval, the ideal of separation of church and state notwithstanding.Common assumptions about the place of religion and moralityin public life are being reevaluated. In an era of greater conformity andconsensus-building, ushered in by a general swing toward conservatism inNorth American politics, an effort is being made to resurrect a shared setof traditional beliefs and values thought once to be the backbone of Americanand Canadian life. Instead of celebrating diversity and pluralism in NorthAmerica, the emphasis has been placed on the merits of unity and a sharedsense of ethics. Conservatives are engaged in an effort to redefine Americanvalues and beliefs and ameliorate what they see as deplorable conditionsprecipitated by the liberalism, secularity and moral relativism of the 1960s.This corrective impulse is proving to be an important factor in reshapingboth the religious and political scene.It is in this context that the meaning of difference has been obscured.A commitment to pluralism has been an important part of the heritage ofNorth American societies, especially Canada, since their inception and yetwhat is meant by reference to the "Judeo-Christian" tradition remains ambiguous. Rather than promoting interfaith harmony, the current use of theconcept functions to exclude those who are judged to deviate from the socialand cultural norm or to be nonbelievers, i.e., persons conceived to be a threatto the bedrock values of America. Observers of the North American religiousscene have noted that religion is used as a means of negotiating one's placein society and establishing identity. Public figures appeal to our sense ofnational identity and patriotism by talking about the United States as a 'judeoChristiannati.on," which, in effect, serves to exclude other religious groups(such as Muslims) and nonreligious groups from the mainstream of Americansociery.What is implied by reference to "Judeo-Christian" is even narrowerthosewho actually mean to promote an exclusively Christian America6 useit to signify the defense of purportedly Christian-cum-American values andlife-style from the inroads of secular humanism. President Reagan, in his1983 speech to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando. Florida, ...
22
Webster, David. "After the Missionaries: Churches and Human Rights NGOs in Canadian relations with China." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 20, no. 2-3 (2013): 216–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02003009.
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Canadian relations with China, historically, have been driven by missionary work and the search for expanded trade. Missionary work drew on the search for souls to save, but morphed into development (building schools and hospitals). Trade promotion, meanwhile, drew on age-old tropes of “Oriental riches” and “the China market.” The missionary and merchant impulses have intertwined in Sino-Canadian relations. This article examines the post-missionary engagement of Canadian churches and human rights advocacy of Canadian non-governmental organizations with China since the 1970s. The focus is on two ecumenical coalitions the Canadian churches sponsored: the Canada China Programme and the Canada Asia Working Group. The former emphasized themes of partnership with Chinese Christian networks as the People’s Republic of China began to open up to the world; the latter stressed advocacy for human rights and economic justice. The tensions within these coalitions illustrate the larger tension between engagement and trade on the one hand, and rights advocacy on the other, in Sino-Canadian relations. These case studies also show the importance of non-state actors in trans-Pacific relations.
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Sorochuk, Liudmyla. "RESEARCHES OF IVAN OHIJENKO IN UKRAINIAN STUDIES FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF HIS SCIENTIFIC POSITION IN EMIGRATION." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.17.
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The article raises the issue of the importance of Ukrainian studies by Ivan Ogienko, as a representative of the Ukrainian intellectual elite in emigration, because his works influenced the progress of cultural, educational and spiritual life of Ukrainians both in our country and abroad. It is known that he is one of the founders of Ukrainian science and education and an outstanding Ukrainian educator of the twentieth century. The role of preserving national identity, spiritual values, patriotism of the outstanding scientist, teacher, linguist, culturologist, public and church figure, Ivan Ogienko, through the prism of hard work, incredible diligence, stability and consistency in scientific research is emphasized. Attention is focused on the fact that the Ukrainian scientist was the bearer of national and cultural ideas and spiritual values of his people. The opinion is confirmed that the world recognition of I. Ogienko / Metropolitan Ilarion was brought by fundamental works on the history of Ukrainian culture, language, history of the church, which have not lost their scientific significance even today. The scientist-researcher made dictionaries, headed the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian People's Republic, and being in emigration – headed the Ukrainian autocephalous Orthodox Church. It is worth mentioning the most common and used translation of the Bible into Ukrainian, on which Ivan Ogienko worked for more than 45 years. The article analyzes I. Ogienko's scientific achievements during the emigration, which significantly strengthened Ukrainian studies, and also considers the works "Pre-Christian Beliefs of the Ukrainian People", "Ukrainian Culture", "Serve the People - Serve God: Theological Studio" and others. The book "Our Life Abroad: Ideological and Historical Essays" by Ivan Ogienko, published in Winnipeg (Canada), where the author spoke about the difficult life of Ukrainian emigrants abroad, deserves attention and listening. I. Ogienko describes how important it is to preserve one's national identity, culture and native language in a foreign country. It is concluded that national culture has great potential for the establishment of Ukraine in the world cultural space, and the life and scientific and educational work of Ivan Ogienko became an example for many researchers in studying the socio-cultural heritage of the Ukrainian diaspora.
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Babynskyi, Anatolii. "The Idea of Patriarchate of the UGCC in the Ukrainian Diaspora on the Eve of the Second Vatican Council." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 90 (March 31, 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2020.90.2087.
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The article covers the development of the idea of patriarchal status in 1945-1962 within the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the diaspora, focusing mainly on the third wave of Ukrainian emigration. After the Second World War, about 250,000 Ukrainian refugees found themselves in Western Europe (DP camps), from where in 1947-1955, they moved to the countries of North and South America, Western Europe and Australia. The growing role of the Church, which continued to play a significant role in their lives after their resettlement to the countries mentioned above, marked the experience of their stay in the DP camps. The DP camps became a place of a closer rapprochement between Ukrainian Greek Catholics and Orthodox Christians, one consequence of which was the appeals of a Ukrainian Greek Catholic bishops with a proposal to create a joint patriarchate with Ukrainian Orthodox, which would be in unity with Rome. On the other hand, the expansion of the geography of the presence of the UGCC and the founding of new metropolises in Canada and the United States brought to the fore the question of the unity of all structural units of this Church at the global level, which, as some believed, could have been secured by the patriarchal institution. Finally, the patriarchate was considered by the post-war Ukrainian emigration as a means of preserving the unity of the diaspora in the face of assimilation and disintegration. Furthermore, in the future, as an institution that could effectively help the Church revive at home after independence. The last aspect of the patriarchal idea had a significant impact on the emergence of the Ukrainian patriarchal movement, and its closeness to the goals set by the third wave of Ukrainian emigration provided that movement with a high level of massiveness and passionate vigorousness for the movement.
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Sholeye, Yusuf, and Amal Madibbo. "Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)." Political Crossroads 24, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.03.
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During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.
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Andrijašević, Nemanja. "George Radin on Bishop Dr. Nicholai Velimirovich and the Serbian Orthodox Church in America." Nicholai Studies: International Journal for Research of Theological and Ecclesiastical Contribution of Nicholai Velimirovich I, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 369–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46825/icholaistudies/ns.2021.1.2.369-394.
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Abstract: George Radin (Đorđe Radin, 1896–1981) was one of the numerous Serbian emigrants in the USA in the period right before WW2. He studied at the most eminent American Universities and had become an attorney, then a lawyer and finally an expert in international law. He managed to achieve great success and expertise in the field of American foreign politics and diplomacy. In the period between the two World Wars, he met Bishop Dr. Nicholai Velimirovich who made a strong impression on him. He was the Bishop’s guide across the USA during his two visits there: in 1920 and in 1927. During his first visit to the continent, the Bishop had organized the life of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), considering that at the time SOC didn’t have its residing bishop there. Radin was, according to his own testimony, one of the organizers of the Bishop’s arrival to America at the beginning of 1946. He had been of the opinion that this significant Bishop should live in one of the Protestant Churches and hold lectures at the Universities, thus serving SOC and its members. In other words, it was his conviction that the Bishop should have organized the church life in the same way he did in his previous two visits to the USA. However, the situation between the two World Wars was far more complicated. The Serbian Church had by that time appointed its ruling bishop in America and Canada — Dionisiye Milivoyevich (Dionisije Milivojević, 1898–1979), who parted ways with Bishop Nicholai soon after his arrival to the USA. Immense damage had been done to the SOC by the utter lack of cooperation between these two bishops. Bishop Nicholai found a “Solomon’s solution” for this by deciding to live and work in Saint Tikhon’s Orthodox Monastery in South Canaan, Pennsylvania. It was in this holy place that he reposed in 1956. Until the end of his life, Radin was of the opinion that a fundamental mistake had been made by the secession of the opportunity that through abiding in the Protestant communities Bishop Nicholai might do more for the SOC and the Serbs, especially through his acquaintances and contacts with the representatives of other Christian confessions, primarily Protestants. He mentioned this in his correspondence with Sliјepchevich (Đoko Slijepčević, 1908–1993). Also, Radin made all the efforts in his power to help overcome the current schism in the SOC. He wrote about his opinions, ideas and steps taken in that direction to the bishops of the Serbian Church, as well as the Patriarch German Djorich himself. Even though the Patriarch of the SOC also made efforts to help overcome the schism, at one point he told Radin that this unfortunate and extremely difficult issue is an internal matter of the SOC, and thus should be dealt with internally. In the appendix of this work, there are excerpts from the letters found in the Radin — Slijepchevich correspondence. They illustrate the enormous mutual trust and respect that these two acquaintances had for each other, having met by the mediation of Bishop Nicholai. The excerpts also present the opinions of the respectful lawyer and law expert — Radin who, in his own way, tried to contribute to the benefit of the SOC. They also convey his judgment on the importance of Bishop Nicholai as well as his discernment about the missed opportunity that the above mentioned bishop should have been presented with in order to contribute more to the SOC, its faithful people and all the Serbs in general — on the American continent, as well as in the whole world. It is clear that he remained hindered in that respect — among other factors — by the will of Bishop Dionisiye. Only a few years after the death of Bishop Nicholai, the most complicated problem of the SOC in diaspora unraveled — the schism. Radin directed all his attention and efforts towards the solution of this problem, in the ways he considered to be the most acceptable. In all this he had agreement with and support of Slijepchevich, with whom he had researched the best ways of achieving reconciliation. Fragments of his letters imply that the majority of his emigrant life he devoted to taking care of Bishop Nicholai, as well as fighting against schism and finding the possibilities of its overcoming.
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Lindley, Susan Hill. "Changing Roles of Women within the Christian Church in Canada. Edited by Elizabeth Gillan Muir and Marilyn Färdig Whiteley. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995. xvi + 391 pp. $60.00 cloth; $24.95 paper." Church History 65, no. 4 (December 1996): 779–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170479.
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Saunders, Martha J. "Comptes rendus / Reviews of books: Changing Roles of Women within the Christian Church in Canada Elizabeth Gillan Muir and Marilyn Fardig Whiteley, editors Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995. xv + 391 p." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 26, no. 3 (September 1997): 382–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989702600323.
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Laverdure, Paul. "Comptes rendus / Reviews of books: Eastern Christians in the New World: An Historical and Canonical Study of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in Canada." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 1 (March 2007): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600125.
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Clarke, Brian, and Stuart Macdonald. "How are Canada’s Five Largest Protestant Denominations Faring? A Look at the 2001 Census." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 40, no. 4 (October 10, 2011): 511–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429811418776.
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This paper examines how changing patterns of religious affiliation in Canada have affected its five largest Protestant denominations since World War II, by looking at both Census data as well as church membership and Sunday school enrolment figures. On the whole, these denominations did well in the 1950s, but in the 1960s they experienced a relative decline, and thereafter an absolute decline. This decline, which began among the latter edge of the baby boomers, was sudden and precipitous. So where did their former affiliates go? Some of them identified themselves as having “No Religion.” Others, we will argue using demographic comparisons, identified themselves using the generic terms “Protestant” and “Christian.” These two categories have grown so quickly that they now account for half of the country’s Protestants outside the Protestant 5. Using the same techniques, we will further argue that many of these generic Christians have a weak connection with organized religion. Finally, we argue that the identification of “No Religion” is not a temporary stage in the life cycle, but rather represents a growing and persistent trend. Taken together, these developments signify a persistent and deepening decline among those who would have formerly affiliated with the Protestant 5. In addition to this trend, we also identify a rapidly growing number of youths who have never identified with organized religion. As a result, the Protestant 5 are facing a novel situation in which a growing number of Canadians simply do not have any idea what they, or Christianity in general, are about. Such a situation is an unprecedented one in our nation’s history. And the signs are that this trend is gaining momentum. Le présent article étudie l’impact, depuis la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, des changements d’affiliation religieuse sur les cinq confessions protestantes les plus importantes au Canada. Cette étude est fondée sur les résultats des recensements et sur le nombre des adhésions aux églises et aux “Sunday Schools”. De manière générale, ces églises ne connurent pas de problème dans les années 1950. À partir des années 1960, un déclin relatif se fit jour, suivi d’un déclin absolu. Ce déclin, amorcé avec la dernière vague des baby boomers, fut soudain et rapide. Qu’est-il advenu des anciens adhérents? Certains d’entre eux disent d’eux-mêmes qu’ils n’ont pas de religion (“aucune religion”). D’autres, selon nos comparaisons démographiques, se placent sous les bannières génériques de “Protestant” et de “Chrétien”. Ces deux catégories ont connu une telle croissance qu’elles renferment maintenant plus de la moitié des Protestants du Canada (hors les cinq confessions protestantes). Nous avançons qu’un nombre de ces “Chrétiens génériques” n’ont qu’un lien lâche avec des groupes religieux organisés traditionnels. Enfin, nous soutenons que le choix de l’appellation “aucune religion” n’est pas temporaire, mais représente plutôt une tendance croissante. Ce sont là des manifestations significatives du déclin des adhésions aux cinq confessions protestantes. De plus, nous notons qu’un nombre croissant de jeunes ne s'identifient à aucune religion organisée traditionnelle. Les cinq confessions protestantes font donc face à une situation nouvelle : un nombre grandissant de Canadiens ne savent pas ce que sont ces confessions, ni ne savent ce qu’est le christianisme. Il s'agit là d’une situation sans précédent dans l’histoire de notre pays, et tout indique que cette tendance va en s'accentuant.
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Butler, David. "The Christian Church." Expository Times 114, no. 12 (September 2003): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460311401206.
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Ignat, Adrian. "Christian Church and Economy." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 92 (October 2013): 412–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.08.694.
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Freeman, Victoria. "In Defence of Reconciliation." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 27, no. 1 (January 2014): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900006305.
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Indigenous scholars and others have characterized Canadian discourses of reconciliation as supporting a top-down, government-defined and controlled agenda, which is at best ineffective and misleading and at worst fraudulent and recolonizing. Some have argued that reconciliation should only occur after the Indian Act has been abolished, reparations made, land and resources returned, and a political and economic nation-to-nation relationship restored. The author agrees that it is essential to look critically at state and nationalistic discourses of reconciliation and that neither the federal government, the churches, nor non-Indigenous peoples generally can or should control the agenda. However, while reconciliation is not a sufficient condition for decolonization in Canada, Indigenous resurgence on its own will not achieve full decolonization either. If the psychic structures of colonialism persist, various forms of neocolonialism will be prevalent even after a nominal “nation-to-nation” relationship has been established, given the demographic imbalance and geographical proximity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. There will always be a need for relationship and negotiation.In fact, decolonization and reconciliation may be understood as complementary and concurrent processes. The concept of reconciliation underlines the emotional, psychological and human changes that are as necessary as political and economic reformulations for decolonization and that are not easily addressed by other means. Rather than a top-down government-initiated campaign focused on assimilation into the status quo or a Eurocentric Christian doctrine focused on forgiveness, reconciliation can be a transformative process of building the relationships, alliances and social understandings necessary to support the systemic changes that true decolonization entails. Indigenous and other cultural paradigms for resolving conflicts, making restitution and healing relationships, such as the Sto:lo concept of lummi or “facing yourself,” can help restore interconnectedness and reciprocity at all levels, both within Indigenous communities and between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples and the land. We also should not overestimate the government’s power to control even those reconciliation processes it does initiate, let alone those that arise autonomously. Decolonization and reconciliation are processes underway on many fronts in Canada, and they can’t be controlled by anyone.
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Hull, John M. "Christian Boundaries, Christian Identities and the Local Church." International Journal of Practical Theology 3, no. 1 (1999): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt.1999.3.1.1.
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Jarman, Andrea Loux. "Disability and Demonstrating Christian Commitment." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000823.
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Community lies at the heart of both church and school life in the Church of England. In some areas, church communities are sustained by families who choose to attend a particular church based on the quality of the church school in its parish. Many Voluntary Aided Church of England schools (church schools) give priority admission to parents on the basis of faith in the oversubscription criteria of their admission arrangements. While the Church stresses inclusiveness in its recommendations regarding admissions policies to church schools, where a church school is very popular and oversubscribed arguably priority must be given to parents of the faith in the school's catchment area. Otherwise parishioner children whose families regularly attend church could fail to be admitted to their local church school because of competition for places.
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Browning, Peter D. "Church Talk in Christian Ethics." Annual of the Society of Christian Ethics 18 (1998): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asce19981813.
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Fuller, Michael. "Vessels from Early Christian Church." Biblical Archaeologist 57, no. 4 (December 1994): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210437.
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Astley, Jeff, Leslie Francis, and David W. Lankshear. "Christian Perspectives on Church Schools." British Journal of Educational Studies 42, no. 4 (December 1994): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3121680.
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Elphick, Richard, Bengt Sundkler, and Christopher Steed. "The Christian Church in Africa." African Studies Review 45, no. 3 (December 2002): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1515096.
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Corley, Felix. "Cambodia recognises the Christian church." Religion in Communist Lands 18, no. 4 (December 1990): 363–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499008431488.
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Newton, John A. "Book Review: The Christian Church." Theology 105, no. 827 (September 2002): 382–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0210500523.
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Kirkegaard, R. Lawrence. "Worthington Christian Church, Columbus, OH." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 119, no. 5 (May 2006): 3399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4786708.
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McCarthy, Michael. "Judgment against Christian Science Church." Lancet 342, no. 8871 (September 1993): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(93)91428-o.
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Tantra, Carolien Eunice, and Mark Peters. "J. S. Bach’s Church Cantatas and Church Music Today." Veritas: Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan 20, no. 1 (July 19, 2021): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36421/veritas.v20i1.473.
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How do we as Christians today learn about worship and church music? How do we think about not only what music we will sing in Christian worship, but also the principles that should guide us in choosing and leading church music? Certainly, there are many different ways we answer that question: we study the Bible, we sing the words of the Scriptures, we read what theologians, worship leaders, and scholars of church music are writing today, we attend lectures and conferences by scholars and practitioners of church music. In this article, I offer and explore yet another example of how we live out God’s call in leading music for the Christian church: by studying the example of a faithful Christian musician from the past. My particular example for this article is the German composer and church musician Johann Sebastian Bach (1685-1750). I want to clarify from the start that I am not arguing that J. S. Bach is the best example of a Christian church musician and certainly not that he is the only example. But Bach does offer us one example of a musician who dedicated most of his life to creating and leading music for the Christian church and sought to do so faithfully, creatively, and skillfully.
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Sverstyuk, Ye. "About Christian Ethics at School." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 36 (October 25, 2005): 226–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2005.36.1680.
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The constitutional provision for the separation of the Church and the State has been in existence for over 200 years. They are now referring to it, no longer remembering how it came about. The fact is that the French Revolution of 1789 was anti-feudal and anticlerical. It separated the affairs of the state from the ecclesiastical so that bishops and cardinals would govern the Church, not the state. The 1917 revolution in Russia also tore the triumvirate of "statehood, orthodoxy, nationality." The state and the Church should have existed separately. The Bolsheviks rejected the old state and the Church, but in their legislation in 1919 the Decree recorded the separation of the Church from the state and the school from the Church. Because they disregarded law, morality and religion and absolutized the state, the state, and especially its punitive organs, trampled on morality, ethics, religion, clergy and their defenders ...
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HILHORST, Anthony. "Christian Martyrs Outside the Catholic Church." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 60, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.60.1.2035273.
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박경순. "Church Growth and Christian School Movement." Theology and Mission ll, no. 42 (May 2013): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.35271/cticen.2013..42.277.
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Hinson, E. Glenn. "Christian Teaching in the Early Church." Review & Expositor 99, no. 3 (August 2002): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730209900309.
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Faulkner, Quentin. "The Organ in the Christian Church." Liturgy 9, no. 1 (January 1990): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04580639009409174.
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Sennema, Greg. "The Christian Reformed Church Periodical Index." Journal of Religious & Theological Information 5, no. 3-4 (June 2002): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j112v05n03_07.
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