Academic literature on the topic 'Christian life dx History'

ObjectiveTo determine the presence of axial symptoms in patients with psoriatic arthritis (PsA) and examine differences between those with or without a diagnosis of axial PsA (axPsA).MethodsPatients with PsA at their Corevitas’ (formerly Corrona) Psoriatic Arthritis/Spondyloarthritis Registry enrollment visit were stratified into 4 mutually exclusive groups based on axial manifestations: physician-diagnosed axPsA only (Dx+Sx–), patient-reported elevated spine symptoms only (Dx–Sx+; defined as Bath Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Index ≥ 4 and spine pain visual analog scale ≥ 40), physician-diagnosed and patient-reported manifestations (Dx+Sx+), and no axial manifestations (Dx–Sx–). Patient characteristics, disease activity, and patient-reported outcomes (PROs) at enrollment in each axial manifestation group were compared with the Dx–Sx– group. Associations of patient characteristics with the odds of having axial manifestations were estimated using multinomial logistic regression (reference: Dx–Sx–).ResultsOf 3393 patients included, 226 (6.7%) had Dx+Sx–, 698 (20.6%) had Dx–Sx+, 165 (4.9%) had Dx+Sx+, and 2304 (67.9%) had Dx–Sx–. Patients with Dx–Sx+ or Dx+Sx+ were more frequently women and had a history of depression and fibromyalgia (FM) vs patients who had Dx–Sx–. Patients with Dx+Sx– or Dx+Sx+ were more frequently HLA-B27 positive than those with Dx–Sx–. FM was significantly associated with increased odds of Dx+Sx– or Dx+Sx+. Disease activity and PROs were worse in patients with Dx–Sx+ or Dx+Sx+ than in those with Dx–Sx–.ConclusionPatients who had self-reported elevated spine symptoms, with or without physician-diagnosed axPsA, had worse quality of life and higher disease activity overall than patients without axial manifestations, suggesting an unmet need in this patient population.

317 Background: Few studies have examined longitudinal changes in HRQL among BC patients. To our knowledge, this is the largest prospective population-based study to quantify HRQL changes from before to after BC DX and to compare their HRQL with a non-cancer cohort. Methods: Our sample included 179 BC patients (≥ age 65) and 376,986 non-cancer subjects within the SEER-Medicare Health Outcomes Survey database (1998-2007). We assessed HRQL as measured by physical (PCS) and mental (MCS) component summary scores of the veterans RAND 12-item health survey. An analysis of covariance model was used to estimate changes in HRQL scores for patients after BC DX relative to control subjects with adjustment for baseline HRQL scores and covariates. Results: 84.4% (N=151) of BC patients had non-muscle invasive BC (NMIBC) and 15.6% (N=28) had muscle invasive BC (MIBC). 49.2% and 39.1% of BC patients had ≥2 comorbid conditions and ≥1 activities of daily living (ADL) deficit, respectively. Compared to the control subjects, more BC patients were men (67.0% vs 38.5%; P<0.01), current or former smokers (58.7% vs 37.3%; P<0.01), and had income ≥ $50,000(15.1% vs 8.8%; P=0.02). Other baseline demographic and socioeconomic characteristics were similar (P>0.05). After DX, BC patients reported a significant decline in PCS (1.9; 95% CI 0.1, 3.7) score compared to non-cancer controls whereas the decrease in MCS score (1.4; 95% CI -0.1, 3.0) was not statistically significant. For those with NMIBC, HRQL was not significantly different than that of the non-cancer cohort (P>0.05) after DX. However, the PCS and MCS scores of MIBC patients decreased by 5.3 (95% CI 0.9, 9.8) and 3.8 points (95% CI -0.1, 7.7) after DX, respectively. Older age at BC DX, lower educational and income levels, smoking history, and higher numbers of comorbid conditions and ADL deficits were significantly associated with inferior PCS and MCS scores after BC DX (P<0.01). Conclusions: Treatment-related side effects and/or symptoms due to BC adversely affect HRQL of BC patients, especially in those with MIBC, and should be consistently assessed by health care providers. Future research that examines interventions to improve HRQL is critical to improve BC care.

Frank Turner argues that historians have overlooked the interaction between Victorian religious and intellectual culture. He examines how developments in various Christian faith communities led to religious non-observance. In reframing out thinking about nineteenth century religious life he concludes that Christian sources provided an impulse toward secularization.

Christian interpretation of Esther has historically been limited by Christian bias against Judaism and by the teaching of Christian supersessionism. Reconsideration of this history in the aftermath of the Holocaust and in light of the new circumstances of post-Christendom provides an opportunity to reconsider the message of the book for Christian faith and ministry. The article describes how the unique diaspora perspective and theology of Esther provide resources for Christian ethics and discipleship in a post-Christian era.

Human beings’ life is running around these words live, virtue, non-violence, support, warmth and mercy. Their lives are improving only because they know the meaning of these words. There are many books and epics, all of them emphasize moral teachings and its characteristics. The history of each book is also published by the writers. Accordingly, the Bhagavad Gita is the holy book for Hinduism, the Quran is the holy book for Islam and Holy Bible for Christianity. The Holy Bible is not only the basis of Christian life but also the basis of many Christian Tamil literatures. The Holy Bible has embraced all the life principles of life in the lives of Saint Mary, the mother of Jesus and Saint Joseph, the father of Jesus. The Holy Bible consists of two parts, the Old and the New Testament. In the Old Testament the life and death of Jesus are recorded. New Testament is about the history of Jesus’s life, his deeds of charity, love and his teachings. The article examines the Christian Tamil literatures that were written after the Bible.

1514 Background: Previous studies comparing screening strategies (STs) for LS concluded that immunohistochemistry (IHC)-based STs are most cost effective. However, these analyses generally exclude clinical history (CH)-based criteria due to concerns for reliability, e.g. Amsterdam (Ams), Bethesda (Beth), MMRpro (Mpro), MMRpredict (Mpre) and PREMM (PRE). We conducted a comprehensive comparison of all STs. Methods: Using assumptions from published reports we performed a cost effectiveness analysis (CEA) with a societal viewpoint using TreeAge software. 20 STs for proband (Pd) and general population (GP) screening in a cohort of 100,000 assumed a 3% LS prevalence (Prev) in Pd and 0.23% in GP, 5 first degree relatives (FDRs) per LS diagnosis (Dx), 50% LS Prev in FDRs, and 90% genetic testing (GT) compliance in Pds and GP and 52% in FDRs. We used the number of LS Dxs as effectiveness measure (EM). Sensitivity, accuracy, and incremental cost effectiveness ratios (ICERs) were calculated. Results: The ST of Mpro followed by GT is highly sensitive and has an accuracy of .997. Assuming 1-1.4 life years saved per Dx based on prior studies, this strategy is also cost effective. Strategies with greater sensitivity were dominated or not cost effective. Table shows results in order of increasing cost per Dx. Conclusions: This comprehensive comparison suggests that Mpro is an appropriate first step in screening for LS in Pds, and its routine use may be considered as a quality measure in the management of colorectal cancer. IHC + BRAF, GT should be reserved for Pds where CH is incomplete. [Table: see text]

This thesis wishes to draw attention to the economic, social and political implications of the rise and establishment of the institutional Church in Early Christian Greece, particularly by exploring the pilgrimage, philanthropic and industrial function of the churches’ annexes. The diverse functions of churches annexes, besides reflecting a social dimension, they also reflect economic and political realities that require the development of an interdisciplinary approach, based on civil and ecclesiastical legislation, archaeology, epigraphy, history and theology, in order to explore the extent and the effects of the institutional Church’s activity in Greece. Interpreting Christian archaeology in key excavated sites of Greece by interweaving literary and material evidence both of ecclesiastical and secular origin, will help not only to ascertain how churches stood in relation to adjoining buildings combining religious and economic purposes, but also to restore to the most possible extent the Early Christian Greek urban and rural topographies.

Jane Austen’s novels remain an essential component of the literary canon, but her first published novel, Sense and Sensibility, is frequently neglected. However, in Sense and Sensibility is the genesis of Austen’s technique through which her major characters cultivate and reveal a strong inner life, demonstrated through the character of Elinor Dashwood. This technique is a characteristic she incorporates in each of her succeeding novels. Her approach to literature centers on the interiority of her characters and their ability to change, but it her first novel Austen takes a unique approach. Following the structure of an eighteenth-century sermon, Austen creates a sermon for lay people that centers on the cultivation of a strong interior life.

Willis Duke Weatherford, a liberal pioneer in Southern race reform, argued that the ethics of Christianity obligated Southerners to address the social and economic problems faced by blacks in the early twentieth century. His strategy for improving race relations centred on educating Southerners and promoting economic uplift for blacks. Weatherford advocated race reform through the Young Men's Christian Association, the Southern Sociological Congress, and other voluntary organizations. He published books, taught courses, preached sermons, organized conferences, and raised funds from Northern philanthropists. Through an analysis of Weatherford's published writings and of his papers archived at the Southern Historical Collection, the present study provides a biographical profile of Weatherford's life and career, examines the development of Weatherford's racial views in the social and political context of his time, describes Weatherford's program of race education developed for college students, and discusses an interracial conference held at the Blue Ridge Assembly in 1917.

God is revealed through Scripture and the Incarnation as desiring to establish loving relationships with others beyond the Trinity. In the beginning he did so by creating human beings, and making himself, his desires, and his ways known to them. He chose to do so through particular actions and encounters in history which involved various forms of embodied manifestation, and led up to the supreme manifestation: the enfleshing of Jesus. Following on from the acts of Jesus which perfectly manifested God and his ways to the world in the flesh, human creatures created in the image of God and united to Christ are also called and gifted by God to manifest God's presence, activity, and ways in this world by using their bodies to live faithfully and responsively to the leading of the Spirit. In order to investigate and demonstrate these claims, Part I of the thesis examines a selection of precedent-setting events chronicled in the Old Testament in which God manifested his presence and ways to people in a variety of circumstances. Part II is concerned with a theological examination of God's manifestations and the roles people can and should play in these manifestations. It begins by engaging with reflections on the subject from the early church fathers Irenaeus, Athanasius, and Augustine; and, in keeping with the Reformed approach taken in the thesis generally, this is followed by in-depth treatments of Reformer John Calvin and Reformed theologian Karl Barth on the revelation, manifestation, and proclamation of God by people in this world. Having substantiated the claim that how people live is significant and of concern to God as it can impinge upon his ongoing desire to make himself and his ways known, Part III is designed to provide a fuller understanding of some of the meaning and significance conveyed by bodily expressions in human interactions with an eye towards seeking ways to live more faithfully to God. It identifies the theatre, particularly improvisational theatre, as a laboratory for understanding human living, and so explores the insights of theatre practitioners into everyday living; while also considering the work of philosophers of language and sociologists who do the same. Through this spotlight on the theatricality of life the case is made for attempting to live responsively, in keeping with improvisational actors, in ways that are faithful to God and which can serve to aid those united to Christ as they seek to make God known to others.

The 1859 revival is the most significant spiritual awakening that has affected Scotland in modern times, but it has remained little examined by scholars. This thesis aims to highlight the importance of this religious phenomenon and to analyse it in a critical manner. In the first instance, it considers the three principal traditions of revival that have evolved since the seventeenth century so that the 1859 movement can be located within this history. It also examines the various theories that have arisen during the last fifty years which have sought to explain how and why these movements have appeared at certain times and in particular contexts. It is significant that, unlike previous studies which have explored the revival from either a narrow local or broad national perspective, this thesis considers the awakening on a regional basis, covering the north east of Scotland. It analyses the manner and expression of the revival as it arose in the city of Aberdeen, in the rural hinterland of north east Scotland, and among the fishing communities along the Moray Firth. In addition, by using data from church records and the 1861 census, it determines the composition of the people who were affected by the movement in each of these three separate situations. Furthermore it investigates the factors which explain the relative failure of the revival to affect the fishing town of Peterhead. Accordingly the thesis demonstrates that the 1859 revival was not a single, uniform religious movement. On the contrary, it establishes that local factors, which include the theological and social nature of a particular context, exercised a powerful effect upon the character of this 'season of grace.

Christian teachers of Personal social health education (PSHE) can be conflicted when confronted with sensitive and controversial issues in their professional practice. Concerns include unprofessional conduct, exercising undue influence of their personal values and beliefs on students and being untrue to their faith. These can lead to uncertainty in negotiating areas of conscience and controversy. This life history study situated within the south east of England was used to illuminate the complexities which abound when operating within a wider milieu of perceived marginalisation of the Christian faith through advancing secularisation and liberalism. These tensions are reflected in the curriculum, policy frameworks and legal documents and have implications for teachers’ personal values, Christian faith and professional practice. Semi-structured questionnaires were administered to 13 PSHE teachers and analysed for emergent themes, borrowing language from thematic, ethical and theological analysis. The research illuminates insights into a wider context of faith in professional life. It demonstrates the way teachers are in transition in these conflicts, yet understanding faith as a holistic quality. Findings show that the approaches that teachers adopt to the interpretation and application of faith in personal life influence how faith is integrated professionally. The conflicts confronted, reflect responses of resilience, compliance and rebellion, while some teachers remain unchanged in their positions. Analysis of the data suggested that discreetly integrating faith in practice is a coping strategy some teachers employ. My study suggests that silence can be a price to pay for faith, balancing courageous restraint with conflicting compromises and professional hypocrisy. The research captures teachers in transition located in professional practice obligations, ethical and theological positions as they negotiate and navigate the place of their Christian faith and personal values with students’ rights, freedoms and autonomy.

This thesis examines the spiritual lives of eighteenth-century English women through an analysis of their personal writings. It explores the manuscripts of religious women who practised their faith by writing letters, diaries, poetry, and other highly personal texts—texts that give unique access to the interior, spiritual lives of their authors. Concerned not only with the individual meaning of those writings but with their communal meanings, it argues that women’s informal writing, written within personal relationships, acted to undergird, guide, and indeed shape religious communities in vital and unexplored ways. Through an exploration of various significant personal relationships, both intra- and inter-generationally, this thesis demonstrates the multiple ways in which women were active in ‘writing religious communities’. The women discussed here belonged to communities that habitually communicated through personal writing. At the same time, their acts of writing were creative acts, powerful to build and shape religious communities: these women wrote religious community. A series of interweaving case studies guide my analysis and discussion. The thesis focuses on Catherine Talbot (1721–70), Anne Steele (1717–78), and Ann Bolton (1743–1822), and on their literary interactions with friends and family. Considered together, these subjects and sources allow comparison across denomination, for Talbot was Anglican, Steele Baptist, and Bolton Methodist. After an introductory chapter, Chapter Two focuses on spiritual friendship, showing how women used personal writings within peer relationships to think through religious ideas and encourage faith commitments. Chapter Three considers older women as spiritual elders, arguing that elderly women sometimes achieved honoured status in religious communities and were turned to for spiritual direction. Chapter Four explores the ways in which women offered religious instruction to spiritual children through the creative use of informal writings, including diaries and poetry. And Chapter Five considers women’s personal writings as spiritual legacy, as they were preserved by family and friends and continued to function in religious communities after the death of their authors.

AbstractThis essay tracks a brief history of the concept of ‘co-breathing’ or ‘conspiration’ (συμπνοία), from its initial conception in Stoic cosmology in the third century BCE to its appropriation in Christian thought at the end of the second century CE. This study focuses on two related strands: first, how the term gets associated anachronistically with two paradigmatic philosopher-physicians, Hippocrates and Pythagoras, by intellectuals in the Early Roman Empire; and second, how the same term provides the early Church Fathers with a means to synthesize and explain discrete notions of ‘breath’ (πνεῦμα) through a repurposing of the pagan concept. Sources discussed include figures associated with Stoic, Pythagorean, and early Christian cosmologies.

AbstractCultural diplomacy is often understood first and foremost as an activity of states and institutions, operationalising culture to wield power and communicate ideologies. This chapter considers the use of the concept firstly in terms of its impact on individuals affected by the activities of cultural diplomacy through education and employment by relevant institutions. Secondly, by examining the potential for such individuals also to act as cultural diplomats themselves, for their own subaltern and resistant ends, by tracking the life-histories of Na’im Shehadi Makhouly and Stephan Hanna Stephan, both Palestinian Christian employees of the British Mandate administration’s Department of Antiquities. This chapter shows how cultural diplomacy can be activated as a means of dissent within a colonial setting, but that its appeal and potential are limited.

The paper explores two phenomena powerful in life and interpretive terms: the heart and deification. One is understood as deeply human, the other as metaphysically appealing. It is a connection present in the history of Christian thinking for a long time, since the heart is perceived as an inner space where God meets man, in the most intimate form, which can only acquire the character of unification. Deification, as the experience of Christian mystics and mystics shows, basically means the deepest unification with God and activation of the change in God’s love. The issue examined in the paper is presented in the form of a brief guide to the theological concept of deification, and also the convergence of the historical and biblical views of the heart. The core of thinking about the topic is the interpretation of the heart as an inner image the (heart as the center, exchange of hearts) and the interpretation of the phenomenality of deification in the context of written mystical experience.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.

This study is aimed at interpreting names and naming in relation to the founders of Christianity and to investigate theological figures who are a part of the cultural-spiritual heritage of the Primordial Church, by carrying out a biographical incursion into their lives. The saints described in this paper built Christianity by means of perfect synergy between fact and word, as their names have continued to exist across the centuries. In the present paper, we propose an inventory of some of the most important names of all time and their analysis from the perspective of onomastics. Thus, Eastern and Western Christianity meet through the common saints who act as patrons of their spirituality, testifying over the centuries to the fact that while the present may divide us, the past unites us. Christian rhetoricians enrich the word and the Church through their life and work, as vehicles through which creative grace is manifested. The corpus was taken from specialized studies, such as dictionaries of theology, biographies of saints, onomastic dictionaries. Methodologically, the paper employs precepts from the following fields: onomastics, theology, anthroponymy, cultural anthropology, the history of churches, rhetoric.

The sources for studying the demographic situation in the Romanian area, especially those from Moldova Principality and neighboring territories, increase quantitatively with the expansion of Russia towards South-Eastern Europe. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812, as well as during the conflagrations of the late XVIIIth century, the Russian Empire preferred to establish its own administration of occupation, which for the most efficient record of resources was used not only by its own apparatus, but also by the local administrative and ecclesiastical institutions of the Romanian Principalities, introducing several statistical tools for population records. Among the statistical instruments introduced during this period (e.g. forms, registers, etc.) that followed the record of the population at all stages of life, through civil status registers, in which births, marriages and deaths were recorded; confession registers of Orthodox believers; the forms of the churches and the service records of the clergy, where, in addition to the information about the status of the churches and the situation of the parish clergy, there was also information about the number of the population according to ethnic and gender composition, the latter are the object of our intervention. In the framework of this study, a series of information was exposed about the process of introducing Church Forms and clergy service statuses, a process initiated in December 1809, as a result of insufficient data presented by diocesan bishops and other church structures during the same year. Taking into account the value of the information contained in these sources, here we focused on the selection and accounting of the data regarding the numerical situation of the Christian-Orthodox population in the Pruto-Nistrian area in 1812. As a result of comparing the fiscal data contained in the Evideces of the Moldovan Treasury from 1808 and other statistical data known from the era with those contained in the Forms,we find that the data from the sources we considered, although they were used to clarify some information regarding the history of the Orthodox Church in Bessarabia. However, they were not used at their fair value to clarify those contradictions that continue to hover over the issue of the numerical composition of the population in the region newly annexed to Russia in 1812. Thus, following the analysis of the statistical data provided by several registers with the Forms that have reached us, it can be concluded that the population of the region not only approached the number of 300,000 people, but even exceeded it. Therefore, it would be recommended that researchers concerned with the study of demographic issues in the region not only refer to the records of a fiscal nature, which, although they are recognized to be of particular value. Nevertheless the information provided by the Forms allows verification of the veracity/correctness of the premiums, detailing some aspects, such as the ratio between churched and non-churched localities, the ratio between the male and female population, as well as other indicators that tax statistics from the early XIXth century do not record.

In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.

The current county of Maramureş is made up of four ethnographic areas, geographically, historically and ethnographically distinct, being an ancient Romanian hearth with history chiseled in wood and stone, in soul and in verb. These are called countries of Maramureş, and namely: Maramureşului Country, or Historical Marmaureşul or Voivodal, Lapuşului Country, Chioarului Country and last but not least, Codrului Country. One of the most controversial countries of Maramureş, Ţara Codrului, covers a rather narrow area compared to other ethno-folkloric areas, the ethno-cultural space of this area currently falls administratively in the counties of Maramureş, Satu Mare and Sălaj, although in in the past they belonged to Sălaj county, most of the localities being integrated into the Cehu Silvaniei network. The identification of ancient customs and traditions preserved to this day or the reconstitution of some long-forgotten customs or traditional occupations from the folklore area of Maramures Ţara Codrului would lead to the valorization of the way of transmitting local values, customs, occupations, beliefs and symbols shared by the community, so that, subsequently, they are implemented in the daily life of the new generations. Being one of the most important traditional dances of our country, the Caluşari dance dates back to the pre-Christian period, being related to the ancient cult of the Sun. Considered by some specialists as the decayed descendant of an ancient ritual, coming from the mists of time, this particularly spectacular Romanian folk dance is included in the heritage of humanity. The ritual dance of the Caluşaris, of high artistic value of Romanian folklore, is our symbol for the scenes of the world; it is the emblem that connects equally to history and myth, without ignoring its semantic and value universality. This living symbol of our culture represents the uniqueness of the Romanian people, both through the movements of the footmen and through their clothing. It must be emphasized that the people regarded the game of the Gags as an unusual fact, because the energy and frenzy that the Gags displayed during the game did not seem natural to them, perpetuating the idea that they are led by a supernatural force that gives them powers. In fact, it’s about the enthusiasm, passion and joy with which everyone interprets the role they have in this show, because in the end, the dance of the Horsemen is a majestic show, performed in the purest and most authentic style. In 1907 George Pop from Băseşti, driven by the desire to have an authentic Romanian dance, brought a master, Dr. Iustin C. Iuga from Alba Iulia, who stayed in Băseşti for three months and trained the troupe group that had its first official representation on the day of the great TRIBUN . Later, the Caluşari bands participated in all Astra events or other important events of the time because leading a national dance band was an occasion of pride and national affirmation, the dance of the Caluşaris from Transylvania becoming a national emblem for the artistic expression of the leading Romanian villages. It was believed, in that day that through this dance one contributes to the formation and strengthening of the spiritual unity of the national consciousness, because those who dance the Căluşarul can only be Romanians in origin. Băseşti commune is an area where the authenticity and values of Romanian folklore are preserved. Included in the community known generically under the term Şara Codrului, an area strongly impregnated with local traditions and customs, Băseşti remains a land of preservation of traditions and customs that have long since passed. For more than 100 years, in Băseşti, the bands of gaggles have appeared on the country’s stages, expressing the desire of Romanians everywhere to be united under a single, unique and unbroken banner, thus perpetuating the dream of the great tribune, George Pop of Băseşti. The stage appearances of the two caluşari formations, the big team and the small team, from Cluj and Baia Mare in the 80s, represented crucial moments for this dance, which has now become a constant habit in the lives of the people of Basăşti. The simultaneous dance of the two generations of gaggles symbolizes its antiquity and continuity in our traditional culture. Thus, the constancy and antiquity of the dance of the Caluşari from Băseşti gives it the right to be called a custom specific to Băseşti, with all the rights that derive from it. The dream of a human intertwined with the beauty of this beautiful dance of the Caluşaris, against the background of passion and dedication of the members of the formations established over time, make history in Băseşti, representing a reason for national and, above all, local pride. If the glorious past is the basic piece in maintaining our national consciousness, the present is the link between it and the young saplings, the future generations that can be formed in the spirit of love for nation and country, with the due place given to the elements of national identity, and of course with love for the perpetuation of traditions and customs, especially arousing and developing the passion to play the dance of the Caluşar from Băseşti, this should be a reason for pride and joy for them, like their ancestors. Any spectator who has the opportunity to watch the dance of the Caluşari from Băseşti can claim that it was shown to him in all its archaic splendor, reinforcing his feeling that Romanians have.

The article considers the history, thematic range of expression and a number of authors and publicists of the newspaper «Christian Voice» (with the frequency of a fortnightly). It has been published in Munich by nationally conscious groups of migrants since 1949 as a part of the «Ukrainian Christian Publishing House». The significance of this Ukrainian newspaper in post-Nazi Germany is only partly comprehended in the works of a number of diaspora press’s researchers. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to supplement the scientific information about the «Christian Voice» in the postwar period, in particular, the yearbook for 1957 was chosen as the principal subject of analysis. In the process of writing the article, we used such methods: analysis, synthesis, content analysis, generalization and others. Thus, the results of our study became the socio-political and religious context in which the «Christian Voice» was founded. The article is also a concise overview of the titles of Ukrainian magazines in post-Nazi Germany in the 1940s and 1950s. The thematic analysis of publications of 1957 showed the main trends of journalistic texts in the newspaper and the journalistic skills of it’s iconic authors and publicists (D. Buchynsky, M. Bradovych, S. Shah, etc.). The thematic range of the newspaper after 1959 was somewhat narrowed due to the change in the status of the «Christian Voice» when it became the official newspaper of the UGCC in Germany. It has been distinguished two main thematic blocks of the newspaper ‒ social and religious. Historians will find interesting factual material from the newspaper publications about the life of Ukrainians in the diaspora. Historians of journalism can supplement the bibliographic apparatus in the journalistic and publicistic works of the authors in the postwar period of the newspaper and in subsequent years of publishing. Based upon the publications of the «Christian Voice» in different years, not only since 1957, journalists can study the contents and a form of different genres, linguistic peculiarities in the newspaper articles, and so on.