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1

LOMBA, Joaquín. "La naturaleza y el espacio en la estética medieval." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 6 (October 1, 1999): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v6i.9658.

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The subject of this article is to ex pond how the medieval art (christian-european and muslim) express a nature and space that depends on the own concept of the nature and space. On the other hand, his concept is different in the christian world and in the muslim one. Both of them mantain that nature and space, in contrast to Greece, are created, and depend on a Transcendental God. However, the nature and space in the muslim art is more dependent on Creator than in the christian one, and that become evident in the artistic forms.
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2

Voderstrasse, Tasha. "Painted Churches of Medieval Lebanon: an Overview." Chronos 24 (March 28, 2019): 129–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v24i0.433.

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The modern country of Lebanon preserves an important medieval and post-medieval legacy of standing churches and Christian religious art. After their discovery by western scholars in the 19th century, the art of the churches only attracted limited scholarly attention until about 100 years later, when they began to be studied in detail. Now a variety of studies have appeared on the churches and their art, including several books (Nordiguian and Voisin 1999 and subsequent new editions; Cruikshank Dodd 2004; Immerzeel 2009; Zibawi 2009) and numerous articles in both print and online. This article seeks to provide an overview of the studies of these monuments, first discussing the origins of the study of these churches and the viewpoints of the different scholars who have approached the material, and then examining some Of the surviving monuments. The churches discussed here date to what can be most accurately termed as a high medieval period of the 12th-13th centuries AD, when Lebanon was under the rule of the Crusaders. Nevertheless, while the region was under Crusader control, there is a growing recognition that the monuments that were produced were local art that was influenced from a variety of sources. Post-Crusader material will not be discussed, although it should be noted that the country also possesses important Christian art from the subsequent periods. The article will not only examine the standing architecture, but also the wall paintings, which have been the subject of considerable attention on the part of scholars in recent years. Further, other Christian religious items that would have been found or still can be found in the churches, such as icons, will also be treated here, particularly as a number of scholars have related the different art forms to each other. It is by examining all forms of Christian art surviving in Lebanon from this period that we can come to a better understanding of how and why this material was produced, as well as how the studies of this material has evolved through time. It can also help provide new ideas for further research, in addition to the valuable work of documentation, restoration, and interpretation that has been occurring since the end of the 20th century.
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3

MARKOV, ALEXANDER VIKTOROVICH. "THE LAWS OF CHRISTIAN CULTURE IN THE LATE POETRY OF ELENA SCHWARTZ." Cultural code, no. 3 (2020): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36945/2658-3852-2020-3-7-14.

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The imagery of Fra Beato Angelico's fresco is grotesquely transformed in the poem dedicated to it by Elena Schwartz, as a reason for discussing the destiny of human. Painting is viewed as a way to relate a person to physical and metaphysical space, turning the circumstances of the current life into the details of another being, and tourism into a kind of pilgrimage to other worlds. The article reconstructs the structural opposition of the poem and proves that they create a working model of Christian culture. It has been established that Schwartz views Renaissance art not as naturalistic and representative, but as exploring the boundaries of various material phenomena and their existence in time. She also interprets medieval art as deductive rationalism, which gives the keys to the experiences of modernity. Reflections on art make it possible to reassemble the impressions of the experience, understanding medieval dogmatic intuitions not just as correct, but as modern. Schwartz, criticizing representative art and reconstructing medieval presumptions of art creation, clarified the boundaries of the artistic expression of Christian dogma.
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Cassidy, Brendan. "Automation and Medieval Iconography : The Princeton Index of Christian Art." Le médiéviste et l'ordinateur 26, no. 1 (1992): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/medio.1992.1363.

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5

Hourihane, Colum P. "Classifying Subject Matter in Medieval Art: The Index of Christian Art at Princeton University." Visual Resources 30, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01973762.2014.936103.

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6

Baldwin, Robert W. "“I slaughter barbarians”: Triumph as a mode in medieval Christian art." Konsthistorisk Tidskrift/Journal of Art History 59, no. 4 (January 1990): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00233609008604271.

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7

Flood, Finbarr Barry. "Lost Histories of a Licit Figural Art." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 566–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000494.

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The idea that theology is either irrelevant to artistic production or “a baleful influence” on its history has recently been critically explored by Jeffrey Hamburger, in relation to medieval Christian art. Engaging the perennial problem of moving between immaterial concepts, normative texts, and material things, Hamburger's observations resonate with the long shadow cast by the Bilderverbot, the prohibition of images often assumed to characterize Islamic and Jewish cultures, on the modern reception of Islamic art.
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8

Chikarkova, Maria. "Medieval origins of street art." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: Philosophy, culture studies, sociology 10, no. 19 (2020): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-19-99-106.

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The article deals with "street art" as a kind of urban culture, outrageous self-expression of urban youth. Its study is condensed mainly on modern modifications of phenomena such as graffiti, video projection, art intervention, flash mob and more. But the historical forms of this phenomenon, whose roots go back to cave times, are much more diverse and unexpected. The ancient street art is pretty well known to us, however the medieval street art, even the closest ‒ European, scientists were much less interested. However, the Soviet-era disregard for the experience of the Middle Ages, which was one of the most important links in the progress of our culture, is deeply flawed. The aim of this study is a scientific description of the street art of medieval Europe, its structure, spiritual orientation, genre originality and potential for further development. The article gives a detailed analysis of the theoretical projection of the problem (formation of the phenomenon of "street art" on the border of folklore and experience of professional art) and the practical need to expand the concept of street art in its historical diachrony in the study and teaching of world and domestic culture. The main idea of the articles is a comparison of medieval street art with its folklore and, in part, ancient origins, as well as the establishment of points of contact with the future Proto-Renaissance world. The article emphasizes that religious-Christian consciousness prevailed in medieval Europe, and this meant a radical change in worldview. Being ceased to be perceived as an "eternal whirlpool": the eschatological concept of the Bible prompted us to realize the temporality of the material world and the need to find ways to Eternity. Thus, street art, which used to be a signification of the everyday interests of citizens, has now received the status of a "signpost to Heaven", expressing a predominantly pious spiritual search for the urban community. This can be seen even in various inscriptions, signs, craft communities, etc. At the same time, phenomena marginal to the dominant church culture, such as "carnival culture", which condensed the hedonistic motives of pagan heritage, developed certain traditions of chivalric culture and were sometimes an echo of heretical teachings, are carefully analyzed. This article reports the results of a medieval street art as a powerful component in the formation of European culture and contributed to the involvement of broad sections of uneducated citizens in the spiritual life of the era. This situation largely became the foundation of the formation of the Renaissance process. The article is of great help to a more detailed and in-depth study of this important historical and cultural phenomenon.
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9

Rohrbacher, Stefan. "The charge of deicide. An anti- Jewish motif in medieval Christian art." Journal of Medieval History 17, no. 4 (January 1991): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-4181(91)90003-4.

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10

Badamo, Heather. "Locating Medieval Armenia at the Metropolitan Museum of Art." Journal of Medieval Worlds 1, no. 2 (June 2019): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2019.120005.

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Spanning 13 centuries, the exhibition “Armenia!” brings together some 140 objects to present the medieval art and culture of the Armenian peoples in a global context. Armenia has often existed at the borders of medieval art in contemporary scholarship, due to its complex history and continuously shifting borders, which undermine basic understandings of empires and polities. This exhibition seeks to “locate” Armenia through the twin themes of religion and trade, documenting the myriad ways in which Armenians employed visual culture to construct images of the self and community. The works on display demonstrate the distinctive qualities of the Armenian artistic and religious culture, while also documenting contact with an ever-shifting and expanding group of neighbors and trading partners. At once complimenting and extending the reach of the exhibition, the catalog provides scholars with a trove of insightful essays and catalog entries that are, characteristically, deeply researched and will serve as a touchstone in the field for decades to come. Together, this exhibition and catalog calls on medievalists to rethink the way we study and teach medieval art, recognizing the inner diversities, interlocking histories, and extraordinary artistic achievements of Christian communities in the east.
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Kovalyukh, N., J. van der Plicht, G. Possnert, V. Skripkin, and L. Chlenova. "Dating of Ancient Icons from Kiev Art Collections." Radiocarbon 43, no. 2B (2001): 1065–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200041722.

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Icon painting in the Ukraine is rooted in the Byzantine culture, after the conversion to the Christian religion. During the medieval epoch, Kiev became the artistic center for highly skilled icon painters. The icons were painted on wooden boards, specially made for this purpose. Historic dating of some even well-known icons is uncertain or not precise. Here we present for the first time radiocarbon dates for selected icons. Both liquid scintillation counting (LSC) and accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dating methods were applied, allowing intercomparison.
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12

Elsner, John. "Image and ritual: reflections on the religious appreciation of classical art." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 515–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.515.

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It is a cliché that most Greek art (indeed most ancient art) was religious in function. Yet our histories of Classical art, having acknowledged this truism, systematically ignore the religious nuances and associations of images while focusing on diverse arthistorical issues from style and form, or patronage and production, to mimesis and aesthetics. In general, the emphasis on naturalism in classical art and its reception has tended to present it as divorced from what is perceived as the overwhelmingly religious nature of post-Constantinian Christian art. The insulation of Greek and Roman art from theological and ritual concerns has been colluded in by most historians of medieval images. Take for instance Ernst Kitzinger's monographic article entitled ‘The Cult of Images in the Age before Iconoclasm’. Despite its title and despite Kitzinger's willingness to situate Christian emperor worship in an antique context, this classic paper contains nothing on the Classical ancestry of magical images, palladia and miracle-working icons in Christian art. There has been the odd valiant exception (especially in recent years), but in general it is fair to say that the religiousness of antiquity's religious art is skirted by the art historians and left to the experts on religion.
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13

Murray, Mary Charles. "The Christian Zodiac on a Font at Hook Norton: Theology, Church, and Art." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012390.

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This paper is an attempt to offer a preliminary study of a Christian tradition of allegorizing the zodiac which is found in certain literary texts and artistic representations. What prompted the investigation from the artistic point of view was an examination of the twelfth-century baptismal font in the church of St Peter at Hook Norton, Oxfordshire, which is decorated with a mixture of selected signs of the zodiac and scriptural images (plate i). It raises the question of how early was the tradition in which the zodiac was linked with baptism in Christian thought, and what other connections there might be. So the question I should like briefly to illustrate here is the connection between Christian decorations which feature the zodiac, particularly in the medieval period, and an allegorical tradition which goes back to the early Church.
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14

Starodubcev, Tatjana. "The questions of the artistic influences of the Christian east in Serbia in the late twelfth and thirteenth century and the paths of their transmission." Zograf, no. 40 (2016): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1640045s.

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The paper analyses the questions of the influences of the Christian East on Serbian medieval art based on the works in which such impacts have been recognized in previous studies, carried out at the time when many Eastern Christian monuments had yet to be studied and published. They include the headpiece at the beginning of the Miroslav Gospel, the first-layer frescoes at the Hermitage of St. Peter of Korisa and the miniatures in the Prizren Gospel. Finally, the paper addresses the question of whether the influence of the Christian Orient reached Serbia via the Apennine Peninsula or came directly from the East.
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15

Kaušikaitė, Greta, and Tatyana Solomonik-Pankrašova. "Vernacular Translation as Enarratio Poetarum: Cædmon's “Hymn of Creation”." Respectus Philologicus 26, no. 31 (October 25, 2014): 230–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2014.26.31.18.

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In the Middle Ages, interpreter was thought to be a poet, skilled in the art of composition; and an exegete, able to turn the enigmatic mode of the Scriptures into the human language. Medieval translation appertained to a hermeneutical performance, with the ‘modus inveniendi’ as its constituent part. This article aims at revealing the enigmatic mode of medieval translation in Cædmon’s ‘Hymn of Creation’. Cædmon, an unenlightened cowherd, miraculously acquired the gift to recite a Christian Song, which rendered the world ‘as a Dive work of Art’. Cædmon is re–creating the original texts by imposing his ‘enarratio poetarum’ upon the Story of Creation as manifest in the ‘Book of Genesis’, the Latin ‘Vulgate’. The novelty of the research lies in deciphering the ‘enarratio poetarum’ in Cædmon’s ‘Hymn of Creation’ as a transformation from rhetorical poetics to hermeneutics, from the ‘modus inveniendi’ to the ‘modus interpretandi’, so that the Cædmonian ‘artes poetriae’ becomes inseparable from exegesis. Most previous research1 focused on the poetic vocabulary, viz., the fusion of heroic Germanic idiom and Christian lore in the context of Anglo–Latin literature. Cædmon rendered the thirty one line of Genesis, the Act of Creation, into the nine–line ‘Hymn of Creation’, which embraces not only the Act of Creation, but adores the Creator by giving Him a variety of poetic names. By re–creating the text of the Scriptures Cædmon is becoming the ‘fidus interpres’ in the sense of faithful exegete.
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16

Lawson, Kevin E. "Light from the “Dark Ages”: Lessons in Faith Formation from before the Reformation." Christian Education Journal: Research on Educational Ministry 14, no. 2 (November 2017): 328–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073989131701400206.

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This article explores how parish members in the later medieval era in England learned the Christian faith through a variety of means (e.g., preaching, liturgical calendar, art, music, poetry, drama, confessional instruction, spiritual kinship relationships, catechetical instruction) with an eye on what we might learn from this era that could strengthen the church's educational ministry efforts in the present.
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17

Brown, Jerry B., and Julie M. Brown. "Entheogens in Christian art: Wasson, Allegro, and the Psychedelic Gospels." Journal of Psychedelic Studies 3, no. 2 (June 2019): 142–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2054.2019.019.

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In light of new historical evidence regarding ethnomycologist R. Gordon Wasson’s correspondence with art historian Erwin Panofsky, this article provides an in-depth analysis of the presence of entheogenic mushroom images in Christian art within the context of the controversy between Wasson and philologist John Marco Allegro over the identification of a Garden of Eden fresco in the 12th century Chapel of Plaincourault in France. It reveals a compelling financial motive for Wasson’s refusal to acknowledge that this fresco represents Amanita muscaria, as well as for Wasson’s reluctance to pursue his hypothesis regarding the entheogenic origins of religion into Christian art and artifacts. While Wasson’s view – that the presence of psychoactive mushrooms in the Near and Middle East ended around 1000 BCE – prevailed and stymied research on entheogens in Christianity for decades, a new generation of 21st century researchers has documented growing evidence of A. muscaria and psilocybin-containing mushrooms in Christian art, consistent with ethnobotanist Giorgio Samorini’s typology of mushroom trees. This article presents original photographs, taken during fieldwork at churches and cathedrals throughout Europe and the Middle East, that confirm the presence of entheogenic mushrooms in Christian art: in frescoes, illuminated manuscripts, mosaics, sculptures, and stained glass windows. Based on this iconic evidence, the article proposes a psychedelic gospels theory and addresses critiques of this theory by art historians, ardent advocates, medieval historians, and conservative Catholics. It calls for the establishment of an Interdisciplinary Committee on the Psychedelic Gospels to independently evaluate the growing body of evidence of entheogenic mushrooms in Christian art in order to resolve a controversial question regarding the possible role of entheogens in the history and origins of Christianity.
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Štivičić, Štefan. "Ivan Josipović, Pridraga u zaleđu Zadra." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 6, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 249–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.2918.

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The book Pridraga in the hinterland of Zadar was written by the art historian and university professor from the Department of Art History of the University of Zadar Ivan Josipović. The research enterprise published in this book is the result of a lengthy study of early Christian and pre-Romanesque reliefs found at the archaeological sites in Pridraga near Zadar. Comprehensive and detailed presentation of all early Christian and pre-Romanesque reliefs found in the Pridraga region until the year 2018 reflects importance of this book as a unique and systematic research project. Since Josipović earned his doctoral degree with the theme of pre-Romanesque reliefs,1 research work and analysis of reliefs from Pridraga were a part of his knowledge of the early medieval Croatian art. Pridraga in the hinterland of Zadar is a contribution not only to the art history but also to the history of the Early Middle Ages.
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McWebb, Christine. "University of Alberta." Florilegium 20, no. 1 (January 2003): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.20.015.

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Apart from numerous survey courses such as the Histories of Medicine, of Technology, of Art, and the Literature of the European Tradition—all of which span several centuries including the Middle Ages, and are offered by various departments of the Faculty of Arts, there is a fairly strong contingent of special topics courses in medieval studies at the University of Alberta. For example, Martin Tweedale of the Department of Philosophy offers an undergraduate course on early medieval philosophy. There are currently three medievalists in the Department of History and Classics. Andrew Gow regularly teaches courses on late medieval and early modern Europe. John Kitchen is a specialist in medieval religion, medieval intellectual history, the history of Christian holy women and medieval Latin literature. Kitchen currently teaches an undergraduate course on early medieval Europe. Thirdly, J.L. Langdon, a specialist in British Medieval history, teaches a course on the formation of England in which he covers the political, social, economic and religious developments of England from the fifth to the twelfth century.
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Ryabokin, Alina. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PROFESSIONAL CHRISTIAN MUSIC IN THE EARLY MEDIEVAL TIME." EUREKA: Social and Humanities 3 (May 31, 2020): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001319.

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The article deals with the formation of sacred music by Christians in the early Middle Ages. Basing on the historical sources and scientific literature, the authors show a connection between the musical traditions of Rome, the Western Goths of Spain and the empire of Charlemagne. The teaching of professional church singers, the birth of Mass, the complexity of the musical pattern of Christian singing, the educational ideas of Isidore of Seville and Alcuin of York, the metriz school timely opened by Christian mentors – all of it contributed to the formation of the early medieval educational process. Alcuin is the author of many (about 380) Latin instructive, panegyric, hagiographic, and liturgical poems (among the most famous are The Cuckoo (lat. De cuculo) and The Primate and Saints of the York Church (lat. De pontificibus et sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis )). Alcuin also wrote puzzles in poetry and prose. Alkuin conducted the extensive correspondence (with Charles the Great, Anguilbert, Pope Leo III and many others, a total of 232 letters to various people); Alcuin's letters are an important source on the history of the Carolingian society. At the Palace Academy, Alquin taught trivium and quadrivia elements; in his work On True Philosophy, he restored the scheme of the seven liberal arts, following Kassiodor’s parallel between the seven arts and the seven pillars of the temple of Wisdom of Solomon. He compiled textbooks on various subjects (some in a dialogical form). The Art of Grammar (lat. Ars grammatica) and the Slovene of the Most Noble Young Man Pipin with Albin Scholastic (Lat. Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi juvenis Pippini cum Albino scholastico) became very famous. Alcuin’s textbooks on dialectics, dogmatics, rhetoric, and liturgy are also known.
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Otten, Willemien. "Nature and Scripture: Demise of a Medieval Analogy." Harvard Theological Review 88, no. 2 (April 1995): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030339.

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Throughout the history of Christian thought the theological role of scripture as source of transcendent meaning has exercised considerable influence on the art and manner of biblical interpretation. In the early church the problems revolved mostly around the canon, specifically although not exclusively the New Testament, as defining the confines of scripture. The question arose, therefore, which biblical writings were divinely inspired and which were of doubtful origin. The latter were unacceptable for the Christian communities that had broken away from their ancestral Judaic religion. Even before the canon was fixed, however, the problems shifted from the divinely inspired composition of the Bible to its intrinsic signification; interpreters saw scriptural language itself as infused with theological content. As exegetical positions led to the development of credal statements that solidified into theological dogma, the early church established a link between biblical interpretation and sound doctrine. By enforcing sanctioned interpretations through effective excommunication, an ever more powerful church sealed the dominance of orthodoxy over heresy with the nearly divine force of ecclesiastical authority. In the church-dominated culture of the Middle Ages, the adequacy of scriptural interpretation—its method, its content, the credentials of its practitioners—often depended on its conformity with an expanding theological tradition.
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Noy, Ido. "Love Conquers All: The Erfurt Girdle as a Source for Understanding Medieval Jewish Love and Romance." IMAGES 11, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340088.

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AbstractThe discovery of pawned objects in treasure troves attributed to Jews enables investigation of the use and understanding of these objects by Jews, especially regarding those of a more secular nature, i.e. objects that have little relationship to Jewish or Christian liturgy and that lack explicit Jewish or Christian religious iconography or inscriptions. One of these pawned objects is a girdle, which was found in a Jewish context in Erfurt. Through examining this girdle in the context of similar imagery in Jewish art, we see that Jews were not only exposed to such girdles but also were well aware of their symbolic meaning in noble love and romance.
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Alvrtsyan, Haykazun. "Perception Of The Spiritual Symbol In Armenian Medieval Philosophy And Theology." WISDOM 13, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v13i2.274.

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The article presents the perceptions and viewpoints of the Armenian medieval literary men concerning the spiritual symbol. Being anchored in the pan-Christian perception of the symbol, it laid the basis of the symbolic-allegorical thinking of the Armenian spiritual culture. In the history of the Armenian medieval literature and art studies, the analysis of symbols, in essence, the discovery of the epiphany in them, which is the fundamental meaning of the culture, have often been neglected. Today there is a necessity to analyse the spiritual culture in a new way to dig out its ideological – world outlook basis conditioned by the artistic and the festival and ritual functions of the different types of art. Such a research also enables us to comprehend the aesthetic, artistic and doctrinal - philosophical merits of the spiritual culture (literature, miniature, architecture, etc.) created throughout the centuries and still unknown to us in a new way, to review the system of criteria and ideological-methodological basis of the evaluation, which bears a great significance for the complete and precise perception and evaluation of the Armenian art and literature of the Middle Ages.
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Laderman, Shulamit. "Two Faces of Eve: Polemics and Controversies Viewed Through Pictorial Motifs." IMAGES 2, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187180008x408564.

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AbstractThe appearance of the enigmatic woman-headed serpent in both Christian and Jewish art of the thirteenth century can be understood as a reflection of the historical developments of that period. The widespread influence of the Cathar/Albigensian dualistic heresy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries brought about a strong Church reaction, and the Inquisition that eliminated the heresy. The Jews were caught in the middle of this inquisitorial campaign and, in order to defend themselves, had to disassociate themselves from the dualistic ideas expressed by the Kabbalah and at the same time also prove their allegiance to the Old Testament. Their use of particular Christian models in biblical and non-biblical illuminated manuscripts at that point in time may well be a graphic indication of the Jews' precarious position in medieval Christian society.
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Ануфриева, Наталья. "Лицевые списки Слова Палладия мниха в старообрядческой книжности (новое в изучении иконографии памятника)." Acta Neophilologica 2, no. XXI (December 1, 2019): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/an.4758.

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This article is dedicated to an iconographic analysis of the miniatures in the medieval Russian literary artefact Sermon of Palladii the Monk. Systematisation of the fundamental pictorial attributes of the manuscript and the use of six different illustrated manuscripts from various collections and archives allows us to identify three stable iconographic editions. Emphasising characteristic peculiarities of the artefact and designating the fundamental features inherent in the development of bibliographic art in different regions can help us to reach a comprehensive evaluation of the arte-fact, its meaning, and the ways in which bibliographic art employed visual expression to emphasise the essentials of the Christian truth.
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Verdi Webster, Susan. "Art Ritual, and Confraternities in Sixteenth Century New Spain. Penitential Imagery at the Monastery of San Miguel, Huejotzingo." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 19, no. 70 (August 6, 1997): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.1997.70.1785.

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During the sixteenth century in New Spain, the celebration of some Christian feasts, especiality Holy Week and Corpus Christi, was much more complex than any of the dramatic rites of Late Medieval Spain. Theater, architecture, and sculpture were used by the mendicant orders, and by the confraternities associated to them, to reinforce instruction. Mural painting was used to chronicle these celebrations as well as to remind the faithful of their representation, as is discussed in this analysis of the Franciscan murals of Huejotzingo.
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Pietrini, Sandra. "The Parody of Musical Instruments in Medieval Iconography." Revista de Poética Medieval 31 (December 14, 2018): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rpm.2017.31.0.58895.

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The vast field of musical iconography during the Middle Ages must necessarily deal with the rich and surprising imagery of western manuscripts, showing a fanciful proliferation of playing creatures and bizarre deformations, sometimes inspired by exotic suggestions. In marginal miniatures of 14th century we can discover an interesting and puzzling topic: the parody of entertainers, with hybrid men playing a vielle with tongs, mermaids or apes playing jawbones and so on. The spreading of this topic in medieval iconography is linked to a satirical purpose aimed at professional entertainers, harshly condemned by Christian writers. Strange instruments made out of everyday objects like grills and distaffs, or ‘exotic’ animals like peacocks, mingle in the grotesque underworld of marginal miniatures, in which the noble art of music is often replaced by the cacophonous noises suggested by the devil.
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Bremmer, Jan. "Iconoclast, Iconoclastic, and Iconoclasm: Notes Towards a Genealogy." Church History and Religious Culture 88, no. 1 (2008): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124108x316413.

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AbstractThis article aims to contribute to a better understanding of the genealogy of the terms 'iconoclast(ic)' and 'iconoclasm.' After some observations on the beginning of early Christian art that stress the necessity of abandoning a monolithic view of Jewish, Christian, and Islamic art regarding their iconic/aniconic aspects, it is noted that 'iconoclast' is mentioned first just before the start of the iconoclastic struggle and always remained rare in Byzantium. It became known in the West by Anastasius's Latin translation of Theophanes' Chronographia Tripartita. From there it was probably picked up by Thomas Netter, whose Doctrinale against Wycliffe and his followers proved to be very influential in the early times of the Reformation when images were a focus of intense debate between Catholics and Protestants. Thus the term gradually gained in popularity and also gave rise to 'iconoclasm' and 'iconoclastic.' The present popularity of the term has promoted the grouping together of events that probably should not be considered together. It has also made scholars focus on Protestant vandalism during the Reformation period rather than on the much greater damage to medieval art caused by the Catholic Baroque period.
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Englard, Yaffa. "The Expulsion of Hagar." Religion and the Arts 22, no. 3 (June 17, 2018): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-02203001.

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Abstract Although many other scenes from the book of Genesis have been represented visually over the centuries, Hagar’s expulsion has been largely overlooked. This article examines the history of those works devoted to the subject, focusing in particular on the planes on which Abraham, Sarah, and Hagar are placed, the effects of narrative and story-telling upon visual art, the influence of theological stances and their developments upon the understanding of the episode, its reflection of early and medieval Jewish-Christian relations, and feminist/gender biblical interpretation.
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Shishka, E. A. "MONGOLS "IMAGINARY HERALDIC" IN FRENCH MEDIEVAL MINIATURES." History: facts and symbols, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2021-28-3-119-129.

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The study of images is the path leading to an understanding of the value system of medieval man. If in the study of Christian ideas about the Mongols, historical and literary works were given some attention, then iconographic documents were often used only as illustrations to the text and were considered as something secondary. One of the poorly studied topics is the study of «imaginary heraldry», which was given to the Mongols by French miniaturists of the XIV-XV centuries. The research is based on the approach of the American art critic, M. A. Camillus, which involves the study not of what was «really», but of what was brought into the situation described by medieval scribes. The model of our analysis of the content of miniatures is based on the methodology of the German researcher Erwin Panofsky, according to which the analysis of miniatures takes place in three stages: 1) pre-iconographic description; 2) iconographic analysis; 3) iconological interpretation. Our research is based on French manuscripts containing images of the Mongols with various heraldic symbols, written evidence, numismatic and cartographic sources. During the work, it was noted that the Mongolian heraldry is presented in the format of shields and banners. Each element has its own color – red, orange, blue, yellow. The following heraldic signs were identified: a dragon, a six-pointed star, a crescent, a two-pronged tamga, a «king's head», lilies, a «star of David», various geometric shapes of figures, etc. It was also determined that the image of heraldic symbols on the miniatures carries a certain symbolism – social and ethnic. With the help of «imaginary heraldry», Christian miniaturists defined the place of the Mongols in the social stratigraphy or emphasized ethnicity.
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Titarenko, Svetlana Dmitriyevna. "VYACHESLAV IVANOV AND JAKOB BÖHME (RELIGIOUS SYMBOLISM THEORY AND ACTUALIZATION OF THE GERMAN MYSTIC’S HERITAGE)." Russkaya literatura 2 (2021): 173–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/0131-6095-2021-2-173-183.

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The article outlines the insuffi ciently studied issue «Vyacheslav Ivanov and Jakob Böhme». The goal of the research is to defi ne the sources that infl uenced Vyach. Ivanov’s theory of religious realistic symbolism. The philosophy of Vyach. Ivanov’s art is analyzed, and the contingencies between his theory and the mystic learning of Böhme and his followers concerning symbolic correspondences are highlighted. It is shown that, postulating his principles of religious symbolism, Ivanov relied on Böhme’s principles of symbolic nature of reality, that were connected to the traditions of the Medieval Christian Neoplatonism.
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Alkholy, Inas. "The Presence of Secular Books: In Raphael’s Fresco: The School of Athens." Comparative Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (March 18, 2008): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v2i1.51.

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This paper studies the presence of the secular book in visual art during the Italian Renaissance. It is the age of humanism, in which the image of the book was changed to be a symbol of secular knowledge. For more than twelve centuries, the book was present in art to represent the Holy Bible. It was utilized in Early Christian, Byzantine and Medieval art to show the sacred principles and the power of the church in people’s lives. Although the Arabs began translating the classical works of Plato, Aristotle and others as early as the eighth century, their role in European Renaissance is rarely mentioned in art history sources. The paper discusses Raphael’s fresco The School of Athens that shows a great concern on humanism and education from multi-cultured sources. Raphael represents Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euclid, Pythagoras and Ibn Rushd, the Muslim philosopher and physician. This fresco is an official and historical gratitude to all minds, which enlightened Europe and affected civilizations.
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Mironov, Arseny. "VALUE OF ACTIVE COMPASSION IN THE HEROIC EPIC: RUSSIAN EPIC CONCEPT." Проблемы исторической поэтики 19, no. 2 (May 2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j9.art.2021.8842.

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The article uses the comparative historical method to analyze epic folklore from around the world with regard to the functioning of the concept of active compassion. Proceeding from extensive factual material, the author demonstrates that different national and civilizational traditions imply various interpretations of this concept. While The Epic of Gilgamesh, Homer’s Iliad, and medieval Western European epic songs don’t treat mercy as an axiologically important principle, the folk epics created by the Orthodox peoples maintain its value in accordance with the Christian ideal of sacrificial love. This interpretation is clearly presented in the Byzantine epic poem Digenes Akritas, in Serbian heroic songs, and, especially, in Russian bylinas, where one of the main heroes, Ilya Muromets, is very often motivated precisely by compassion. The author’s observations suggest that the concept of mercy, organically inherent in Russian folk epics, influenced the subsequent literary tradition as well, being reflected, for instance, in the poetics of the Russian psychological novel.
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Popovich, Alexey. "«ИЗОБРАЖАЯ ЖЕРТВУ»: ПАФОС ОБЛИЧЕНИЯ И МУЧЕНИЧЕСТВА В СОЧИНЕНИЯХ ИВАНА ГРОЗНОГО И АНДРЕЯ КУРБСКОГО." Проблемы исторической поэтики 18, no. 4 (November 2020): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j9.art.2020.8743.

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The article explores changes in the use of the categories of victim and sacrifice in political literary artefacts in the second half of the 16th century: namely, the correspondence between Ivan the Terrible and Andrey Kurbsky and Kurbsky’s History of the Grand Prince of Moscow. The study shows that the writers of this time used the literary topoi of victim in a fundamentally different way to earlier authors in medieval Russia. The article defines the main means of poetics and rhetoric in the works of Ivan the Terrible and Andrey Kurbsky. The methods for updating the topos of victim for both authors are similar. Each of them desacralizes a high Christian idea and uses it and a topos for subjective and, as a rule, ideological purposes. Such changes are possible due to the mixing of earthly (profane) and heavenly (sacred) logic when dealing with the categories of victim and sacrifice, which is typical for this time. If, for Kurbsky, the people killed by the tsar are new martyrs, then for Ivan the Terrible, they are justly punished traitors. The tsar believes that subjects should be ready to sacrifice their lives for him. Kurbsky does not deny the necessity of willingness to sacrifice, but he consistently proves that the tsar’s personality does not correspond to Christian ideas about the ideal monarch, so he convinces the reader of the possibility of confronting the tsar. At the same time, both authors characterize themselves as a person affected by the actions of the other and use the literary topoi of victim.
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Greeley, June-Ann. "“Who Would Believe What We Have Heard?”: Christian Spirituality and Images from the Passion in Religious Art of New Spain." Religion and the Arts 13, no. 2 (2009): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852909x422737.

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AbstractThe colonial art of New Spain/Mexico provides the viewer with a locus of examination into the robust Christianity that emerged over time out of a native spirituality newly laden with the contours and images from the Old World theology of late medieval/early Catholic Reformation Spain. Franciscan and especially Jesuit missionaries, impelled by a devotional zealotry, championed an apocalyptic vision of hope and suffering that was well suited for artistic expression. Religious art, whether or not patronized by European colonizers, became an instrument for the missionaries to teach and for the native artists to interrogate religious doctrine, and some artists, consciously or not, created their art as a response to that catechesis, a subtle fusion of ancient passion with the dramatic intensity of the new Catholic faith. One array of images in particular, that of the dolorous Passion of the Christ, was especially vibrant in the imaginations of the native artists and in the contemplation of the European missionaries and patrons. The image of the Suffering Servant resonated in the hearts and in the daily lives of the people just as it humbled missionary ardor, and excited a spiritual enthusiasm that forged an art of stunning doctrinal intimacy.
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Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed by or alike god(s). Roman emperors preferred to be represented in sculpture, and the copy of the ruling emperor was placed in every city of the Empire. It was roman art and sculpture where actually the portrait was invented in the 2nd century B.C. Sometimes Emperor’s portrait in Byzantium had the status of replacing the real presence of the sovereign. The early portraits of byzantine emperors in monumental art are preserved in St. Vitale in Ravena, where the emperor Justinian I and his wife with ecclesiastical and court dignitaries attend the liturgy.[2], from 1034–1042; the portrait of John II Komnenos and the empress Irene from the beginning of the 12th C.[4] Negr?u says in churches, the images of the rulers expressed the relation of monarchs with God, who gave them the power of monarchy in exchange to undertake the defense of Christian law. The images are addressed to the masses with the purpose to present monarchs as generous donors, as well as ubiquitous authorities.”[6]
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Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed by or alike god(s). Roman emperors preferred to be represented in sculpture, and the copy of the ruling emperor was placed in every city of the Empire. It was roman art and sculpture where actually the portrait was invented in the 2nd century B.C. Sometimes Emperor’s portrait in Byzantium had the status of replacing the real presence of the sovereign. The early portraits of byzantine emperors in monumental art are preserved in St. Vitale in Ravena, where the emperor Justinian I and his wife with ecclesiastical and court dignitaries attend the liturgy.[2], from 1034–1042; the portrait of John II Komnenos and the empress Irene from the beginning of the 12th C.[4] Negr?u says in churches, the images of the rulers expressed the relation of monarchs with God, who gave them the power of monarchy in exchange to undertake the defense of Christian law. The images are addressed to the masses with the purpose to present monarchs as generous donors, as well as ubiquitous authorities.”[6]
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Dergacheva, Irina. "PRECEDENTIAL INTERTEXT IN THE POEM “THE GRAND INQUISITOR”." Проблемы исторической поэтики 19, no. 2 (May 2021): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j9.art.2021.9622.

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The poem "The Grand Inquisitor" is part of the novel "The Brothers Karamazov," written by Ivan Karamazov about Christian freedom of will and told by him to his brother Alyosha, who rightly perceived it as an Orthodox theodicy. The article presents an intertextual analysis of the precedent texts used by F. M. Dostoevsky in the poem "The Grand Inquisitor". In particular, the meanings of direct quotations from the New Testament, especially its last book, the Revelation of John the Theologian, and the translated apocrypha "The Walking of the Virgin in Torment" are interpreted; medieval Western European mysteries in the paraphrase of V. Hugo; poetic quotations from the works of A. S. Pushkin, V. A. Zhukovsky, F. I. Tyutchev, which linked together the axiological concepts of the narrative text. Appeals to the precedent texts of world literature contribute to the disclosure of the multifaceted symbolism of the poem, which glorifies the spiritual freedom of humanity as an act of faith, and help to generalize and deepen its axiological discourse. The author analyzes the speech and behavioral tactics of the Grand Inquisitor, based on the substitution of concepts characteristic of the techniques of "black rhetoric". In contrast to the Grand Inquisitor's distortion of cause-and-effect relations and the concepts of good and evil, and his denial of the idea of Christian freedom, direct and indirect quoting of texts that have become part of the heritage of world culture creates a text rich in axiological meanings, designed to influence the spiritual space of the reader, enriching it and orienting it to the correct understanding of eternal truths.
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Popovic, Milica. "Depiction of the martyrdom of Saint Ignatius Theophorus in the prothesis of Novo Hopovo." Zograf, no. 39 (2015): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1539193p.

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In the art of the Christian East, the depictions of the martyrdom of Saint Ignatius Theophorus, bishop of Antioch, can usually be found among the illustrations of the Menologion. The scene from the monastery of Novo Hopovo, dated to the 1600s, is one of the rare independent depictions of Saint Ignatius?s martyrdom. The paper discusses the iconography of this scene and possible reasons for placing it in the prothesis of the katholikon of Novo Hopovo. The inclusion of a scene showing the martyrdom of the bishop of Antioch into the thematic repertoire of this compartment is a solitary example in Serbian medieval and Byzantine monumental painting.
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40

Wolfthal, Diane. "Gender, Otherness, and Culture in Medieval and Early Modern Art ed. by Carlee A. Bradbury, Michelle Moseley-Christian." Early Modern Women 13, no. 2 (2019): 154–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/emw.2019.0032.

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Blaydes, Lisa, Justin Grimmer, and Alison McQueen. "Mirrors for Princes and Sultans: Advice on the Art of Governance in the Medieval Christian and Islamic Worlds." Journal of Politics 80, no. 4 (October 2018): 1150–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/699246.

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42

Newlon, Brendan. "Muslims in the Western Imagination." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i1.885.

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Through research spanning 1,300 years, Sophia Rose Arjana presents a historicalgenealogy of monstrous representations of Muslims that haunt thewestern imagination and continue to sustain the contemporary bigotry of Islamophobia.The central question introduced in the first section, “Introduction:Islam in the Western Imagination,” is “How did we get here, to this place ofhijab bans and outlawed minarets, secret renditions of enemy combatants,Abu Ghraib, and GTMO?” (p. 1).To answer this question, Arjana highlights connections between historicalrepresentations of Muslims and monstrosity in imagery, literature, film, andpopular culture to produce a volume she describes as “an archive of Muslimmonsters” and “a jihad – an effort – to reveal Muslims as human beings insteadof the phantasms they are often presented as” (p. 16). This work is a timelycontribution that will benefit scholars researching anti-Muslim sentiment, Islamophobia,postcolonial and subaltern studies, the psychology of xenophobiaand genocide, or who are interested in historical manifestations of Islamophobia,antisemitism, and racism in art, literature, film, and media.In the first chapter, “The Muslim Monster,” the author argues that cultural“ideas of normativity are often situated in notions of alterity” and thatmonstrous representations of Muslims have functioned as an enduring signifierof alterity against which the West has attempted to define itself sincethe Middle Ages. Through the production of dehumanized and monstrousrepresentations, Muslims became part of a mythological landscape at theperipheries of Christian civilization that included dragons, giants, and dogheadedmen. The grotesque and uncanny attributes of monsters reveal theanxieties of the society that produces such images, and chief among thoseis the fear of racial contamination and the dissolution of culture through interminglingwith the foreign and the strange. Each of the following chaptersfocuses on depictions of Muslims as monsters in visual arts and literaturewithin a particular era or context.The second chapter, “Medieval Muslim Monsters,” introduces Muslimmonsters of the Middle Ages, many of which survived as tropes used to vilifyMuslims, Arabs, Jews, and Africans for centuries thereafter. This chapter introducesmonsters such as “the giant, man-eating Saracens of medieval romancesand the Black Saracens, often shown in medieval art executing saints,harassing and killing Jesus, and murdering other Christian innocents” (p. 19) ...
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PETROSYAN, Nelli. "Cultural Characteristic of Early Christianity." wisdom 2, no. 7 (December 9, 2016): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v2i7.160.

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The article presents the cultural characteristic of early Christianity in Armenia. In the end of the 3rd century Christianity had a large number of followers. Christianity gave an opportunity to resist with national unity the external invaders and protect national independence and autonomy. Assessing correctly the situation, in 301 Tiridates III (287-330) by the initiative of Gregory the Illuminator declared Christianity as a state religion in Armenia. Gregory the Illuminatore could show that only due to Christianity it was possible to ensure the further history of Armenian people. He also explained the philosophical-anthropological bases of that religion, contrasting that with the visible simplicity of polytheism. The adoption of Christianity was a powerful twist in country’s external and internal policy but it rejected by the religious aspect the faith of the centuries, the pagan culture and literature. But nevertheless, remained only pre-Christian spiritual and cultural values which were created by people. Christianity created its culture, literature, school. In Armenia constructed Christian churches, next to them were opened Christian churches in Greek and Assyrian languages. In the history of the Christian culture 4th and 5th centuries historical situations were the most important factors for the development of Early Medieval Armenian art and ecclesiastical literature and oriented its essence and uniqueness giving impetus to the creation of high bibliographic monuments.
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Bell, Peter, and Leonardo Impett. "Ikonographie und Interaktion. Computergestützte Analyse von Posen in Bildern der Heilsgeschichte." Das Mittelalter 24, no. 1 (July 11, 2019): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2019-0004.

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Abstract The last few years have seen an explosion of medieval images in digital form, chiefly as a result of photo-library and manuscript digitisation projects. An entire corpus of images, even selected solely by scene or iconography, becomes an unwieldy object of study by traditional art-historical means. This is even more the case for medieval images, where authorship and dating are often cloudy and unclear, and the image itself is in many cases the first resource for scholarly inquiry.We take the digital image – in particular, the digital image of the body – as our object of study in a wide-ranging computationally-augmented reading of an image-corpus; ours is made up of thousands of depictions of the ‘Annunciation’ and ‘Baptism’, selected not only for their primacy in Christian art but for their dialogical interaction. Our corpus of 6,564 ‘Annunciations’ and 883 ‘Baptisms’, whilst not necessarily representative in density, includes a wide range of stylistic, theological and historical tendencies.We computationally extract not only body images but poses, gestures and interactions. Such a range of gestures allows for a morphological treatment of bodily motifs, whose multi-dimensional, quantitative nature allows us to complicate and problematise iconographic taxonomies, populating the spaces between categories. Finally, our gestural manifolds provide a morphological pointer to dissecting the microtemporalities of the scenes, and their relative dynamics and inconsistencies.
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Anderson, Michael Alan. "The One Who Comes After Me." Journal of the American Musicological Society 66, no. 3 (2013): 639–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2013.66.3.639.

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Abstract Studies of the past two decades have shown that late medieval and Renaissance composers participated in a culture of symbolic representation by inscribing Christian figures and concepts into musical design. One figure who has been overlooked in this line of scholarship is John the Baptist, the precursor of Christ. This essay outlines the Baptist's historical impact on the conception of Christian temporality and proceeds to demonstrate some distinct experiments in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century music for John that express his predecessory character through emblematic manipulations of temporal parameters. By the sixteenth century, several inscriptions found in Vatican manuscripts reveal that the Baptist was associated with a particular musical craft that controls masterfully the unfolding of time: the art of canon. Drawing heavily on Scripture (especially John 1:15, 27, 30) to articulate the compositional conceits, the rubrics likened the leader (dux) and follower (comes) of a canon to the relationship between John (the forerunner saint) and Jesus. The analogy intensified around the papal chapel choirbook Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 38.
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Ruiz Souza, Juan Carlos. "Architectural Languages, Functions, and Spaces: The Crown of Castile and Al-Andalus." Medieval Encounters 12, no. 3 (2006): 360–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006706779166084.

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AbstractSince 1859, when Rodrigo Amador de los Ríos gave his speech “El estilo mudéjar en la arquitectura” at the Fine Arts Academy of San Fernando, the study of medieval Spanish art has been marked by the notion of the mudejar. Through it, Spain found a style and the basis of an identity that set it apart from other European countries. Mudejar became the name for every work that showed some indication of Islamic influence: buildings constructed with traditional techniques and materials, yet with some decorative element of Andalusian origin or simply buildings that contained a mudejar name in the list of those supervising their construction. In this essay, the influence of Islamic architecture in Christian territories is approached from a diVerent angle. Buildings are considered primarily spaces created for certain functions and secondarily representatives of a style or technique. Islamic styles were copied by Christians to very diVerent degrees. In some cases, completely, as in certain royal or noble palaces. In other cases, such as the façades of many Wfteenth-century city buildings or funerary chapels, Islamic spaces were appropriated and refashioned in Gothic style.
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Zhyvohliadova, I. V. "MUSICAL CREATION OF "HUMAN" AS A SENSE-MAKING SENSUOUS WAY OF FORMING A CULTURAL SPACE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1 (4) (2019): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2019.1(4).10.

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The article analyzes the specificity of revealing anthropo-creative principles of European culture as a musical practice of humanity. If we under- stand culture as a source, space, and the result of the spiritually-practical experience of mankind, then music appears as a specific, holistic system of specification and representation of this experience, a phenomenon that reflected the uniqueness and depth of the humanity world, a specifically sensual way of joining an intersubjective experience of rhythmization and harmonization of the human being. The expressive possibilities of lan- guage means of music art are considered in the context of the overall process of making a musical sound of human living space, the development of artistic practices of worldview and the world perception of medieval Christian culture in particular.
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Madigan, Kevin. "Jewish Historiography and Iconography in Early and Medieval Christianity. Volume 1, Josephus in Early Christian Literature and Medieval Christian Art. By Heinz Schreckenberg; Volume 2, Jewish Pictorial Traditions in Early Christian Art. By Kurt Schubert. Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 3/2. Minneapolis, Minn.: Fortress, 1992. xviii + 307 pp." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168675.

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Knust, Jennifer, and Tommy Wasserman. "Earth Accuses Earth: Tracing What Jesus Wrote on the Ground." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 4 (October 2010): 407–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000799.

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The story of the woman taken in adultery (John 7:53–8:11) has a long, complex history. Well-known in the Latin West, the story was neglected but not forgotten in the East. Incorporated within Late Antique and Early Medieval Gospel manuscripts, depicted in Christian art, East and West, and included within the developing liturgies of Rome and Constantinople, the passage has fascinated interpreters for centuries despite irregularities in its transmission.1 Throughout this long history, one narrative detail has been of particular interest: the content and significance of Jesus— writing. Discussed in sermons, elaborated in manuscripts, and depicted in magnificent illuminations, Jesus— writing has inspired interpreters at least since the fourth century, when Ambrose of Milan first mentioned it. Offering his opinion on the propriety of capital punishment, the bishop turned to the pericope in order to argue that Christians do well to advocate on behalf of the condemned since, by doing so, they imitate the mercy of Christ. Nevertheless, he averred, the imposition of capital punishment remains an option for Christian rulers and judges. After all, God also judges and condemns, as Christ showed when, responding to the men questioning him and accusing the adulteress, he wrote twice on the ground. Demonstrating that “the Jews were condemned by both testaments,” Christ bent over and wrote “with the finger with which he had written the law,” or so the bishop claimed.2 Ambrose offered a further conjecture in a subsequent letter: Jesus wrote “earth, earth, write that these men have been disowned,” a saying he attributes to Jeremiah (compare Jer 22:29),3. As Jeremiah also explains, “Those who have been disowned by their Father are written on the ground,” but the names of Christians are written in heaven.4
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Costa, Dennis. "Time in the Medieval World: Occupations of the Months and Signs of the Zodiac in the Index of Christian Art." KronoScope 8, no. 1 (2008): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852408785130610.

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