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1

Curran, Thomas F. "Soldiers of Peace : Civil war pacifism and the postwar radical peace movement /." New York : Fordham Univ. Press, 2003. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e3x8-aa.

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2

Dick, Bailey G. "“Is It Not Possible to Be a Radical and a Christian?” Dorothy Day Navigates thePatriarchal Worlds of Journalism and Catholicism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1526040503387041.

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3

Forman, Gideon. "Friendship in the Peace Movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59882.

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The thesis suggests a way in which the peace movement can make itself attractive to citizens. It begins with the assumption that the movement should satisfy some of their personal needs. One such need is that of relief from the pains of anxiety. Drawing upon Heidegger, the thesis outlines two of these pains--impotence and unheimlichkeit--and shows why we experience them. Then, using Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, it explains why true friendship is a positive response to the pains. True friends further each other's courage, a virtue whose possession helps them to weather impotence. True friends are, in fundamental ways, the same as one another: Their partial identity counters the effects of non-humans whose radical otherness makes the partners feel unheimlich.
A movement which promotes true friendship within its ranks--and publicizes this fact--will likely attract new members and have success in retaining old ones. The last chapter discusses, in concrete terms, how friendship among movement members can be fostered.
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4

Laity, Paul. "The British peace movement, 1870-1914 /." Oxford : New York : Clarendon ; Oxford University press, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38931342n.

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5

Stevenson, David Anthony. "The Sheffield Peace Movement, 1934-1940." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2001. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/3916/.

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The object of the thesis was to build a portrait of a local peace movement in order to contrast and compare it with existing descriptions of the peace movement written from a national perspective. The Sheffield Peace Movement is examined from the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Great War to the disestablishment and reformation of the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council in 1940 as a result of its support for the anti-war line taken by the Communist Party of Great Britain. The peace movement is treated holistically. Political, religious and other organisations associated with it are discussed alongside groups specifically devoted to the issues of peace. These various strands are followed through from the impulse to unity which existed after the successful operation of the Peace Ballot, through the fundamental division between pacifist and pacificist outlooks which began with the War in Abyssinia, to the final split of the movement when its large pacificist majority accepted the necessity for war with Germany. The character of local peace movements, it is suggested, depended very much on the political, social and economic context in which they flourished. The history of the Sheffield movement is characterised by competition between three groups for its leadership. The Labour Party dominated its political relationships but is scarcely to be understood without reference to Communistinspired efforts to form a Popular Front of socialist and liberal groups. The Anglican Church leadership provided a strand of pacificism difficult to distinguish from defencism but nevertheless crucial to the position of the majority of the movement at the outbreak of war, while Nonconformism dominated the city's pacifism. Despite the strength of both these party political and religious influences, however, the League of Nations Union led the Sheffield movement during two key periods. The growth of the pacificist consensus, which at a national level saw the formation of a coalition spanning both right and left of British politics, is a stronger theme in Sheffield than the move of the minority pacifist wing into absolutism. The impact of a new "realism" on the "utopian" theories of the first decade and a half after the Great War is generally to be found in the move from the quasi-pacifism of the early thirties, which found expression on the Left in Sheffield in the policy of working-class war-resistance, to the rather crude version of League of Nations inspired Collective Security embodied in the mutual defence pacts and guarantees sought by Britain after March 1939. The ideological complexion of Sheffield's Left-wing and its importance in the deliberations of the Sheffield Trades and Labour Council ensured that, overlaying the general move towards pacificism, were a number of specific objections to aspects of the "realist" policies espoused by the national Labour leadership rooted in Communist Party policy and opposition to Chamberlain's National Government. The superficial similarities between communist objections to specific aspects of war preparations and the policies of the pacifist rump of the peace movement gave the impression that Sheffield was a centre of opposition to the war. The fundamental division between the pacificist and pacifist approaches ensured. however, that these two groups, the only remaining anti-war elements of the Sheffield movement after October 1939, never entered a formal alliance. The Communist Left remained wedded to interaction with working class groups while the remaining pacifists became isolated and increasingly quietist under the relentless pressure of the pro-war majority including their former pacificist colleagues in the peace movement.
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6

Dobrenko, Vladimir. "Conspiracy of peace : the Cold War, the international peace movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3479/.

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This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee. Chapter 1 outlines the domestic and international context which fostered the peace movement (provisional title) and endeavours to construct a narrative of the political and social situation which the Soviet Union found itself in after World War II (as a superpower and an empire leading the Socialist Bloc) in order to put forward the argument that the motivations for undertaking the project of the 'peace movement', above all, were of an international-political nature, rather than of an internal and domestic nature. Chapter 2 starts off with the Soviet project of establishing an international peace movement, including firstly the World Peace Congress, which simultaneously convened in Paris and Prague, and then proceeds with the institutional, political and social development of the Campaign up to the dissolution of the Cominform in 1956. The task of this chapter is not merely to chronicle the history of the Soviet Peace Campaign, but to extract from the narrative underlying themes and organise them accordingly. Finally, Chapter 3 deals with internal Soviet Peace Campaign. The task here is to construct a historical account of the Soviet anti-war movement from 1949 to 1956 through the institutional history of the Soviet Peace Committee. Furthermore, the aim is to demonstrate the relationship between the Soviet Peace Committee and party and state institutions and its dependency on and implications for political decision-making processes within the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Finally, this chapter will also examine the role of the Soviet Peace Committee and its affiliated institutions in the advancement of Cold War propaganda through the media (i.e. press, journalism, etc.), literature (i.e. novels, poems, etc.), film and political art (i.e. posters, caricature, etc.).
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7

Wegener, Laura Kay. "War, Peace, and Principled Action: A Study of Veterans and the Peace Movement." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/392.

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Throughout the history of the United States (U.S.), there have been service members who, upon leaving the service, have spoken out against U.S. involvement in wars. The current conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, and their increasing unpopularity, have contributed to this trend. Recently veterans have begun to come forward in larger numbers to speak out against the current wars and have self-identified as members of peace movements. The purpose of this research project was to explore veterans' understandings of the peace movement and their involvement in veterans' peace movement organizations. This study hoped to answer the following questions: 1) How does a veteran understand the current peace movement? 2) Which, if any, parts of the current peace movement does a veteran find to be in line with his or her own values? 3) What do veterans feel it means to be a veteran for peace? 4) How do veterans come to identify with the current peace movement? 5) How do veterans take a stand against the current peace movement? 6) What do veterans feel is gained by involvement in the peace movement? The study was conducted using a qualitative approach, and 27 interviews were conducted either face-to-face or over the phone with U.S. veterans from across the country, who have served since the Vietnam War. Veterans who were no longer serving in an active duty capacity were selected via a snowball sample of the researcher's circle of military colleagues and friends around the U.S. The identity of "veteran in the peace movement" is a complicated one, and the result of a long, complex, series of lived experiences. This study let participants describe the process of identity acquisition, or rejection in their own words in order to create a realistic and honest narrative about the emotional and mental processes, and life events that trigger or influence these, that influenced identification or not with a veterans' peace movement organization.
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Burton-Edwards, Taylor W. "The teaching of peace in early Christian liturgies." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p011-0065.

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9

Laity, Paul. "The British peace movement 1896-1916 : ideas and dilemmas." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339819.

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10

Ostling, Kristen (Kristen Cora Mary) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "The peace movement and the security debate in Canada." Ottawa, 1991.

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11

Taylor, Richard K. S. "Against the bomb : the British peace movement, 1958-1965 /." Oxford : Clarendon press, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34963219d.

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12

Morrison, Janet Rachel. "Cycles of protest in the post-war British peace movement." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101133.

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The purpose of this paper is to describe and explain the dynamics of the post-war British peace movement. This examination will account for, and link the two distinct phases of activity which encompassed at their peaks, the periods of 1958 to 1960, and 1981 to 1983. The defence issue declined in salience in the intervening years and was largely ignored. The paper sets out to account for these cycles of protest by determining four key factors; the creation of a potential clientele, the symbolic meaning of the movement, the catalytic historical events and the incentives for mobilisation. Three theories are used to explain these elements. Inglehart's 'Post-Materialism' thesis is utilised to explain the presence of a potential clientele in terms of a new value orientation that is emerging among post-war generations due to the unprecedented affluence experienced in their formative years. Parkin's case study of the first phase of the movement provides the symbolic protest element, that explains the salience of the peace movement to these post-materialists. It also suggests that the clientele's interest in the issue lasts as long as the issue is significant and that as soon as it declines other issues claim their attentions and energies. The final vital element is explained by adapting Olson's cost and benefit 'Collective Action' theory to this non-economic case. This theory suggests that the prominent peace movement organisation, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, provided and distributed vital selective incentives that motivated the existing clientele into protest activity. However, once the costs of non-achievement of policy goals add to the costs of protest activity (which are being raised by the radicalisation of tactics) and the organisation becomes inefficient at distributing these selective goods, the incentive to participate is removed and activity begins to decline. The combination of these three theories with the impact of historical atmosphere and a catalytic event creates a coherent explanation of the movement in both phases.
M.A.
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13

Francis, Subothini. "Institutional and structural obstacles to peace in Sri Lanka, a case for a people's movement for peace." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24135.pdf.

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14

Cho, Mijin. "British Quaker women and peace, 1880s to 1920s." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1072/.

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This thesis explores the lives of four British Quaker women—Isabella Ford, Isabel Fry, Margery Fry, and Ruth Fry—focusing on the way they engaged in peace issues in the early twentieth century. In order to examine the complexity and diversity of their experiences, this thesis investigates the characteristics of their Quakerism, pacifism and wider political and personal life, as well as the connections between them. In contrast to O’Donnell’s view that most radical Victorian Quaker women left Quakerism to follow their political pursuits with like-minded friends outside of Quakerism, Isabella Ford, one of the most radical socialists, and feminists among Quakers remained as a Quaker. British Quakers were divided on peace issues but those who disagreed with the general Quaker approach resigned and were not disowned; the case of Isabel Fry is a good example of this. This thesis argues that the experiences of four Quaker women highlight the permissive approach Quakerism afforded its participants in the early twentieth century, challenging previous interpretations of Quakerism as a mono-culture. Highlighting the swift change within Quakerism from being the closed group of the nineteenth to a more open group in the twentieth century, this thesis describes the varied and varying levels of commitment these women had to the group as ‘elastic Quakerism’.
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Sakade, Noriko. "Peace education in practice? : a case study of peace education in England." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5217/.

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In the contemporary world, wars, violence and injustice never seem to end. In an attempt to replace this culture of violence with a culture of peace, peace education attempts to raise awareness of non-violent and constructive means of dealing with conflicts, and to promote necessary skills, knowledge, attitudes and values. This research aims to gain insight into the reality of the current practice of peace education in schools in relatively stable countries. While a school is one of the places where children learn values, attitudes and behaviour, schooling is often criticised for maintaining and reinforcing different forms of violence, including physical violence and inequality. This study explores theoretical and practical aspects of peace education and key issues relevant to these aspects, including its place in schooling. The empirical study investigates a peace education organisation in the UK, West Midlands Quaker Peace Education Project (WMQPEP) and one of its projects in a primary school. WMQPEP particularly focuses on interpersonal skills to build peaceful relationships and raise self-esteem. The overall research provides understanding of the principles and practice of peace education as well as its impact, and identifies some factors which can either promote or undermine effective peace education in schools.
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Gower, Margaret Marion. "The Heart of Peace: Christine de Pizan and Christian Theology." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845469.

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This dissertation argues that, across her corpus, Christine de Pizan (c.1364-c.1431) advanced a notion of the common good that is both, and inseparably, political and theological. The project critically analyzes Christine’s theological notions of human personhood, moral formation, prudential self-interest, and destructive preoccupation with personal good. It demonstrates that Christine responded to, retooled, and restructured authoritative texts and traditions in order to compose a constructive notion of the common good. It argues that Christine wrote in the interest of peace in the bodies politic within which she counted herself: France, the Church, and Christendom. It concludes that Christine wrote to form persons for peace.
Religion, Committee on the Study of
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17

Ngun, Richard. "An analysis of the Christian reconstruction movement." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.

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18

Garcia-Duran, Mauricio. "To what extent is there a peace movement in Colombia? an assessment of the country's peace mobilization, 1978-2003." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558705.

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Kumar, R. C. Ghuna. "The history of the VBS movement in India." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.

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Allen, Bryan. "The Christian new religious movement : evolution or heresy?" Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683259.

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Anton, Egoitz Gago. "Impact of peace movements on a society immersed in conflict : an analysis of the framing processes of the Basque peace movement." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5374.

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The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country.
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Anton, Egoitz G. "Impact of peace movements on a society immersed in conflict. An analysis of the framing processes of the Basque peace movement." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5374.

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The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country.
La Fundacion La Caixa. Consejeria de Educación Universidades e Investigación of the Basque Country Government.
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Warner, Carol. "Peace education in Hiroshima : problems of a radical movement in post-1945 Japan /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw279.pdf.

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Acaron, Rios Thania. "The practitioner's body of knowledge : dance/movement in training programmes that address violence, conflict and peace." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=229434.

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This interdisciplinary thesis examines the role of dance/movement in training programmes, which address peace, violence, conflict and trauma. Despite the growing literature and scholarly interest in embodied practices, few training programmes address dance/movement peace explicitly, identify shared beliefs or make connections between movement behaviour and decision-making. The research questions explore how dance/movement trainers experience, implement and conceptualise embodied processes that enable the transformation of conflict, particularly concerning interpersonal and/or intergroup violence. In order to investigate this question, an 'internal' analysis of relations and practices amongst its practitioners progresses to an 'external' analysis of contributions to arts-based peace practices and peacebuilding. Twelve semi-structured interviews were conducted with experienced trainers working internationally who use artistic, therapeutic and educational approaches to peace practices. The practitioners' curricula and training materials were examined using thematic analysis and qualitative analysis software (NVivo). The data analysis results in a map of shared beliefs, positionality and boundary shifts amongst the respondents, and proposes an exploration of practices applicable to multiple settings and client groups. This thesis presents new research in Communities of Practice (CoP) theory with artistic communities. It also deepens previous research on dance/movement peace practices and movement analysis, which sustains peaceable and violent actions can be understood through conscious and/or unconscious movement decision-making processes. The thesis concludes that embodied processes involve reflexive and enactive interventions, and proposes analyses of spatial relations, symbolic enactment and relational nonverbal interactions as key contributions of dance/movement. These embodied processes challenge 'conventional' forms of knowledge transmission and the arts' constant pressure for legitimisation. The thematic exploration of shared practices and beliefs therefore integrates movement analysis and social theory to present an interdisciplinary contribution to embodied analyses of violence.
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Wong, Kam-fai John, and 黃錦暉. "Nationalism and the anti-Christian movement in the 1920s." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3195019X.

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Starkey, P. M. "Aspects of the Christian understanding of the nature of peace in the Middle Ages." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383322.

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Morgan, Katrina. "Considering political opportunity structure democratic complicity and the antiwar movement /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/725.

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Marcum, James Ronald. "Implementing a Christian service program at Ozark Christian College." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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Hargis, Grace. "Christian-Muslim Relations in Kenya: The Importance of Interfaith Peace-Building for Development." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/243963.

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Interfaith peace-building is an important step toward increased economic development in Kenya. The use of conflict resolution strategies as components of an international effort for development has become an important topic of research and debate over the past two decades. Within the category of interfaith relations, Christian-Muslim interactions may represent some of the most relevant to development in the world today. Since both focus on expansion through conversion, Christianity and Islam often seem to be in direct "competition for souls," socio-political power, or spheres of influence. The unique history and geographical situation of Kenya is also analyzed, as well as some of the underlying psychological causes of interfaith tensions and distrust. Information collected in Nairobi and Mombasa Kenya in the Fall of 2011 is examined as a case study of Christian-Muslim relations in coastal Kenya. Possible peace-building solutions are suggested from the academic literature on the topic.
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Umaru, Thaddeus Byimui. "Toward Christian-Muslim dialogue and peace-building activities in Northern Nigeria : theological reflection." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4249/.

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The aim of this dissertation is to examine critically the incessant inter-religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria, to identify the real causes of such conflicts and to suggest theological and practical ways to sustain peace building endeavours. Conflicts as an inevitable part of human existence can be triggered and exacerbated by numerous factors. Religion as a powerful impulse in human existence has been used to fuel conflict in Northern Nigeria. Radical religious strife, quest for more converts, colonisation, ethnicity, and perceived political domination have strengthened stereotypical views of the self and the other. Religion is closely intertwined with culture and thus central in the understanding and establishment of peace in society; continue to play paradoxical role in the locality. Religion can be a cause of conflict and a way of conflict resolution. In Nigeria religion has failed to establish the peace which it has claimed to promote, because deep historical feuds have found expression in religion, and religion is thus at the core of the strife as experienced in contemporary Northern Nigeria. The theology of the Second Vatican Council, in which the Roman Catholic Church reflects on its self-understanding as a community and its role in the world, provides a first model for the encounter between Christianity and other religions in mutual understanding. This thesis considers the theological potential of this interreligious encounter (or dialogue) between Islamic and Christian traditions in general and the possibilities and difficulties of dialogue between Muslims and Christians in Northern Nigeria in particular. Moreover, this study delves into the need for engagement between theology and politics in addressing issues of conflict. It explores the theology of interreligious dialogue as a means for a promising peace-building process in Northern Nigeria. Religion as a significant part of the problem is equally essential in proffering solutions. However, taken on their own terms, neither religion nor politics have comprehensive answers. Hence, any peace building project in Northern Nigeria must be multi-faceted. It could be, modelled on a theological approach for encounter and dialogue which examines common grounds for collaboration within the two faith traditions, in an attempt to consider and strengthen peace-building endeavours within the region.
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Morrison, Caroline. "World without War: A study of women's involvement in the peace movement 1914-1939." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242893.

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TePoel, Dain. "Endurance activism: transcontinental walking, the great peace march and the politics of movement culture." Diss., University of Iowa, 2018. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6510.

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On March 1, 1986, 1,200 activists set out from Los Angeles on a walk across the United States to call for an end to nuclear weapons. Within two weeks, a few hundred remained. They reorganized as the Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament and successfully completed the nine-month, 3,325-mile walk to Washington, D.C. Two central questions guide this work: What is the relationship between long-distance walking and the politics of social movements? To what extent does “endurance” shape meanings of the March’s related but twin goals: the building of a collective, or “prefigurative” community, and a mass movement capable of attaining media coverage and achieving concrete, or “strategic” political outcomes? This study utilizes historical analysis, semi-structured interviews, and discourse analysis of print news media to apprehend different perspectives on long-distance walks and the Great Peace March. This project provides a multilayered account of the historical and cultural roots of long-distance walks for sociopolitical change, the March’s origins and organization, marchers’ understandings of their participation, and media representations of the March. It also examines Jamie Schultz’s categorization of “physical activism” in combination with “prefigurative politics,” of which Wini Breines claims the central task is to create and sustain within the live practice of the movement, relationships and political forms that ‘prefigured’ and embodied the desired society. The result is a more nuanced understanding of the ways physicality and endurance constitute a significant aspect of participation in social movements. This dissertation coins the term “endurance activism” as the articulation of endurance physical feats with political activism. The Great Peace March illustrates how social movement participants undertook endurance actions to communicate arduous and strenuous work for the cause. This project finds that endurance, physically, but also symbolically and metaphorically signifies particular meanings of movement for social movements such as persistence, focus, and determination to stretch limits and push boundaries. The marchers sought to accomplish a difficult physical challenge and maintain the solidarity of their community to analogize the coming into existence of their campaign’s equally extraordinary vision for denuclearization. The marchers experienced and communicated endurance to stress their movement as an act that has no end, and to solidify perceptions of themselves as lifelong activists. Their emphasis on endurance highlights the importance of the means of lasting work for social and political change that are valued in and of themselves. This study finds that collective effort and striving are crucial qualities that build solidarity in social movements, while also signaling the necessity of ongoing work for the cause and the forging of another way forward.
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Kendall, Eric M. "Diverging Wilsonianisms: Liberal Internationalism, the Peace Movement, and the Ambiguous Legacy of Woodrow Wilson." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1323399909.

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McClanahan, Alyssa S. "Women and Life on Earth: Peace, Ecology and a Transnational Women’s Movement, 1975-2006." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1459242745.

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35

Wachsmann, Emily Brook. "Social Movements, Subjectivity, and Solidarity: Witnessing Rhetoric of the International Solidarity Movement." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12211/.

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This study engaged in pushing the current political limitations created by the political impasse of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, by imagining new possibilities for radical political change, agency, and subjectivity for both the international activists volunteering with the International Solidarity Movement as well as Palestinians enduring the brutality of life under occupation. The role of the witness and testimony is brought to bear on activism and rhetoric the social movement ISM in Palestine. Approaches the past studies of the rhetoric of social movements arguing that rhetorical studies often disassociated 'social' from social movements, rendering invisible questions of the social and subjectivity from their frames for evaluation. Using the testimonies of these witnesses, Palestinians and activists, as the rhetorical production of the social movement, this study provides an effort to put the social body back into rhetorical studies of social movements. The relationships of subjectivity and desubjectification, as well as, possession of subjects by agency and the role of the witness with each of these is discussed in terms of Palestinian and activist potential for subjectification and desubjectifiation.
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Koch, Dorothy Beryl Jackson. "The Canadian YMCA (1966-1996), a movement towards inclusion." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/MQ48830.pdf.

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37

Lambert, Ian Peter Morrison. "The new Christian Schools' movement in Britain : a case study." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318362.

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Wachsmann, Emily Brook Lain Brian. "Social movements, subjectivity, and solidarity witnessing rhetoric of the international solidarity movement /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12211.

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39

Kersjes, Elizabeth Anna. "Local Media Representations of the Colombian Women’s Peace Movement La Ruta Pacífica De Las Mujeres." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1028.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze how the media in Colombia covers the events and campaigns of the pacifist women’s movement La Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres. The movement was formed in 1996 to draw attention to violence against women and to call for a negotiated end to Colombia’s internal armed conflict through peaceful demonstrations. The study uses a series of semi-structured interviews with members of the movement and a content analysis of major print media stories about the movement to analyze press coverage and forms of representation. The analysis finds that large, powerful media outlets based in the country’s principal cities largely ignore the movement, while smaller, local media outlets based in provincial regions and alternative media outlets cover the movement’s activities and campaigns. La Ruta Pacífica has developed media strategies to foster friendly media relations when possible and to work without any media attention when necessary.
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Lundgren, Linnea. ""Our Silence Would Be Criminal" : The Christian Churches' Work For Peace and Ecumenism in the Holy Land." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för diakoni, kyrkomusik och teologi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-3939.

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41

Neilsen, Emily Hall. "Manifestation of a Lack: Capitalism, Democracy, & the Christian Identity Movement." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1182539482.

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42

Keating, J. E. "Roman Catholics, Christian democracy and the British Labour movement 1910-1960." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516378.

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43

Darby, Michael. "The emergence of the Hebrew Christian movement in nineteenth-century Britain." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683333.

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44

Ryu, Jae-Shin. "A philosophical basis for the new Christian School Movement in Korea (South) / Jae-Shin Ryu." Thesis, North-West University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1308.

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Because of the many shortcomings of public school education in Korea, an alternative school movement has begun to surface. Analysis of the philosophical foundations of this alternative movement reveals, however, that its programmes have thus far also been inspired by motives that have been characteristic for some time now of public schools, namely serious competition for places in higher education institutions. The purpose of this project was to, on the one hand, discover the shortcomings of current public and alternative schools in Korea, and on the other to reflect on replacing their current philosophies with a Christian approach and philosophy to schooling and education. The first step in understanding present day Korean education schooling was tracing the history and philosophy of Korean public and Christian alternative education. It emerged from this analysis that the biggest problem for Korean education is that education is knowledge-centred and intended for preparing students for entrance examinations to universities. instead of educating the whole person. The next step was to analise the history and philosophy of Australian Christian alternative schools. Christian schooling in Australia has contributed significantly to the development of a biblical understanding of' education. The Christian Parent Controlled Schools (CPCS) has for instance been emphasising parents' right of educating their children in schools of their choice and which suit their life views. Christian Community Schools (CCS), on the other hand, has put emphasis on the importance of the school a? a learning community where relationships arc more important than how they teach or even what they teach. Based on this comparative study and a study of a biblical philosophy of education, an educational philosophy for Korean Christian alternative schools could be suggested. Christian alternative schools have to teach education based on a Christian worldview and philosophy. Korean education. public as well as non-government school education, has thus far been totally dualistic in that it has tended to separate fact and \due, public realm from private. The Christian school rejects such dualisms and educates its students as complete and total persons to know this world, to live and survive in it, to practice their God-given calling of stewardship of reality, to maintain their cultural mandate, to serve God in doing so. and to love and serve their fellowmen.
Thesis (Ph.D. (Education))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007
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Schlapman, Larrie T. "An evaluation of the Christian day school movement and a presentation/proposal of a Christian day school system." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 1985. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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46

Zetterman, Sofia. "War, peace and the women’s voice : A study of the newspaper Tidevarvet and its view on women´s rights and the peace during the interwar period." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Religionsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-34220.

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The purpose of this essay is to study articles from the newspaper Tidevarvet during the newspapers first years 1923-1924, and the newspapers last year, 1936. The main focus will be on the topics about women’s right and the peace issue.  The main research questions are the following: What is Tidevarvets opinions on the topics of peace and the women´s issue? Did these opinions change from the newspapers start in 1923 to it´s final year in 1936? Can their opinions somehow be reflected in the modern convention about human rights? The method that is used is a qualitative content analysis. Some of the articles in todays convention of human rights can be seen in the newspaper. Tidevarvet were a production of it´s time, were the topics of the time dominated the discussion. The suffragette movement was a big subject in the newspapers first years, when the women just two years before had ben given the right to vote. But when the war in Europe was approaching in the newspapers later years, the issues of peace became more dominant.
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47

Ditzel, Facci Paula. "Dancing Conflicts, Unfolding Peaces: Dance as method to elicit conflict transformation." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/404493.

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This research explores dance as method to elicit conflict transformation and unfold peaces at the intrapersonal level. Peace is understood as presence, as a way of being in the world, and conflict as a natural feature of human relationships. This thesis investigates how to provide a frame which renders the embodied here and now moving experience meaningful, creating auspicious conditions for eliciting conflict transformation and unfolding peaces. Exploring elements that contribute to this process, it analyses interpretations of peaces and dance expressions. Furthermore, this thesis discusses the transrational peace philosophy and an approach to dance that acknowledges its potential for peace, and suggests twisting harmful tendencies with balance and awareness. It then explores elicitive conflict transformation and methods to facilitate it. Finally, this text presents a theoretical and practical approach to those elements through embodied movement, which informs the potentials and limitations of dance as method to elicit conflict transformation
La presente tesis explora la danza como método para elicitar la transformación de conflictos y desdoblar paces en nivel intrapersonal. Se investiga cómo propiciar un contexto en el cual se haga significativa la experiencia del movimiento corporal consciente en el momento presente, creando condiciones auspiciosas para elicitar conflictos y desdoblar paces. En busca de elementos que concierten tal método, esta pesquisa pone en diálogo interpretaciones de paces con expresiones de danza. Asimismo, se elabora sobre la filosofía de las paces transracionales y sobre el potencial de la danza para la paz, y se sugiere distorsionar tendencias nocivas con equilibrio y consciencia. Se explora también la perspectiva elicitiva de transformación de conflictos y los métodos para facilitarla. Finalmente, se presenta un abordaje teórico y práctico de estos elementos por medio del movimiento corporal consciente, que informa el potencial y las limitaciones de la danza como método elicitivo de transformación de conflictos.
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48

MacKenzie, Pamela J. "A critical analysis of the Christian School Movement in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239077.

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49

Wilcox, Linda Patterson. "Conservative Christian families and the home schooling movement : a public arenas perspective /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1991.

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50

Kim, Injib. "Christian yoga as a product of Hinduism and the New Age Movement." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2009. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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