To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Christian Movement for Peace.
Journal articles on the topic 'Christian Movement for Peace'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Christian Movement for Peace.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Sarsar, Saliba. "Palestinian Christians: Religion, Conflict and the Struggle for Just Peace." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 2 (November 2005): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.2.27.
Full textAbstract:
Palestinian Christian religious and lay leaders are caught between their visions of peace and the reality imposed on them by tough military, political, and socioeconomic conditions. Historically, they have carried the heaviest burden of their individual communities by maintaining active life and care through established church structures, educational institutions, health clinics, philanthropic associations, and welfare agencies. Palestinian Christians must move from anguish and despair towards empowerment and hope. A Palestinian Christian Social Movement – nonviolent, practical, proactive, inclusive, and future-oriented – will guide them on their sojourn. It will bring them closer together and will advance their best aspirations: peace with justice and a better life.
2
Light, Ryan, and Jeanine Cunningham. "Oracles of Peace: Topic Modeling, Cultural Opportunity, and the Nobel Peace Prize, 1902–2012*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-43.
Full textAbstract:
Social movement frames are dynamic, shifting and embedded within an already existent cultural milieu—a milieu that affects mobilization opportunities. In this article, we invoke the concept of the “cultural clearinghouse” to tackle how broader cultural structures translate to frames or influence frame resonance. Our illustrative case, the Nobel Peace Prize, along with our use of topic modeling, a computational technique that identifies commonalities between texts, offer an important methodological advance for social movement scholars interested in culture, frame formation and resonance, and dynamic approaches to social movement discourse. Our findings show how peace discourse—as represented by Peace Prize acceptance speeches—increasingly has become embedded within broader cultural emphases on globalization and neoliberalism, versus earlier Christian and global institutional schemas. We conclude by discussing the usefulness of our conceptual and methodological advance for movement scholars with special attention to the coupling of new computational techniques and more traditional methods.
3
Cooper, Alice Holmes. "The West German Peace Movement and the Christian Churches: An Institutional Approach." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036147.
Full textAbstract:
Protestant participation in postwar West German peace movements has markedly outstripped Catholic participation, suggesting that age is not the only important cleavage separating participants and nonparticipants. It is argued that because churches interpret collective experience, they have helped shape individual attitudes and political protest across generations throughout the postwar period. In West Germany, church interpretations of fascism, World War Two, and postwar developments have offered interpretive frameworks and defined the parameters of defense issues for their members. In doing so, churches have provided or restricted ideological, as well as organizational, resources to peace protest within their midst. Similar processes are at work in institutions like parties and unions as well. Although younger generations have sometimes adopted more radical views than their elders, the interplay between generations has taken place in the context of a previous institutional framing of issues.
4
DeBerg, Betty A., and Jeffrey M. Burns. "Disturbing the Peace: A History of the Christian Family Movement, 1949-1974." Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (December 2001): 1174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700552.
Full text
5
GREEN, CLIFFORD. "Dietrich Bonhoeffer's Letter to Mahatma Gandhi." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (April 9, 2020): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920000093.
Full textAbstract:
This first publication of the newly-found letter to Gandhi from Dietrich Bonhoeffer is a window into his thinking in the early 1930s, a time of personal formation and of resistance to National Socialism. Western Christianity needed ‘a Christian peace movement’, and Bonhoeffer wanted to learn from Gandhi's movement ‘the meaning of Christian life, of real community life, of truth and love in reality’. The letter includes Bonhoeffer's critique of Western culture and the Church in Europe and America, his hopes for a Church regenerated by the Sermon on the Mount, and his appreciation and critique of Karl Barth
6
Zielinski, Martin. "Disturbing the Peace: A History of the Christian Family Movement, 1949-1974 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 3 (2000): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0048.
Full text
7
Flessati, Valerie. "Justice, Peace and Dominicans 1216?1999: IX ? STOP WAR PLEASE Dominicans and the Christian Peace Movement in England." New Blackfriars 80, no. 945 (November 1999): 484–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1999.tb01703.x.
Full text
8
Wagner, Donald E. "The Alliance between Fundamentalist Christians and the Pro-Israel Lobby: Christian Zionism in US Middle East Policy." Holy Land Studies 2, no. 2 (March 2004): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.0005.
Full textAbstract:
It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.
9
Michel, Thomas. "The Risale-i Nur." Hawwa 13, no. 2 (September 4, 2015): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341280.
Full textAbstract:
In the battle for minds and hearts of young Muslims in Eastern Anatolia, the Risale-i Nur movement inspired by the writings of Said Nursi may prove to be the most effective peace-oriented alternative to the xenophobic teachings of isis. As the most influential Muslim thinker in Turkey in the 20th Century, Nursi still attracts the attention and loyalty of great number of Turks and Kurds. Nursi was one of the earliest to call for Muslim-Christian cooperation in the struggle against ignorance, poverty, and disunity. His message of peace and dialogue offer a sound foundation for both ethnic tolerance and interreligious harmony.
10
Greenberg, Udi. "The Rise of the Global South and the Protestant Peace with Socialism." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (January 31, 2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000028.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores a major shift in European Protestant thought about socialism during the mid-twentieth century, from intense hostility to acceptance. During the twentieth century's early decades it was common for European Protestant theologians, church leaders and thinkers to condemn socialism as a threat to Christianity. Socialist ideology, many believed, was inherently secular, and its triumph would spell anarchy and violence. In the decades after the Second World War, however, this hostility began to wane, as European Protestant elites increasingly joined Christian-socialist associations and organisations. By focusing on the Protestant ecumenical movement, this article argues that one of the forces in this change was decolonisation, and in particular the rise of Christian and socialist thinkers in the Global South. It shows how concerns about Christianity's future in Asia and Africa helped some European Protestants to rethink their long-held suspicion towards state-led economic management and distribution.
11
Noordegraaf, Herman. "Albert Einstein en Nederlandse christen-pacifisten: samenwerking en breuk." DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 42, no. 91 (December 1, 2019): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2019.91.002.noor.
Full textAbstract:
Summary Albert Einstein (1879-1955) was a left wing public intellectual, who was involved in societal issues, especially questions of peace and war. Adhering a pacifist view, he supported refusal of military service from the midst of the twentieth century. The pacifist peace movement welcomed the views of this famous scientist. This article describes and analyses the reception of Einstein within the Dutch Christian-pacifist organization Church and Peace (Kerk en Vrede). First, attention is given to Einstein’s views and actions regarding refusal of military service, as can be found in the periodical Kerk en Vrede. Secondly, the contacts will be described between the secretary of Church and Peace, Rev. J.B.Th. Hugenholtz, and Einstein. Hugenholtz wanted his support to realize a ‘Peace House’ of pacifist organizations in The Hague. Einstein reacted positively on this request. However, after Hitler came to power in January 1933 Einstein changed his mind. He did not support refusal of military service any longer. This led to a rupture between Einstein and the pacifist peace organizations. Within Church and Peace especially chairman G.J. Heering criticized him sharply. Here the roads parted in a fundamental way.
12
Oakes, Peter. "Christian Attitudes to Rome at the Time of Paul's Letter." Review & Expositor 100, no. 1 (February 2003): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730310000107.
Full textAbstract:
In the late fifties, Christianity was a provincial religious movement rooted in Jewish beliefs, practice, and history. This gives to a model of Christian attitudes to Rome three natural dimensions: provincial, Jewish, and distinctively Christian. A provisional list of attitudes is constructed by considering issues that were significant for each group. The resulting list has six elements: awe at Rome's prestige, power and wealth; appreciation of Roman peace, economic prosperity, partial protection of Diaspora communities, and laws permitting Jewish practice; resentment at taxation, occupation of Israel, and poor governing of Judaea; contempt for Roman religious beliefs and certain aspects of morality; denial of ultimate authority; and expectation of overthrow. This combination could be used as a grid for interpreting the Roman dimension of Paul's letter.
13
Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Palestinian Christian Politics in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Jerusalem's Churches and the Indigenous Arab Christians." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2011): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0015.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid development of the Palestinian national struggle from a rebel guerrilla movement in the 1960s and 1970s to an organisation with many of the attributes of an organised state in the 1980s and 1990s contributed to the politicisation of the Palestinian Christian church in Palestine-Israel. During this period, certain Israeli policies that included land confiscations, church and property destruction, building restrictions and a consequent mass emigration of the faithful, all contributed to a new restrictive climate of political intolerance being faced by the churches. The 1990s and 2000s saw the start and doom of the Oslo ‘peace process’ between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as well as the fruition of many Israeli territorial and settlement policies regarding the Old City and mainly Arab-inhabited East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of historic Palestine. Church-State relations plummeted to their lowest point in decades during this period. The results of the suspicion and distrust created by these experiences continue to dog the mutual relations of Israelis, Palestinian Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.
14
Marty, William R. "A New Political Pacifism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 30, no. 1 (2018): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2018301/25.
Full textAbstract:
In the aftermath of the carnage of World War I, a politically engaged pacifism spread rapidly among a number of traditionally non-peace churches, and among the populations of England and America. This pacifism meant to be effective in the world, and it was: it swayed the democracies of England and America to adopt many of its policies. It meant to achieve peace and end war. Represented as what Christian love requires in political life, it failed utterly and completely in its aims both as political prescription and understanding of Christianity. The relevance of this essay is that many of the erroneous assumptions and failed policies of the church peace movement of the 1930s appear to be still the assumptions and policies of secular statesmen of the present. The errors of the political pacifists live on, and if they are not corrected, the consequences are likely to be the same, or worse, for next time, unless we are wiser than the last, the evil ones may prevail.
15
Lukács, Olga. "The Romanian Peace Movements as Ecumenical Initiatives Reflected in Református Szemle." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 65, no. 2 (December 20, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.65.2.04.
Full textAbstract:
"The Bucharest Conference convened by Iustinian, the Patriarch of the Romani-an Orthodox Church, on 23 June 1949 marked the starting point of meetings be-tween the leaders of the Christian and non-Christian faiths in the country, and, ac-cording to the higher orders, these conferences took place annually during the communist period that followed, also being known as “peace conferences”. At the first conference, representatives of seven Christian denominations and those of the Jewish and Muslim communities signed a statement expressing their appreciation of religious freedom built on popular democracy and affirmed the equality of the vari-ous churches. In this “local ecumenism” that was prescribed by the state, the interconfessional conferences of the Orthodox and Protestant theology professors, which started in 1964 and alternately took place in Bucharest, Cluj, and Sibiu, proved to be very important. The topics of discussions at these conferences were theological issues; there was a forced search for aspects linking the two churches, and the guidelines prescribed for the churches by the state apparatus were also introduced. This study analyses the nature of the conference topics, namely the political im-plications by which “they wanted or had to please the state”. The conference presentations are even more significant as they served as a basis for the annual train-ing of priests and ministers, and the studies were published in the scientific journals of the churches as well. Keywords: communist regime, communist dictatorship, church history, peace conferences, interconfessional dialogue."
16
Mitiche, Ahmed Zakarya. "Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires (by Juan Cole)." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i2.587.
Full textAbstract:
Reference to violence and war often dominates contemporary discussions about the early Muslims. In Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires, Juan Cole balances the narrative by centering instead the role of peace and “peace thought”, notions which he argues more aptly characterize the early community. He situates this emergent movement within the geo-politics of the day. As the conflict between two major super-powers became perceived as approaching cataclysmic and apocalyptic proportions, the Prophet’s message juxtaposed the worldly violence of empire with the peace promised in the Quran. Within this vision lay a pursuit of temporal peace, represented by the Prophet’s own political career. Departing from those scholars who either reject the later Muslim historiographical traditionout of hand or adopt it wholesale, Cole insists on centering the Quran as a primary source, while applying a discerning eye towards the hadith and biographical sources that emerge in later centuries (228). Finally, by comparing the writings of the Prophet’s Christian-Byzantine contemporaries to the Quran, the author foreshadows the “violence thought” (i.e. rhetoric that justified or even encouraged aggressive warfare and conquest) that the institutionalization of power in the form of empire will soon demand of succeeding generations of Muslims.
17
Mitiche, Ahmed Zakarya. "Muhammad." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i2.587.
Full textAbstract:
Reference to violence and war often dominates contemporary discussions about the early Muslims. In Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires, Juan Cole balances the narrative by centering instead the role of peace and “peace thought”, notions which he argues more aptly characterize the early community. He situates this emergent movement within the geo-politics of the day. As the conflict between two major super-powers became perceived as approaching cataclysmic and apocalyptic proportions, the Prophet’s message juxtaposed the worldly violence of empire with the peace promised in the Quran. Within this vision lay a pursuit of temporal peace, represented by the Prophet’s own political career. Departing from those scholars who either reject the later Muslim historiographical traditionout of hand or adopt it wholesale, Cole insists on centering the Quran as a primary source, while applying a discerning eye towards the hadith and biographical sources that emerge in later centuries (228). Finally, by comparing the writings of the Prophet’s Christian-Byzantine contemporaries to the Quran, the author foreshadows the “violence thought” (i.e. rhetoric that justified or even encouraged aggressive warfare and conquest) that the institutionalization of power in the form of empire will soon demand of succeeding generations of Muslims.
18
GHIBANU, Ionut. "Inter-religious and inter-Christian Dialogue – a Contemporary Ecclesial Educational Priority." Revista Romaneasca pentru Educatie Multidimensionala 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/rrem/44.
Full textAbstract:
The contemporary world is dominated by communication and dialogue despite conflicts and wars of all kinds. Dialogue is an actual existential need and a responsibility that the current generation has for the future. From this perspective, inter-Christian and inter-religious dialogue is a life necessity and a pledge of genuine faith in God, because, beyond everything that separates us, He is the Creator of all of us, the source of life, and we are all part of the same human family.If inter-Christian dialogue seeks to achieve the unity of the Church of Christ by concrete actions, theological dialogue and philanthropic gestures, inter-religious dialogue aims at establishing communication bridges in order to give common testimony as regards matters of wide interest, such as the ecological issue, defence of unborn life, peace, justice or social equity. Modern inter-Christian or ecumenical movement arose about a century ago and although the road to full unity seems long, many steps have been made in this direction. The inter-religious movement especially focuses on the dialogue among the major monotheistic religions of the world and today it gives us many hopes.Our study aims to show that ecumenical and inter-religious education is a necessity of our times that may lead to defusing many conflicts and preventing future tensions based on religion. Here, we have in mind the education within the Romanian Orthodoxy received during the religion classes in school and also with the help of the media.
19
Kane, Ross. "Ritual Formation of Peaceful Publics: Sacrifice and Syncretism in South Sudan (1991-2005)." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 386–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340024.
Full textAbstract:
During the most violent days of Sudan’s civil war in the 1990s, a peacemaking initiative known as People-to-People Peacemaking emerged to address ongoing conflict perpetuated by rival Dinka and Nuer rebel movements. The ritual of bull sacrifice, a central feature of the peace process, sealed peace between Nuer and Dinka and formed public alliances between church leaders and kinship authorities represented by elders and chiefs. Joining indigenous and Christian practices in a single ritual space allowed inclusive participation by a variety of actors, many of whom interpreted the ritual quite differently. Utilizing various methods of ritual analysis, this essay suggests that a seemingly religious ritual enabled new forms of political action, previously unavailable through rebel movements’ politics or kinship politics. While rebel leaders often perpetuated political power by manipulating ethnic sentiments, elders and Christian leaders developed forms of politics based on peaceful coexistence and shared identity between Dinka and Nuer.
20
Slater, Angus M. "Plenitudo." Interreligious Studies and Intercultural Theology 2, no. 2 (October 9, 2018): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/36609.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the possibility for a re-appraisal of the place and significance of the religious other within the work of the Radical Orthodoxy movement, particularly focused on early work by the central figure of John Milbank and the notion of plenitudo deployed and developed by Michael Hanby. In doing so, the notion of plenitude is identified as a critical part of a possible response to the mode of practice and theological conceptualisation of the religious other presented elsewhere within the Radical Orthodoxy movement, such as in the contemporary work and public engagement of John Milbank. This mode of practice remains overly focused on the end goal of narrative out-narration, undercutting broader commitments to the embodiment of Christian social peace. This article aims to show that this mode of practice currently employed is not a necessary one, and only one malfunctioning possibility among many.
21
Hamilton, Bernard. "‘God Wills It’: Signs of Divine Approval in the Crusade Movement." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000140.
Full textAbstract:
Robert the Monk, who was present at the Council of Clermont in 1095 and heard Urban II preach the crusade sermon, reports that when he had finished speaking all who were there shouted: ‘God wills it. God wills it’. The pope, Robert tells us, saw in this unanimity a sign of divine inspiration: ‘I tell you that God has drawn this response from you to express the feeling which he has inspired in your hearts’. Yet although Urban’s arguments and eloquence convinced his audience at Clermont, reactions to the crusade were more ambivalent among some people in the West, even among some of those who took the cross. This was a legacy of the ambiguous attitude of Western churchmen towards violence and warfare. Western society in the early medieval centuries was very violent, and, as Guy Halsall has rightly pointed out, the Church helped to determine the norms of violence which Christian society found acceptable. No doubt churchmen viewed their intervention primarily as a limitation exercise. From the later ninth century onwards, as the Carolingian Empire declined, the popes intermittently called on the warriors of the West to come to their aid. Indeed, in some ways the campaign of the Garigliano, conducted by a league of Byzantine and Lombard forces organized by Pope John X, who himself took part in the fighting, and which achieved its objective of ridding the Papal States of bands of Muslim raiders who had settled there, was like a rehearsal for the First Crusade. The Church further tried to influence the behaviour of Christian fighting men by encouraging the Truce and Peace of God movements in the early eleventh century, and in some areas the liturgical blessing of swords was introduced. Consequently, by 1095 the fighting men in Western Europe were accustomed to the Church hierarchy’s calling on them for help.
22
Nepstad, Sharon. "Creating Transnational Solidarity: The Use of Narrative in the U.S.-Central America Peace Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.1.8606h50k7135180h.
Full textAbstract:
As social problems become increasingly global, activists are working across state boundaries and forming transnational social movements. However, there is little information that illuminates how groups are able to overcome ethnic, class, ideological and cultural differences that could be obstacles to collaboration. Through an analysis of the story of Salvadoran martyr Archbishop Romero, I demonstrate how this narrative fostered solidarity between the progressive Central American church and U.S. Christians. By symbolically mirroring the social ontology of Christianity and melodramatically presenting the Salvadoran conflict with moral clarity, Romero's life story facilitated the construction of a transnational collective identity and provided a model of action. The moral credibility of the narrators, and the context in which Romero's story was told, influenced many Christians' decision to prioritize this religious identity over their national allegiance.
23
Coy, Patrick G. "Nonpartisanship, interventionism and legality in accompaniment: comparative analyses of Peace Brigades International, Christian Peacemaker Teams, and the International Solidarity Movement." International Journal of Human Rights 16, no. 7 (October 2012): 963–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2011.642144.
Full text
24
Nielsen, Jorgen S. "The Contribution of Interfaith Dialogue toward a Culture of Peace." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i2.1954.
Full textAbstract:
Dialogue among the adherents of the major world religions has alwaystaken place, especially, but not only, among the Abrahamic faiths: Judaism,Christianity and Islam. Excellent examples of this may be found in themidst of shared histories where we are more often presented with a recordof conflicts. The high points must be the enormously rich and creative interactionswhich took place in medieval Islamic Spain and southern Italy andat various times in places as far apart as Central Asia, Baghdad, Delhi,Cairo and the Ottoman Empire.As a movement with its institutions and full-time professionals, andnetworks of activists, interreligious dialogue is primarily a phenomenonof the twentieth century. It is the pressures of this century which havedemanded that we mobilize the resources of the great religions for dialogueand peace, purposes which have historically often seemed marginal.In India, the realization that a reasonably unified independence wouldonly be achieved if religions could work together, actually provides asignificant impetus towards the cooperation of religious leaders andinstitutions.The horrors of Nazi genocide in Europe spurred post-war generationstowards a radical review of traditional Christian attitudes towards Judaism.Out of regional tragedies, like the wars in Lebanon and in the formerYugoslavia, have come strengthened efforts across the social spectrum todisarm religious hatreds. The resurgence, in the last couple of decades, ofpolitical radicalism motivated by religion and expressed in religious terms, ...
25
Lucas, Hans-Dieter. "Sécurité et détente : Dimensions historiques et problèmes actuels de la politique de sécurité ouest-allemande." Études internationales 15, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701699ar.
Full textAbstract:
Against the background of the latest vehement discussions in West-Germany on the implementation of the NATO twin-track-decision this article analyses the current concepts of security and détente presented by the main political forces as well as their historical dimensions. The Christian Democrat/Liberal government pursues a pragmatic Atlanticist security policy, which is based largely upon Adenauer's principles such as exclusive definition of West German interests in the framework of the Alliance, rejection of one-sided disarmament and nuclear disengagement. Nevertheless, the government Kohl has adopted the main instruments of the new "Ostpolitik" in order to establish the calculability of West German policy in East and West. Détente is no considered as a political aim in itself. The Social Democrat concept of a security partnership with the East is strongly influenced by the principles and methods underlying the new "Ostpolitik". This concept aims at the creation of a denuclearized zone in Central Europe in order to facilitate a real détente between East and West. An optimistic view or détente appears to be an essential element of the political identity of the SPD. The ideas of the Greens and the "Peace Movement" - unilateral disarmament, creation of a denuclearized zone, renunciation on "first Use" - are variations of the pacifistic concepts already developped in the 1950's. The main reason for the formation of the "Peace Movement" is a change in West German political culture involving above all the younger population.
26
Sterk, Andrea. "On Basil, Moses, and the Model Bishop: The Cappadocian Legacy of Leadership." Church History 67, no. 2 (June 1998): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169760.
Full textAbstract:
Toward the end of the third century Bishop Narcissus of Jerusalem retired to the desert to escape the burdens and intrigues of the episcopate and devote himself to the “philosophic life.” By the sixth century we find much more often the reverse phenomenon—monks, with alleged unwillingness, abandoning the peace and solitude of the desert to engage in active episcopal careers. The intervening period saw the phenomenal spread of the monastic movement and its gradual assimilation by the hierarchy of the church. Monasteries contained rising numbers of ordainedpriests and deacons, and bishops were increasingly chosen from the ranks of monks. This process accelerated in the Christian East to such an extent that from the sixth century on monasteries are said to have served as virtual “seminaries for bishops.”
27
Jasper, James M. "Book ReviewResisting Reagan: The U.S. Central America Peace Movement. By Christian Smith. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Pp. xx+464." American Journal of Sociology 102, no. 5 (March 1997): 1476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/231107.
Full text
28
Steensen, Kristian Quistgaard, and Kaspar Villadsen. "From social gospel to CSR: Was corporate social responsibility ever radical?" Organization 27, no. 6 (September 30, 2019): 924–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508419877611.
Full textAbstract:
Critics lament that corporate social responsibility has failed to significantly change business practices and that it became ‘de-radicalized’ once embraced by corporate business management. Using historical analysis, this article reevaluates this de-radicalization thesis, questioning whether corporate social responsibility ever was as inherently radical as the thesis assumes. The article demonstrates that early corporate social responsibility was already invested with a strategy of pragmatism, an investment that traces back to a group of late 19th and early 20th century American Christian reformists, also known as the social gospel movement. They promised that industrialism would unify Christian ethics and capitalist production, thereby reconciling the conflict between profitseeking and social solidarity. The discourse they advanced already contained what would later become key corporate social responsibility components, including (1) the notion of ethical businessmen, (2) the corporation as a morally conscious being and (3) collaboration as the pathway to ‘industrial peace’. Theoretically, the analysis finds inspiration in Luc Boltanski’s and Eve Chiapello’s thesis on modern capitalism’s capacity to assimilate the critiques it faces, supplemented by Michel Foucault’s fine-grained analyses of the transformation and ‘tactical polyvalence’ of discourse. The two positions complement each other in their assumptions regarding the dialectical relationship between capitalism/critique (Boltanski and Chiapello) and power/resistance (Foucault). Tracing the origins of corporate social responsibility’s pragmatism further back in time than the conventional starting point in the 1950s casts new light on the de-radicalization thesis. In particular, corporate social responsibility emphasizes personal ethics as the key to industrial peace, a social gospel legacy that has steered corporate social responsibility away from demands that fundamentally challenge corporate capitalism.
29
Vondey, Wolfgang. "The Unity and Diversity of Pentecostal Theology." Ecclesiology 10, no. 1 (May 9, 2014): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01001006.
Full textAbstract:
Pentecostal theology is marked by an inherent struggle for self-realization as well as unity and ecumenical integration. A realistic portrayal of worldwide Pentecostalism is confronted with homogeneous and romanticized depictions or false stereotypes. Global Pentecostalism and Pentecostalism in the West are intertwined in a significant theological and ecumenical manner that allows an ecumenical perspective focused on the West to shed light on the unity of Pentecostal theology, the relationship of Pentecostal theology to the ecumenical traditions, and the integration of Pentecostal theology in broader Christian commitments to social justice, peace, and the conservation of the creation. A particular point of convergence exists between Western and worldwide Pentecostal theology in the social activism of the movement. Contemporary Pentecostalism is in transition towards becoming a diversified contributor to the shape of global Christianity and the renewal of the theological agenda.
30
Smilde, D. A. "Resisting Reagan: The U.S. Central American Peace Movement By Christian Smith. University of Chicago Press, 1996. 464 pp. Cloth, $55.00; paper, $19.95." Social Forces 77, no. 3 (March 1, 1999): 1218–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/77.3.1218.
Full text
31
Willoughby, Jay. "Islam in the Age of Global Challenges." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1430.
Full textAbstract:
On 14-15 November 2008, Georgetown University’s Copley Formal Loungeand Philodemic Room served as the venues for an extraordinary conferenceon a unique Muslim leader who is finally becoming better known in theUnited States: Fethullah Gulen. Beginning in the early 1950s, this graduateof the Turkish seminary system began encouraging Turkish businessmen andothers to build schools to provide a modern education to as many students aspossible. People listened, and there are now over 600 schools in 100 countries.This conference, “Islam in the Age of Global Challenges: AlternativePerspectives of the Gulen Movement,” which was sponsored by the GeorgetownUniversity President’s Office, the Alwaleed bin Talal Center forMuslim-Christian Understanding, and the Rumi Forum, attracted both Muslimand non-Muslim academics and others.Of the 170 papers submitted, forty were chosen the address the movementfrom the following viewpoints: (1) the man, his thoughts and ideas,and how he formed his community and (2) what the movement is doing visà-vis bringingmeaning to people’s lives, who/what were/are his sources, tolerance,dealing with non-Muslims, issues of religious freedom, women,peace issues, interfaith dialogue, the role of his schools in peacemaking,charitable organizations, financial sources, and globalization ...
32
Balmer, Randall. "“An End to Unjust Inequality in the World”." Church History and Religious Culture 94, no. 4 (2014): 505–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09404002.
Full textAbstract:
Since the emergence of the Religious Right in the late 1970s, American evangelicalism has commonly been associated with conservative politics. An examination of nineteenth-century evangelicalism, however, suggests a different affinity. Antebellum evangelicals marched in the vanguard of social change with an agenda that almost invariably advocated for those on the margins of society, including women and African Americans. Evangelicals were involved in peace crusades and the temperance movement, a response to social ills associated with rampant alcohol consumption in the early republic. They advocated equal rights for women, including voting rights. Evangelicals in the North crusaded against slavery. Although Horace Mann, a Unitarian from Massachusetts, is the person most often associated with the rise of common schools, Protestants of a more evangelical stripe were early advocates of public education, including leaders in Ohio, Michigan, and Kentucky. Some evangelicals, including Charles Grandison Finney, even excoriated capitalism as inconsistent with Christian principles.
33
Kang, Seulgi. "Recognition and Practice about Peace of Korean Christians in the 1910s: Focused on the Great Revival Movement and the 3.1 Movement." Theological Forum 104 (June 30, 2021): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17301/tf.2021.06.104.7.
Full text
34
Ward, Kevin. "'The Armies of the Lord': Christianity, Rebels and the State in Northern Uganda, 1986-1999." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 187–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00121.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe accession to power of the National Resistance Movement in Uganda in 1986 was intended to inaugurate a new beginning for Uganda, an end to the political, ethnic and religious divisions that had characterised the country's violent history since the 1960s. Although peace, stability and the strengthening of democratic structures have brought substantial progress to many parts of the country, the Acholi of Northern Uganda have felt largely excluded from these benefits. Violence and insecurity have characterised the districts of Gulu and Kitgum since 1986. It is not simply the failure of development that has been so distressing for the inhabitants, but the collapse of the moral framework and the institutions that gave society coherence. Religion has played a considerable part in articulating the sense of loss and anger at this state of affairs. Traditional Acholi and Christian religious sentiments have helped to shape and sustain rebel movements against the central government, and to inform Acholi responses to the violence inflicted by rebels and government. The article, based on field work conducted in 1999, examines ways in which the main Churches, Catholic and Protestant (Anglican), have historically been bound up with the political divisions of Acholi. It examines the painful adjustments which loss of access to power has necessitated, particularly for the Anglican Church. Since 1986 the Churches have had a vital role in conflict resolution and in envisioning new futures for Acholi. The majority of the population, required to live in 'protected villages', have few material and spiritual resources. The importance of Christian faith and practice for Acholi living in such situations of prolonged conflict, with few signs of speedy resolution, is assessed.
35
Wilson, Jeff. "Blasphemy as Bhāvana." Nova Religio 22, no. 3 (February 1, 2019): 8–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2019.22.3.8.
Full textAbstract:
Over the course of the twentieth century, Buddhism came to be associated widely with peace, tolerance, and calm detachment in the Western popular imagination. This association was created in opposition to depictions of Christianity as violent, intolerant, and irrational. Buddhism, as the imagined perfect Other, held considerable appeal for counterculture seekers disenchanted with mainstream cultures. While many Buddhist groups played upon these stereotypes to enhance their image and support recruitment, one new Buddhist movement—the Friends of the Western Buddhist Order—went further, employing ritualized “therapeutic blasphemy” to eradicate Christian conditioning in their members and critique mainstream society. Such actions baffled many other Buddhists, but make sense when seen as efforts to heighten in-group solidarity, proclaim distinctive identity, and take the assumption of Buddhism’s superiority over Christianity to its ultimate conclusion. This article attempts to explain why Buddhists might develop intolerant practices, and to assess the costs and benefits of such practices.
36
McMillan, James F. "Women in Social Catholicism in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-century France." Studies in Church History 27 (1990): 467–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012250.
Full textAbstract:
This lecture should also have a sub-title, perhaps something like ‘a study in ambiguity’, because I want to use it as a particular example of the great paradox which seems to lie at the core of the relationship between women and the Church. On the one hand, as is well known, most varieties of Christianity have been marked by a more or less powerful misogynist strain which, understandably, has been the focus for feminist denunciations of the Church as one of the principal enemies of women’s rights. On the other hand, as ecclesiastical historians perhaps know better than others, Christianity cannot be viewed crudely as a force invariably responsible for women’s oppression, since from its beginnings it has proved itself specially attractive to women, allowing them to find inner peace and deep fulfilment through Church-related activities. I hope to show tliat the history of women’s involvement in the social Catholic movement in France in the period before the First World War is a perfect illustration of the paradoxical situation in which, within the framework of a potentially restrictive Christian discourse, women have been able to make a distinctive contribution both to their religion and to society in general.
37
Nelson, Cary. "The Presbyterian Church and Zionism Unsettled: Its Antecedents, and Its Antisemitic Legacy." Religions 10, no. 6 (June 22, 2019): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060396.
Full textAbstract:
The new millennium has seen increased hostility to Israel among many progressive constituencies, including several mainline Protestant churches. The evangelical community in the US remains steadfastly Zionist, so overall support for financial aid to Israel remain secure. But the cultural impact of accusations that Israel is a settler colonialist or apartheid regime are nonetheless serious; they are proving sufficient to make support for the Jewish state a political issue for the first time in many decades. Despite a general movement in emphasis from theology to politics in church debate, there remain theological issues at the center of church discussion. The Protestant church with the longest running and most well-funded anti-Zionist constituency is the Presbyterian church in the US. In the last decade, its Israel/Palestine Mission Network (IPMN) has produced several increasingly anti-Zionist books designed to propel divestment resolutions in the church’s annual meeting. The most widely debated of these was 2014’s Zionism Unsettled: A Congregational Study Guide. This essay mounts a detailed analysis and critique of the book which documents the IPMN’s steady movement toward antisemitic positions. Among the theological issues underlying debate in Protestant denominations are the status of the divine covenant with the Jewish people, the role that the gift of land has as part of that covenant, and the nature of the characterization of the Jews as a “chosen people”. These, and other issues underlying Protestant anti-Zionism, have led to the formation of Presbyterians for Middle East Peace (PFMP), a group, unlike IPMN, that supports a two-state solution. The competing positions these groups have taken are of interest to all who want to track the role that Christian denominations have played in debates about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.
38
Seda, Owen, and Nehemiah Chivandikwa. "CIVIL SOCIETY, RELIGION AND APPLIED THEATRE IN A KAIROTIC MOMENT - PRELIMINARY REFLECTIONS ON A PROJECT ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE & TORTURE IN ZIMBABWE: 2001 – 2002." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1806.
Full textAbstract:
This article is a critical reflection on possibilities for social transformation and democratisation that can be possibly realised through collaborations between young people in civil society, African traditional religion and the Christian movement in contemporary contexts. In this context the focus on young people as key agents of change is informed by the frequent observation that young people are often the major perpetrators (and victims) of political violence and yet the least beneficiaries from the political spoils. The article analyses a project in the use of applied theatre to address political violence and torture that was conducted by the University of Zimbabwe's Department of Theatre Arts and Amani Trust some time between October 2001 and March 2002. The article uses that project to investigate and to illustrate some of the opportunities that can be harnessed by religious arms of civil society to strengthen peace in disadvantaged rural communities, such as we find in contemporary Zimbabwe, and which often bear the brunt of social unrest in times of political uncertainty. The study approaches time as a social construct that determines human agency and decision-making in order to adopt the biblical concept of ‘kairos’ or the ‘kairotic’ moment. The ‘kairotic’ moment referred to in this paper is the period between 1999 and 2008 when the Zimbabwean polity faced one of its severest national crises following protracted political contestation. This resulted in unprecedented levels of political intolerance, and state-sanctioned violence and torture in the country’s post-independence history. This level of political violence was perhaps second only to the infamous Gukurahundi massacres, which took place in the Midlands and Matebeleland provinces during the mid-1980s. We also view the kairotic moment as a critical moment for making a fundamental decision. It is full of both promise and danger, so much so that whether the moment ‘reaps’ hope or danger depends on how the moment is seized. We ask: Did civil society seize the moment to reap hope? In other words, we analyse whether various arms of Zimbabwean civil society took advantage of the ‘pregnant’ or kairotic moment to liberate itself. The authors adopt existing discourses on civil society and liberation theology to argue that whenever the time is ripe for meaningful intervention, there in fact exist immense opportunities for different branches of civil society domiciled in both traditional African and modern Christian religions to harness applied theatre in the service of peace and democratisation in the face of political adversity and uncertainty.
39
Castillo, Paula. "Las formas de la violencia entre frailes. El testimonio de Fray Ubertino de Casale = Forms of Violence between Friars. Ubertino of Casale’s Testimony." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval, no. 33 (April 21, 2020): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.33.2020.26258.
Full textAbstract:
El movimiento iniciado por Francisco de Asís ha sido asociado a lo largo del tiempo a un mensaje cristiano de paz, tolerancia y misericordia. Sin embargo, en la historia de la Orden encontramos diversos testimonios que refieren a situaciones turbulentas. El objetivo de este trabajo es ahondar sobre las diferentes formas en que se manifestaron la violencia y el conflicto entre hermanos a partir de un testimonio: el que desplegó fray Ubertino de Casale en los debates del concilio de Vienne entre 1310 y 1312. De este modo, se realizará una recolección de las diversas situaciones denuncias en torno a tópicos específicos, a la vez que se analizará con una mirada de análisis del discurso cuáles son los recursos que se despliegan a la hora de representar la violenciaAbstractThe movement initiated by Francis of Assisi has been identified over time with a Christian message of peace, tolerance and compassion. However, we find various testimonies that refer to turbulent situations in the history of the Order. The purpose of this study is to delve into the various means by which violence and conflict between friars themselves have surfaced. We will focus on friar Ubertino of Casale’s testimony in the debates of the Council of Vienne between 1310 and 1312. Through his testimony, we will identify a series of complaints by way of specific stereotypes, and through the use of discourse analysis we will unveil the elements utilized in order to represent violence.
40
Vasetsky, V. Y. "The influence of socio-political events in Europe in the XVI-XVII centuries on the development of legal doctrine of Modern history." INTERPRETATION OF LAW: FROM THE THEORY TO THE PRACTICE, no. 12 (2021): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2021-12-23.
Full textAbstract:
In the history of the country’s development there are periods in which significant changes in social, political and economic life take place. These undoubtedly include the period of the European Reformation of the XVI-XVII centuries. Socio-political events in critical periods are at the same time the source of development in the legal sphere, when often in the struggle crystallize new, necessary for the development of the state, legal provisions of a doctrinal nature. The aim of this paper is to analyze the socio-political events in Europe in the XVI-XVII centuries, the results of the Thirty Years’ War and the significance of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 in terms of influencing the development of legal doctrine of Modern history, and also to provide a comparison with the peculiarities of the socio-political situation that took place in the Ukrainian lands of that time. It is noted that since the beginning of the XVI century. almost the entire world of that time was covered by the Reformation. First of all, it was a broad socio-political movement that took the form of a struggle with the Catholic Church. Against this backdrop of socio-political and economic change, Protestantism has become widespread throughout Europe, associated with the names of Martin Luther, Jean Calvin, and Ulrich Zwingli. At the same time, the Catholic Church and the Jesuits opposed the Reformation and led the Counter-Reformation. The result of this confrontation was the Thirty Years’ War - the first pan-European war of 1618 – 1648 between the Catholic Union and the coalition of Protestant states. In European history, this war has remained one of the most terrible European conflicts. Historians estimate that more than 2 million military and more than 6 million civilians were killed. Thirty Years’ War in Europe in the XVII century. ended with the signing in 1648 at the same time in Münster and Osnabrück peace treaty, which was called the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. It is emphasized that the Peace of Westphalia contains a number of provisions of a doctrinal nature. It is made conclusion that this treaty was the source of modern international law and had a long-term impact on the development of relations between states. Among the most important principles of doctrinal nature are the following: state sovereignty has become a universally recognized legal category; the principle of freedom of conscience is recognized with certain restrictions; the idea of sovereignty and independence of each state was opposed to the idea of a single Christian community; proclaimed the idea of ensuring certain human rights, especially the principle according to which private property and the rights of citizens of a hostile state could not be changed by war. Ukrainian ties with European events of that era also took place. This was reflected in the text of the Treaty of Osnabrück, where Ukrainians are noted as allies of Sweden, and the Treaty determined the relevant international legal status of Transylvania at that time. It is noted that the period of the Reformation coincides with the events in Ukraine, as a result of which the Ukrainian Liberation War began, led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Keywords: European Reformation, Peace of Westphalia, legal doctrine, origins of law, the Revolution of Bohdan Khmelnytsky.
41
Griera, Mar. "The Many Shapes of Interreligious Relations in Contemporary Spain." Interdisciplinary Journal for Religion and Transformation in Contemporary Society 6, no. 2 (December 11, 2020): 317–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23642807-00602005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The idea of interreligious dialogue has gained worldwide traction in the last decades and has been promoted as a key component for religious peace. The aim of the article is to examine how interreligious aspirations and practices crystallize in different settings – namely diplomacy, governance and activism – and are shaped by the particular historical and political dynamics of each of these settings. The article explains how the plasticity of the idea of interreligious dialogue contributes to foster its popularity across different domains while serving to convey a wide range of meanings and expectations regarding interreligious pasts, presents and futures. Geographically, the article focuses on Spain and is based on qualitative fieldwork. The article shows that there have been considerable efforts to promote interreligious initiatives and that the global interreligious narrative has been re-fashioned locally, by including the idea of Al-Andalus as a lighthouse. However, the image of Spain and its history, as a foundational space for interreligious dialogue and multi-religious coexistence is contested by the current growth of extreme-right movements, and parties re-claiming the Christian foundational narrative of the country put this kind of initiative in peril.
42
Tugnoli, Claudio. "Theodicy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 29 (October 31, 2016): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n29p10.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout all of Rousseau’s works there is tension between argumentation and feeling, speculation and intuition, reason and conscience. Reason binds men when they think correctly, but divides them and opposes one to the other when they place it at the service of self-interest, of ambition and of the will to prevail. Conversely, the universality of conscience is immediate and transparent: it transmits the truth of the existence of God, of the freedom of men, of the distinction between good and evil, as well as of the universal principles that are at the roots of human action and of the virtues honoured by all human societies, despite the differences of particular legislations. Mankind possesses an innate and intuitive conscience of the fundamental principles by which its conduct must be inspired. Were we to consider human actions only according to the criterion of physical need, of causality and of movement, vices and virtues would disappear and terms like morality and honesty would have no meaning. But each one of us perceives from within that this is not the case. We feel that moral good and evil are more real than anything else, without any need whatsoever to prove it. To obey the conscience one has of good and of evil without human mediation means to reject the dogmatic formalism of religions as well as the vanity of philosophical disputes. Every human being, however, is inserted into a national community. What should the state’s attitude be vis-à-vis religion? Rousseau indicates two paths. The first consists in establishing a purely civil religion that admits only those dogmas that are truly useful to society. Rousseau highlights the contradiction of a Christian religion that, although it is the religion of peace par excellence, fuels continuing bloody clashes among men due to a dogmatic theology that is totally alien to the essence of the Gospel and extremely hazardous for the life of the State. The second path consists in allowing Christianity to retain its authentic spirit, its freedom from any material constraint, without any obligations other than those of individual conscience. The Christian religion has such a pure and noble moral that it cannot but benefit the State, as long as one does not expect to make it part of the constitution.
43
Friedemann, Karin M. "Flowers of Galilee." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i4.1759.
Full textAbstract:
Flowers of Galilee breaks new ground in modern political discourse. Thisbook recommends a democratic one-state solution in all of historicalPalestine and the return of the Palestinians to rebuild their villages. Thebeautiful front cover painting by Suleiman Mansour of Jerusalem lovinglydepicts a Palestinian family, children seated on a donkey, walking past a hillcovered with olive trees. Similarly, Israel Shamir’s essays portray the peaceful,pastoral landscape of the Holy Land and the humanity of its inhabitants,juxtaposed against the ugliness and inhumanity of Jewish racism.These thought-provoking essays, written in Jaffa during the al-AqsaIntifada in 2001-02, call for Jews to leave their sense of exclusivity andplead for human equality. The author, a Russian immigrant to Israel in 1969,followed his meditations to their inevitable conclusion, renounced Judaism,and was baptized in the Palestinian Orthodox Christian Church ofJerusalem. A brilliant storyteller with a vast knowledge of history, he discussescurrent events and their global implications with brutal honesty andtenderness. His clear insights and lyrical use of language to illustrate social,religious, and political complexities make him the Khalil Gibran of our time.An important chapter, “The Last Action Heroes,” memorializes theSpring 2002 siege of Bethlehem. The Israeli army surrounded 40 monksand priests and 200 Palestinians seeking refuge in the Church of Nativity.For a month, “people starved ... Stench of corpses and of infected woundsfilled the old church” (p. 63). The UN did nothing, but a few InternationalSolidarity Movement activists from America and Europe, including theauthor’s son, broke the siege. One group distracted the soldiers while theothers rushed into the church’s gates, brought food and water, and helpednegotiate a surrender.Shamir deconstructs the legal fictions of the state of Israel and the elusivePalestinian state: “Israelis who would like to live in peace with theirPalestinian neighbors ... cannot counteract the raw muscle of the AmericanJewish leadership” (p.179). He further dissects the Jewish Holocaust cultand other Zionist public relations tactics. He exposes the two-state solutionas a political bluff, calls on the world to cut off aid to Israel, and admonishesthe Muslim world for indulging in usury ...
44
Johnson, Sylvester. "Red Squads and Black Radicals: Reading Agency in the Archive." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no. 2 (May 23, 2020): 387–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfaa018.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Scholarly accounts of racial formation have regularly focused on the role of state actors or non-state oppressive subjects administering racial systems against a dominated population. Challenges or resistance to state racialization practices by dissenting communities, on the other hand, have not received commensurate engagement, particularly at the level of race-making. Judith Weisenfeld demonstrates in New World A-Coming that African American religious movements such as the Moorish Science Temple of America and the Peace Mission were not merely protesting a racial system but also inventing new racial subjectivities. This account of Black radical agency is deeply consequential for understanding the religious dimensions of Black radical politics and the agential architecture of racialization. In this article, I apply Weisenfeld’s method of mapping radical agency from the underside of state archives. The focus is on the Southern Christian Leadership Conference’s Chicago campaign of 1966 and the Poor People’s Campaign (PPC) that culminated in the summer of 1968. I argue that Black radical activists, despite being targeted by counterintelligence operations of law enforcement, nevertheless transformed the politics of race and power with lasting consequences by exceeding in specific ways the efforts of state actors to destroy Black liberation projects. The archival records of state entities themselves render the import of Black agency. This implies, among other things, that scholarship on Black religion and racialization broadly must shift significantly to account for a central argument of Weisenfeld’s book: dominated peoples have been agents of racial histories and not merely objects of racial governance.
45
Newman, Barrie. "Peace movement imagery." Society 23, no. 3 (March 1986): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695702.
Full text
46
Gray, Phillip W. "“Peace, Peace, but there is No Peace”: A Critique of Christian Pacifist Communitarianism." Politics and Religion 1, no. 3 (October 27, 2008): 411–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048308000394.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe communal elements of Christianity are of increasing concern to religious thinkers. Indeed, for some religious thinkers, the importance of community is paramount in Christian belief and practice, especially as these communitarian views interact and enhance Christian pacifism. The community of Christians as the “peaceable kingdom” becomes the core element of Christian life. But is this pacifist communitarian Christianity tenable? In this article, I will argue that pacifist communitarianism leads to unexpected and objectionable consequences. Specifically, I will consider the views of John Howard Yoder and Stanley Hauerwas. By explicating the weaknesses of their pacifist views, most especially on the issue of coercion and the notion of “Constantinianism,” I will show that both thinkers tend toward a view of Christian separatism vis-à-vis the secular world. Both thinkers' systems present problems in communicating truth to those not already in the community. Finally, their communitarian views conflict with their pacifism, in the end requiring those not within the community to act as if they were members.
47
Frend, W. H. C. "World Christian Movement." Expository Times 114, no. 1 (October 2002): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460211400109.
Full text
48
Vincent, Galtung Johan. "Peace Studies Professionalism and Peace Movement Idealism." Journal of Peace Studies 17, no. 6 (December 31, 2016): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14363/kaps.2016.17.6.7.
Full text
49
Ron, Nathan. "The Christian Peace of Erasmus." European Legacy 19, no. 1 (November 7, 2013): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2013.859793.
Full text
50
Beinin, Joel, Mordechai Bar-On, Iman Abdel Megid Hamdy, Reuven Kaminer, and Simona Sharoni. "The Israeli Peace Movement." Middle East Report, no. 205 (October 1997): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3013097.
Full text