Journal articles: 'Christian-Muslim polemic'

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Thomas, David. "The Bible in early Muslim anti‐Christian polemic." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 7, no. 1 (1996): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596419608721065.

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Greifenhagen, F. V. "Scripture Wars: Contemporary Polemical Discourses of Bible Versus Quran on the Internet." Comparative Islamic Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2011): 23–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v6i1-2.23.

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This article argues that on-line polemical discourse between Muslims and Christians deserves not to be dismissed but rather careful examination and analysis. To this end, it engages in the process of describing, categorizing and characterizing online polemical sources dealing with the Quran and the Bible in relation to each other. After a brief consideration of the nature of polemic, and of the themes of past Muslim-Christian polemic, three particular cases are examined in some detail: the suffering servant passage in Isaiah 53, the quranic story of the angels prostrating to Adam, and the meanings of surah 112. In conclusion, some effects of the existence and use of on-line polemic on teaching and scholarship on the Bible and the Quran are considered.

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Colominas Aparicio, Mònica. "Translation and Polemics in the Anti-Jewish Literature of the Muslims of Christian Iberia: The “Conversion of Kaʿb al-Aḥbār” or the “Lines of the Torah”". Medieval Encounters 26, № 4-5 (2020): 443–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340082.

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Abstract Muslim anti-Christian and anti-Jewish polemics from Christian Iberia often include references and quotations from the Qurʾān, the Torah, and the Gospels. Even when they are composed in Romance, the script used in their writing is often Arabic. This article discusses the conversion narrative of “the lines of the Torah,” in which translation is halfway between the faithful rendering of the original and its interpretation by its Muslim scribe. I show in this paper that the ability to convey, or so to speak, to “unveil,” new meanings makes translation a powerful means to convert the opponent and to strengthen the faith in Islam. The analysis aims to shed light on the intellectual and social milieus of “the lines of the Torah,” and deals with translation in other anti-Jewish Muslim writings from the Christian territories: the “Jewish Confession,” or Ashamnu; the chronology in Seder Olam; and the lengthy Muslim anti-Jewish polemic of Taʾyīd al-milla (The Fortification of the Faith or Community).

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Mardanova, Dinara. "Hasan ‘ Ata Gabashi versus the Missionary Evfimiy Malov: An Example of Muslim-Christian Polemics of the Late 19th Century." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 4 (2020): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-4-343-372.

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The article deals with the Muslim reaction to the Russian Orthodox missionaries’ challenge in the polemic work by Hasan ‘Ata Gabashi “Nur al-haqiqa” (1886). The author explores the internal mechanism of Islamic discourse, which works to protect the sphere of Muslim dogmatic (‘aqida) from the “alien” influence and is realized through the delineation of protective boundaries. As a defence tactic, Gabashi uses the strategy of refuting “false idea” or “false teaching” from ‘Ilm al-Kalam. The paper analyses the development of the narrative, the argumentation used by Gabashi and the behavior of those involved in the polemics. As he implements his “protective project,” Gabashi explores and criticizes Christian ideas in terms of his own discourse. As the Muslim author, Gabashi does not reject the entire Christian doctrine or the entire Bible, but selectively criticizes “distortions” that are contrary to Islam.

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Dorroll, Philip. "Christian Polemic and the Nature of the Sensual: Depicting Islam in Arabic Christian Theology." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (2014): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0092.

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This paper analyses major examples of some of the earliest Christian theological texts written in Arabic, authored within two centuries of the first Christian contact with Islam. These texts also comprise the first systematic Christian theological critiques of Islam written in Arabic. As with many later Christian polemical engagements with Islam, these texts attempt to associate Islam with violence and sensuality. This paper analyses this highly influential theological and rhetorical strategy and shows that it in fact reveals some of the key theological differences between Christian and Muslim theological paradigms. This analysis suggests that Christian and Muslim theological misunderstanding may be discursively located within differing theologies of the body and materiality.

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Asdullah, Dr Sajid. "A Rare Persian Interpretation Tabjil al tanzil of Subcontinent: research study on Manuscript of Surah Al-fatiha." ĪQĀN 1, no. 02 (2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36755/iqan.v1i02.51.

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The intellectual heritage in British–India includes literature of Christian missionaries which focusses missionary perspective and the literature of Muslim missionary in response. In this Case, literature based on polemic method from both sides has become quite important. Specialists of Muslim Christian relations and religious students should be aware of debates of this ere. The criticism on Quran seems quite abundance on social media from opponents and enemies as well as their efforts are quite evident on minds of habitual valiance to precariousness and skepticism. That’s why, the preacher and student of Islamic religion should bring in light the effort being made by Muslim scholars in response to their claims. One of selected flowers in the caravan of Muslim scholars is Abu Mansoor Dehlvi (1902 AD). Tabjil al Tanzil is one of the prominent Quranic Interpretation which focuses on the replies to objections raised against Islam and Quran by Christians in Sub continent. In this paper, author tried to find out this un-published interpretation (as it is supposed) and analyzed its first part containing on surah al fatiha (manuscript). In the result, he finds that polemic method is prevailed. And objections against Islam has been silently condemned.

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MONFERRER SALA, Juan Pedro. "Una muestra de kalam cristiano: Abu Qurra en la sección novena del Kitab muyadalat ma' al-mutakallimin al-muslimin fi maylis al-Jalifa al-Ma'mun." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 10 (October 1, 2003): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v10i.9250.

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In this paper, we translate and study the 9th section of the Kitab muyadalat ma' al-mutakallimin al-muslimin fi maylis al-Jalifa al-Ma'mun, atributed to Theodorus Abo Qurrah (c. 750-820), a Melkite from Edessa and later Bishop of Harran. This section includes a «debate» that occured between Abu Qurrah and the Caliph al-Ma'mun concerning the crucifixion of the Messiah, in which the Christian polemist applies and develops a series of apologetic and polemic discursive resources through he defends against the attacks of the Muslim author.

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Tottoli, Roberto. "Muslim Traditions Against Secular Prostration and Inter-Religious Polemic." Medieval Encounters 5, no. 1 (1999): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006799x00286.

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AbstractMuslim tradition forbids the prostration before men (secular prostration). The utterances of the Prophet Muhammad highlight this prohibition, contrasting it to the customs in use among Christians and Jews in the regions surrounding the peninsula. This precept is not stated in the Qur¸ān where, instead, the cases of the prostration of Joseph before his father and of Adam before the angels arc mentioned. After the advent of Islam, Christian and Jewish authors tried to give response to Muslim polemical attitudes. John of Damascus and Abū Qurra above all rejected the Muslim accusations, relying upon biblical references, drawing a distinction between prostration to God and prostration before men. The same direction is taken by the Jewish Qirqisānī in a long passage in his Kitāb al-anwār.

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Lubanska, Magdalena. "Muslim Pilgrims at the Orthodox Christian Monastery in Hadzhidimovo." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 22, no. 2 (2013): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2013.220206.

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This essay questions the thesis of the supposed syncretic nature of the religion of Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, an idea still espoused in Bulgarian ethnography and popular among the Rhodope Christian population. It examines the Muslim motivations for attending Christian holy places in the Rhodopes, particularly the Monastery of St George in Hadzhidimovo, to gather evidence from the actual participants. It shows that the local Muslims and Christians offer incompatible interpretations of the Muslim practice. Furthermore, it takes into account Muslim and Christian testimonies on how Muslims behave in the monastery of St George, and how their gestures are interpreted by both groups. Although the Muslim narratives betray a rather anti-syncretic attitude to Christianity, the Christians sometimes tend to see them as actual crypto-Christians. In my conclusions I stake out a position in the recent polemic between Glenn Bowman and Robert Hayden concerning the specificity of interactions between dissenters at sacred shrines.

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Salem, Salem A. "Muslims and Christians Face to Face." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (1998): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2187.

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Muslims and Christians Face to Face is an academic research work thatobserves the various response of Muslims to Christianity and Christians toIslam. It is written by Kate Zebiri, who is a lecturer in Arabic and IslamicStudies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.In the first chapter, "Factors Influencing Muslim-Christian Relations," Zebiridiscusses the four factors that affect Mu Jim and Christian perceptions of eachother.The first factor is what the Qur'an says about Christians and Christianity, andthe way in which the Qur'anic material has been interpreted. With regards to thisfactor the author discusses the Qur'anic awareness of religious plurality, theQur'anic perception of Jesus, the earthly end of Jesus in the Qur'an, and what theQur'anic verses say about the salvation of the People of the Book in the hereafter.Moreover, Zebiri tries to draw attention to the difference between what theQur'an says about Christians and Christianity, and the way in which the Qur'anicmaterial has been interpreted, and the difference between the commentators' andjurists' positions toward Christianity, in both the classic and contemporary periods.The second factor is the history of Muslim-Christian relations and the affectof historical memory. Here the author describes the relation between the ArabMuslim conquest and the Byzantine Christian Empire; the situation ofChristians under Muslim rule; the affect of the Crusades on the Muslims' attitudesto Christianity; the development of the Christian attitude to Islam fromignorance during the European Christendom, to anti-Muslim polemic attitude toconduct studies on Islam based on reliable sources after the Renaissance, tousing Islam as a theme in internal Christian polemic during the time of theReformation, to admiring Islam for its own sake in the Enlightenment; and finally,the attitude of both liberal and conservative Christians to Islam today.The third factor is the relationship between Christian missions and imperialismand the influence this has on the Muslim attitude toward Christianity today.With regards to this factor, the author explores the interrelationship betweenColonialism and Christian missions, and how it has been implanted in theMuslim consciousness and become part of the anti-Western discourse.The fourth factor is Christian and Muslim views on dialogue. In this pare theauthor shows the Christian acknowledgment of Islam as a result of the Christianecumenical movement She states that Muslims have been slow to initiate andparticipate in organized dialogue. In addition, she mentions that many Christiansand Muslims see dialogue as antithetical to their mission or da'wah, believingthat one compromises the other ...

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Roth, Norman. "Forgery and Abrogation of the Torah: A Theme in Muslim and Christian Polemic in Spain." Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 54 (1987): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3622585.

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Sarwar, Eric. "The Missional Singing of the Psalms in Islamic Contexts." International Bulletin of Mission Research 44, no. 2 (2019): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319848952.

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For fourteen centuries scriptural engagement between Islam and Christianity has focused on the Torah and the Injil (the NT). Common to both traditions, however, is the Zabur, or Psalms. This common text, which has largely been overlooked in Christian-Muslim relations, has recently begun to move interactions from polemic to peaceful. This article explores three similarities between the Psalms and the Qur’an: revelation (prophetic and poetic origin), recitation (oral practice and transmission), and ritual (liturgical and canonical prayers). As Muslims and Christians reimagine scriptural engagement on the common ground of the Psalms, peacebuilding can significantly advance in the twenty-first century.

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Szpiech, Ryan. "«Testes sunt ipsi, testis et erroris ipsius magister»: The Muslim as a Witness in Medieval Christian Polemic." Medievalia 19, no. 2 (2017): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.409.

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Catlos, Brian A. "Accursed, Superior Men: Ethno-Religious Minorities and Politics in the Medieval Mediterranean." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 4 (2014): 844–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000425.

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AbstractOne of the most salient features of the medieval Mediterranean is that it was a zone of intense interaction and long-term cohabitation of members of various ethno-religious communities whose relations are usually conceived of as fundamentally adversarial. Yet Christians, Muslims, and Jews lived amongst each other in both the Christian- and Muslim-ruled Mediterranean, even during the era of the crusades. Typically, such relationships have been presented as either fundamentally hostile, or cordial, and as related to the “tolerance” that host cultures were inclined to demonstrate as a consequence of their own religious orientation. This paper takes a different, phenomenological approach by focusing on a specific manifestation of this interaction: the emergence of out-group political elites in confessionally defined societies. Through the medium of three case studies—a powerful Jew in Islamic Spain, a powerful Muslim in Norman Sicily and a powerful Coptic Christian in Fatimid Egypt—I demonstrate that the status of minority elites was related to concrete political circumstances grounded in the particular environment of the region, and that, despite cultural differences that might have distinguished them, these societies developed near-identical strategies for engaging with minority elites. The language of religious polemic, exclusion, and marginalization was present, but it tended to serve as a post factum rationalization for repression rather than its cause, and tended to be deployed decisively only in certain circumstances. This provides new insights not only into Muslim-Christian-Jewish relations, but the fundamental nature of Mediterranean history and society.

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Mazur, Peter. "Combating “Mohammedan Indecency”: The Baptism of Muslim Slaves in Spanish Naples, 1563-1667." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 1 (2009): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006509x454707.

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AbstractIn the century following the Council of Trent, ecclesiastical authorities in Naples embarked on a campaign, the largest of its kind in Italy, to convert the city's Muslim slaves to Christianity. For the Church, the conversions were not only important for the conquest of individual believers, but symbolic occasions that demonstrated on a small scale important themes of Christian ethics and anti-Islamic polemic. At the same time, the number and frequency of the conversions forced secular authorities to confront the problem of the civil status of newly baptized slaves. During the seventeenth century, one of the highest tribunals of the state heard a series of cases that pitted baptized slaves who demanded their freedom against slave owners who saw their religious identity as unimportant.

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CUFFEL, ALEXANDRA. "From practice to polemic: shared saints and festivals as ‘women's religion’ in the medieval Mediterranean." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 68, no. 3 (2005): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x05000236.

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In this article I examini two problems regarding women's participation in shared saint veneration and festivals in the eastern Mediterranean and Iberia. First, I ascertain what women's practices were, whether women participated in or assigned meanings to rituals that were separate from those of men, and finally, whether these shared practices were enough to break down religious barriers between women so that we may speak of ‘women's piety’ or ‘women's religious culture’ as a category that extends beyond the confines of individual religious affiliations. Secondly, I explore the meanings that certain male writers assigned in these practices and their emphasis on the fact that it was women, according to them, who engaged in the rituals. I show that, in contrast to Christian or Jewish authors, many Muslim legalists focused on women as the primary participants in certain types of piety as a polemical strategy to denigrate religious practices of which they disapproved.

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Ahmad, Imad A. "Islam and Dhimmitude." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 3 (2004): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1778.

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Islam and Dhimmitude is an attempt to confute the concept of “protectedminority” (under which Islamic civilization established what was, up to itstime, the most successful model of pluralistic society) with the worst aberrationsfrom that model. The subtitle “Where Civilizations Collide” indicateshow the author expects her polemic to serve the current wave of neoimperialism.The book seeks to recruit Christians in support of the Zionistproject by explaining away Christian expressions of appreciation ofMuslim tolerance as a false consciousness inspired by a self-hatred she calls dhimmitude, meaning a state of mind that acquiesces, even promotes,the victim’s own subjugation.The book’s first half is devoted to proposing a paradigm in whichQur’anic verses in favor of human rights are ignored, official acts to thebenefit of dhimmis are brushed off as machinations to breed resentmentbetween dhimmi groups, and injustices against Muslims are figments of theimagination invented to whitewash the Islamic master plan for subjugatingthe non-Islamic world into a state of dhimmitude. The second half workswithin this paradigm to vilify Christian anti-Zionists (including Europeansas well as Arabs) as dhimmi pawns of Muslim oppressors. (Curiously, shedoes not attempt to dismiss Jewish critics of Israel in the same manner.) ...

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Zwirahn, Faris. "Typologies and Argumentation Tactics in Religious Polemics - An Analysis of al-Jawāb al Sahih and the Cyprus Letter." Entangled Religions 5 (July 10, 2018): 44–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v5.2018.44-94.

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Christian-Muslim polemical exchanges and the relationship between the two faiths’ religious authorities in the medieval period were often rigid. One exchange between Christian theologians in Cyprus and Muslim theologians in Damascus is evidently polemical and exemplifies the difficult relations that occurred early in the fourteenth century and the nature of challenging religious arguments. That is The Letter from the People of Cyprus and Ibn Taymiyya’s response to it. This article offers a new analysis through the perspective of particular theoretical typologies of religious polemics. Accordingly, the article shows that these two polemicists adhere to multiple scriptural and rational tactics in support of their biased understanding of religious truth and the definition of impeccable revelations. It also shows that both theologians were involved in forceful and sometimes contradictory argumentative techniques.

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Johnston, David. "Christian and Muslim Dialogues." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 1 (2013): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i1.1162.

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In his first book David Bertaina, assistant professor of religion in the Universityof Illinois’ History Department (Springfield), makes an important contributionto our knowledge of Christian-Muslim relations in the first fivecenturies of the Islamic era. Also a scholar with the Institute of Catholic Culturein McLean, VA, he is critical of many interreligious dialogues today, asthey tend to be straightjacketed by liberal ideals of tolerance and neutrality.The result is that, unlike the robust and dynamic dialogue literature in the earlycenturies of Islamdom that took “seriously the truth claims of its participantsin matters of faith and reason,” much of which passes now for interfaith conversationavoids what is most precious to each side in the name of “neutrality.”Another lesson we can draw from the past is the importance of highlightingthe issue of power when different communities of faith come together to debate. Not surprisingly, much interfaith dialogue today, he notes, can often feel“oppressive” to Muslims, at least to some extent, as it did for Christians livingunder Islamic rule – even in the heyday of cosmopolitan Abbasid Baghdad.An historian and Semitic languages specialist, Bertaina trains his sightson the ancient Near Eastern literary genre of interreligious dialogue, whichcan be traced back to Plato and other early Greek writers, and which Christiansleveraged in their own polemics with Jews in the fifth and sixth centuries CE.Between the second and fifth centuries AH, both Muslims and Christians usedthe dialogue genre to communicate their own convictions about religious truth,in both apologetic and polemical modes. While they were mostly addressingtheir own communities, they also sought to persuade the religious other. Infact, this was a discourse that also functioned as “a means to fulfill epistemiccommitments such as that of Christians to evangelization and Muslims to mission(da’wa)” (p. 3) ...

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Ropi, Ismatu. "Muslim‐Christian polemics in Indonesian Islamic literature." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 9, no. 2 (1998): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596419808721149.

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Siddiqui, Ataullah. "Portrayal of Christianity and Use of Christian Sources in the Tafsir-i Sanai of Sanaullah Amritsari (d. 1948)." International Journal of Asian Christianity 2, no. 1 (2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00201006.

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This article explores Christian-Muslim relations during the colonial period, with special reference to Sanaullah Amritsari. It highlights how his Quranic exegesis responded to the multi-dimensional challenges of the time with special reference to Christianity. It points out how the Charter Act 1813 opened up India to Christian missionaries, and suggests that the polemical responses provided by Amritsari were influenced by successive aggressive missions of the time. The methods deployed to respond to Islam, particularly by converts from Islam, also left a particular impact on the two communities. Amritsari responds to them in his tafsir but also via other publications. In this exploratory article, some of the issues discussed through such publications are also included as an example of these polemics.

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Bellver, José. "Mirroring the Islamic Tradition of the Names of God in Christianity: Ramon Llull’s Cent Noms de Déu as a Christian Qurʾān". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 2, № 1-2 (2014): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00201017.

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‭The aim of this paper is to call attention to Ramon Llull’s Cent noms de Déu, or The One Hundred Names of God, and its unique place in the history of medieval Christian-Muslim polemics. Llull (1232–1315) was a writer, logician, philosopher, theologian and mystic born in Mallorca shortly after it was conquered by Christians from the Muslims. Initially living the life of a troubadour, he experienced a religious conversion and committed himself, in turn, to convert the “infidels”. With his Cent noms de Déu, a versified book written under the influence of the Islamic tradition of the asmāʾ Allāh al-ḥusnā, Llull aimed to refute Muslim claims regarding the inimitability of the Qurʾān (iʿjāz al-Qurʾān) which is believed to prove the divine origin of Islam’s sacred book. In addition, Llull sought to introduce an Islamic ethos into Christianity by suggesting a similar use in Christian daily worship to that of the Qurʾān in Muslim life, making his Cent noms de Déu a unique book in medieval Christian-Muslim polemics. I also provide a new dating and reevaluation of Llull’s intentions in writing this book.‬

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Abbink, J. "Religion in public spaces: Emerging Muslim-Christian polemics in Ethiopia." African Affairs 110, no. 439 (2011): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adr002.

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Westerlund, David. "AHMED DEEDAT'S THEOLOGY OF RELIGION: APOLOGETICS THROUGH POLEMICS." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 3 (2003): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322663505.

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AbstractWithin Africa, as well as outside the continent, the writings and videocassettes of Ahmed Deedat have been, and still are, most influential. In this article, Deedat's great interest in religious polemics, especially against Christianity, has been interpreted primarily as an apologetical endeavour influenced largely by the marginal and exposed situation of the small minority of Muslims in the strongly Christiandominated South Africa. Deedat's main task was to provide Muslims with theological tools for defending themselves against the intense missionary strivings of many Christian denominations. He spoke and wrote for the Muslim masses rather than for learned scholars, and the fact that he used English instead of Arabic or some other 'Muslim' language further increased the availability of his writings among, for instance, Muslim minorities in Europe and North America.

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Grigoryan, Sona. "Diego R. Sarrió Cucarella: Muslim-Christian Polemics across the Mediterranean. The Splendid Replies of Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285)." Entangled Religions 3 (October 17, 2016): CXVI—CXXII. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v3.2016.cxvi-cxxii.

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This contribution offers a review of:Diego R. Sarrió Cucarella: Muslim-Christian Polemics across the Mediterranean.The Splendid Replies of Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285). Leiden: Brill, 2015. 368 pages, €135,00/$175.00, ISBN (hardback) 9789004285514

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Griggs, Jennifer. "Beyond the polemics of Christian–Muslim Relations: Exploring a Dialogical Approach." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 30, no. 2 (2013): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378813479220.

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Krstić, Tijana. "Reading Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān’s Tuḥfa (1420) in the Ottoman Empire: Muslim-Christian Polemics and Intertextuality in the Age of “Confessionalization”". Al-Qanṭara 36, № 2 (2015): 341–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2015.010.

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Tayyara, Abed el-Rahman. "Muslim–Paulician Encounters and Early Islamic Anti-Christian Polemical Writings." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, no. 4 (2016): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2016.1218650.

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Siddiqui, Mona. "Diatribe, Discourse and Dialogue: Reflections on Jesus in the History of Christian-Muslim Encounters." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 435–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050336.

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The history of Christian-Muslim encounter is a growing field in areas of Christian theology and Islamic Studies. While there is arguably no particular systematic discipline or approach, anyone who enters the history of the theological encounters between these two religions is met with a large body of work which reflects an unusual complexity and degree of nuance. These range from polemical and irenic approaches by those who were writing in response to critiques of their faith without any direct contact with one another, to those Muslim and Christian writers who lived and wrote within the shared culture and civilization of the Arab East.

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Tieszen, Charles L. "Muslim-Christian Polemics across the Mediterranean: TheSplendid Repliesof Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, no. 3 (2015): 362–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2015.1108627.

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Leirvik, Oddbjørn. "History as a Literary Weapon: The Gospel of Barnabas in Muslim-Christian Polemics." Studia Theologica - Nordic Journal of Theology 56, no. 1 (2002): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003933802760115417.

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Mirza, Younus Y. "The Disciples as Companions: Ibn Taymiyya’s and Ibn al-Qayyim’s Evaluation of the Transmission of the Bible." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 5-6 (2018): 530–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340030.

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AbstractStudies of Christian-Muslim polemics often disregard medieval Mediterranean Muslim contributions to the analysis of the biblical tradition. An early golden era of Muslim-Christian engagement in Baghdad is replaced by a decline in the Middle Ages which is only to be reversed with the advent of modernity. In this article, I contend that Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350) critically engage the biblical tradition based on their backgrounds as hadith scholars. Both question whether the Bible was accurately narrated by pointing to perceived gaps in its transmission. Similarly, drawing on theological underpinnings of hadith, they make an analogy between the Disciples of Jesus and the Companions of Muhammad. Just as the Disciples spread the message of Christ, the Companions disseminated the message of Muhammad. Nevertheless, even though the Disciples and Companions were favored by God and spread their Prophet’s teachings, they were not divinely protected messengers (rusul) and could have erred in transmitting the message.

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McMichael, Steven J. "The death, resurrection, and ascension of Jesus in medieval Christian anti-Muslim religious polemics." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 21, no. 2 (2010): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596411003619806.

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Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava. "Some Neglected Aspects of Medieval Muslim Polemics against Christianity." Harvard Theological Review 89, no. 1 (1996): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000031813.

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Muslim medieval authors were fascinated with religious issues, as the corpus of Arabic literature clearly shows. They were extremely curious about other religions and made intense efforts to describe and understand them. A special brand of Arabic literature—theMilal wa-Niḥal(“Religions and Sects”) heresiographies—dealt extensively with different sects and theological groups within Islam as well as with other religions and denominations: pagan, Zoroastrian, Jewish, Christian, Hindu, and others. Of course, most of the heresiographies were written in a polemical tone (sometimes a harsh one, like that of the eleventh-century Spaniard Ibn Ḥazm's:Al-Faṣl fi-l-Milal wa-l-Ahwā wa-l-Niḥal[“Discerning between Religions, Ideologies, and Sects”]), but some come close to being objective, scholarly descriptions of other religions (for example, Al-Shahrastānī'sMilal wa-Niḥalbook from the twelfth century).

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von Stuckrad, Kocku. "Interreligious Transfers in the Middle Ages: The Case of Astrology." Journal of Religion in Europe 1, no. 1 (2008): 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489208x285468.

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AbstractThis article describes the discipline of astrology as an example of manifold interreligious contacts and transfers in the Middle Ages. Over against an image of the Middle Ages as being predominantly Christian and striving to violently suppress science, philosophy, and astrology, it is shown that in fact Christian, Muslim, and Jewish communities shared common interests and participated in an ongoing communication, even if in polemical differentiation. The case of astrology also illuminates the intellectual ties between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, which are much stronger than traditional historiography would like to portray them as.

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Ulbricht, Manolis. "Der Islam-Diskurs bei Niketas von Byzanz." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 3 (2021): 1351–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-0066.

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Abstract The article analyzes the anti-Islamic polemical discourse of Nicetas of Byzantium (9th/10th c.), one of the most important Byzantine apologists and polemicists flourishing in the intellectual-theological context of Patriarch Photios in Constantinople. This paper crystallizes the main topics of discussion in Nicetas’ Refutation of the Qur’an (Vat. gr. 681) and presents his argumentation against Islam.To structure and evaluate the wayNicetas perceives Islam, I have developed a methodology of four thematic categories (Theology, Ethics, History, Physiology) with correspondent polemical subcategories. This research approach may also serve as a paradigm enhancing further studies on other sources related to Christian-Muslim interfaith dialogue.

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TIMMERMAN, DANIËL. "Bullinger on Islam: Theory and Practice." Unio Cum Christo 3, no. 2 (2017): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.2.2017.art7.

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Abstract: The present inquiry engages with the perception of Islam and of Christian-Muslim relations in the works of the sixteenth-century Zurich Reformer Heinrich Bullinger (1504–1575). On the basis of previous research, it attempts to deepen our understanding of the Reformer’s theory of Islam by comparing it with the notions of true and false prophecy. This theological perspective is broadened by a discussion of Bullinger’s more practical advice on the Christian presence in Turkish territories and on evangelization of Muslims. These themes are explored through the Reformer’s correspondence, his 1551 catechetical letter to Hungarian Protestants, and his 1567 systematic and polemical exposition of Islam (Der Türgg).

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Tiburcio, Alberto. "Muslim-Christian Polemics and Scriptural Translation in Safavid Iran: ʿAli-Qoli Jadid al-Eslām and his Interlocutors". Iranian Studies 50, № 2 (2017): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2016.1233806.

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Ziaka, Angeliki. "Rearticulating a Christian-Muslim Understanding: Gennadios Scholarios and George Amiroutzes on Islam." Studies in Church History 51 (January 2015): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050166.

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From the eighth century, the Eastern Orthodox Churches engaged in various forms of theological dialogue and debate with newly emergent Islam. Although scholars have tended to study Islamic-Christian relations in terms of confrontation and direct conflict, this aspect, dominant as it may be, must not lead us to overlook another aspect of the relationship, that of attempts at rapprochement and understanding. Despite the acerbity of Byzantium’s anti-heretical and apologetic literature against Islam, there were also attempts at communication and mutual understanding between Christianity and Islam. These efforts became more tangible after the fall of Constantinople (1453), which marked a partial change in Orthodoxy’s theological stance towards Islam. The polemical approach, which had prevailed during Byzantine times, gave way in part to an innovative and more conciliatory theological discourse towards Islam. Modern Greek research categorizes the theological discourse that was articulated during this period according to two diametrically opposing models: the model of conciliation and rapprochement with Islam, which was not widely influential, and that of messianic Utopian discourse developed by Christians who had turned to God and sought divine intervention to save the community.

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Martínez-Gázquez, José. "Glossae ad ALCHORAN LATINUM Roberti Ketenensis translatoris, fortasse a Petro Pictauiense redactae: An Edition of the Glosses to the Latin Qurʾān in bnf ms Arsenal 1162". Medieval Encounters 21, № 1 (2015): 81–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342184.

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Robert of Ketton completed his translation of the Qurʾān in Latin in 1143 at the behest of Peter the Venerable. This translation, the first into any Western language, was highly influential on later encounters with the Qurʾān by Western Christians, being published in 1543 and used extensively in polemical writing on Islam and by future translators of the Qurʾān. The oldest manuscript of Ketton’s Qurʾān, Bibliothèque National de France, ms. Arsenal 1162, contains numerous Latin glosses to the text, both polemical and philological, only some of which have been properly studied. This article offers the first full edition of the Latin glosses to Ketton’s Latin Qurʾān in ms. Arsenal 1162, facilitating the further study of the history of Latin Qurʾāns and of Christian–Muslim relations in the Middle Ages.

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Sadan, Joseph. "In the Eyes of the Christian Writer al-Hārit ibn Sinān Poetics and Eloquence as a Platform of Inter-Cultural Contacts and Contrasts." Arabica 56, no. 1 (2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005809x398645.

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AbstractWhile ostensibly aspects of poetics are best discussed within a purely literary perspective, in fact they can hardly be disconnected from their socio-cultural and religious frameworks. Al-Hārit ibn Sinān was a Christian scholar and writer who lived under Muslim rule towards the end of the ninth and apparently also the beginning of the tenth century, precisely at the time when the first fruits of the idea of the Qur‘ān's stylistic inimitability (i’ğāz) began to ripe. Although this concept played a role also in interfaith polemics throughout the Middle Ages, our author shows his temperance and restraint by praising the style of the Bible (he would appear not to have read the books of the Old Testament in the original Hebrew but demonstrated understanding and a feeling for the text through another Semitic language: Syriac), both because as a Christian living under Muslim rule he was loathe to arouse an overt controversy with the society in which he lived, and also because glorifying the style of Holy Scripture, which he had apparently inherited from the Syriac-Byzantine culture, was an important tendency in and of itself in both Jewish and Christian literature (in England, for example, upsurges of this tendency have occurred even in modern times). Nevertheless, we cannot ignore the fact that our author did compare the poetics of four cultures: that of the Hebrews, that of the Greek (or rather Greek-Byzantine, rūm), that of the Syriac elements and that of the Arabs. He even tries to prove, using somewhat specious arguments, that the Hebrew portions of the Bible contain rhymes. His positions thus deserve to be considered retrospectively also in an interfaith and intercultural context.

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Reck, Jonathan M. "The Annunciation to Mary: A Christian Echo in the Qurʾān". Vigiliae Christianae 68, № 4 (2014): 355–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341179.

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The Annunciation to Mary as presented in the Protevangelium of James is an early account of Mary’s childhood and the Virgin Birth that flourished in both Western and Eastern Churches. This Annunciation account, distinct from versions found in the canonical gospels of the New Testament, successfully migrated beyond its Christian milieu, where it had traversed primarily by textual means in late-antiquity. The account’s widespread influence is attested to by its entry into the oral milieu of Arabia, the account being the basis by which the Qurʾān vindicates Mary and corrects Christological error amid a seemingly polemical environment. This article will evaluate qualities of the selected passage Q. 3:42-7 that elucidate the Annunciation’s gain of a new identity as it became adopted into the Qurʾānic corpus while considering how the Annunciation as presented in the passage provides further clarity as to the polemical and political circumstances surrounding the proto-Muslim community.

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Carpentieri, Nicole, and Carol Symes. "Introduction." Medieval Globe 5, no. 2 (2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.5-2.1.

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The seven articles in this thematic issue address written responses to different periods of turmoil that impacted Muslim and Christian societies in the western Mediterranean from the ninth to the sixteenth centuries. By highlighting the complexities of the literary artifacts produced in Sicily, al-Andalus, and North Africa, it offers new perspectives on the interactions between Islam and Christendom at a time of traumatic transition from one political and religious hegemony to another, as reflected in a variety of genres: apologetic and hagio-graphical works, interreligious polemics, military and diplomatic dispatches, historiography, travel narratives, and romance. These analyses reveal a cultural panorama in which "internal otherness" and religious rivalry are both generative forces within a Mediterranean of fungible linguistic and social boundaries, where traditional genres are inflected and re-invented and new vernacular forms arise from multicultural and multi-confessional encounters.

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Szpiech, Ryan Wesley. "The Aura of an Alphabet: Interpreting the Hebrew Gospels in Ramon Martí’s Dagger of Faith (1278)." Numen 61, no. 4 (2014): 334–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341328.

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The writing of the Catalan Dominican Ramon Martí (d. after 1284), well-known for its use of non-Christian sources, is one of the most striking examples of the medieval Dominican interest in the study of Arabic and Hebrew as a means of reading and exploiting Jewish and Muslim scriptures. This paper focuses on one aspect of Martí’s writing that bears directly on his concept of “foreign” scriptures and their place in polemical argument: his citation of New Testament passages in Hebrew translation in his final work, the Dagger of Faith (Pugio fidei, from 1278). Rather than relying on faulty seventeenth-century printed editions of the Dagger, as previous scholars have done, I will bring forth new examples from the manuscript tradition to consider Martí’s use of language and script. I will argue that he did not draw his citations from some previous Hebrew Gospels translation, but rather that he chose deliberately to translate his New Testament citations into Hebrew for polemical purposes. His translations reflect an important aspect of his overall polemical strategy, namely, his use of “foreign” scripts as markers of both textual authority and scriptural authenticity.

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Zinger, Oded. "Meanderings in the Arabic Literary Genizot." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 2-3 (2020): 188–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20201012.

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Abstract The Cairo genizot (plural of Geniza) provide not only new Arabic literary texts but also new contexts. This study explores different kinds of context by presenting several examples of Arabic literary material found mostly in the Ben Ezra Geniza (BEG). The examples include three tales that also appear in the Arabian Nights literature, a Judeo-Arabic fragment of a Šīʿī kitāb al-ğafr, a Muslim historical work dealing with Muḥammad’s letters to foreign rulers, a playful romantic polemical exchange between a Jewish man and a Christian woman and more. Thinking about different kinds of context is one of the ways to reconnect the study of the documentary and the literary genizot.

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Zaas, Peter. "Symposium on the Shema." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 48, no. 3 (2018): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107918781280.

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A panel of scholars ostensibly addressed “Shema in the Synoptic Gospels” at the 2017 Boston meeting of the National Association of Professors of Hebrew. “Ostensibly” because while all the essays acknowledge the significance of the keystone of both Jewish theology and liturgy for the authors of the New Testament, every essay focused on something larger than the narrow announced topic. Each, following the lead of Dr. Roberta Sabbath of the University of Nevada at Las Vegas, who describes the polemical nature of the Shema, notes how the statement of God's unity (whether or not followed by the Love and Tzitzit Commands) functions within the theological and cultural argument among Jews, Christians and Muslim, and within the Jewish and Christian communities as well.

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Wiegers, Gerard A. "The Persistence of Mudejar Islam? Alonso de Luna (Muhammad Abū 'l- Āsī), the Lead Books, and the Gospel of Barnabas." Medieval Encounters 12, no. 3 (2006): 498–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006706779166048.

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AbstractThis article deals with the origins of a famous group of Muslim texts, the so-called Gospel of Barnabas, a pseudoepigraphic piece of anti-Christian polemics in the form of a gospel, and the so-called Lead Books, found in Granada at the end of the sixteenth century. The authorship of these forgeries is controversial, but they seem to have their roots in medieval and renaissance mudejar and Morisco Spain. This essay situates the question of authorship against the background of the transition of mudejar to Morisco culture and deals with the Islamic names of some of those responsible for the texts: the Moriscos Alonso del Castillo (al-Jabbis), his son-in-law Miguel de Luna (al-Ukayhil), and their grandson and son Alonso de Luna (Muhammad Abū 'l- Āsī). New light is shed on the latter's travels to Rome and Istanbul and his Inquisition trial in 1618, as well as on his involvement in the Gospel of Barnabas and the Sacromonte Lead Book affairs.

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Wolińska, Teresa. "Elity chrześcijańskie wobec islamu (VII-X wiek)." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 529–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3730.

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It is difficult to find equally important event in history as the birth of Islam and Arab expansion, although their importance was not appreciated at first. Its appearance was a breakthrough in several dimensions: religious, political, economic, cultural and lingual. The article attempts to discuss the reaction of Christian elites to the new monotheist religion. Initially, Islam was not identified as a new, separate religion. It was believed that the invaders would be chased away soon. The invasion was perceived in the biblical context, as a punishment for sins and as a work of the devil. So thought Sophronios, Theodor, John of Nikiu. Other writers pointed out Jews and heretics as the cause of God’s anger (Maximus the Confessor), but also emperor Constans (Anastasius the Synaite, Sebeos, some anonymous authors). A debate between Christians and Muslims commenced when Muhammad was still alive and both parties knew virtually nothing of each other. With time, the knowledge about Islam increased, although it still depended on education, social status, place of residence and knowledge of Arabic. In the 8th century it became obvious that Muslim rule would continue which can be observed in the opinion expressed by such writers as Sebeos, Anastasios, Denys of Tell Mahré or Ghewond. The task of Christian elites then, was to survive in an alien, not in frequently hostile environment and to preserve Christian faith. It was even more important when, particularly under the Umayyad rule, the religious policy became worse for Christians, which resulted in numerous conversions to Islam. The church must have felt threatened, consequently new arguments in the disputes with Muslims were needed. A form of a dialogue or polemics between two adversaries appeared. This can be seen in the texts of Theodor Abu Qurra, John on Damascus, in the polemics between patriarch Timothy with caliph Mahdi (781), homilies of a Syriac bishop from Iraq Mar Aba II (641-751), a discourse between monk Bert Hale and a wealthy Muslim or the answer of emperor Leo III to caliph Umar II (719), to mention just a few. The Christians attacked primarily Muhammad himself. He was accused of being a heretic or fake prophet. His knowledge would come either from Jews or heretic Christians. His adversaries pointed out that he had not done miracles as Christ had. It was also said that his revelation had been nothing but his dream or a result of his illness (epilepsy), or even that he had been possessed by daemons. Another target of attacks was the Quran, which was presented as a falsified Scripture. According to Niketas, it was not created by God, but by a daemon, as a compilation of many, often contradicting texts. It was also criticized as being non-original. Islam, was also be spread with the sword rather than with the word.

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George-Tvrtković, Rita. "Bridge or Barrier? Mary and Islam in William of Tripoli and Nicholas of Cusa." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 4 (2016): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342229.

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Both Christianity and Islam claim the Virgin Mary, but most Christians throughout history have seen her as a barrier between the two religions, not a bridge. In the medieval period, Latin Christians noted errors in Qurʾānic Mariology and raised standards of the Virgin in wars against Muslims. By the sixteenth century, the use of Mary as an interfaith barrier escalated among Catholics who employed her to combat both Ottomans and Protestants. Yet two medieval churchmen, William of Tripoli and Nicholas of Cusa, stressed concord between Christian and Muslim Mariologies, despite the fact that they were both writing at times of great interreligious strife: William soon before the fall of Acre in 1291, and Nicholas soon after the fall of Constantinople in 1453. This article discusses how William and Nicholas, unlike most of their confreres, saw Mary as a theological link between Islam and Christianity. This perspective represents but one point in the historical trajectory of Christian views of Mary vis-à-vis Islam, a spectrum which has shifted from seeing the Virgin as either a bridge or barrier, depending on her polemical or irenic utility.

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Rowe, Paul S. "The Middle Eastern Christian as Agent." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (2010): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000462.

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The greatest accomplishment of the past ten to twenty years of scholarship on Christian groups in Middle Eastern states is the way scholars have recognized the agency of a population long objectified in both academic and polemical circles. Christians have long been viewed as the object of other actors. For some, they were mere products of Muslim societies that imposed upon them the debatably restricted or protected status ofahl al-dhimma. For others, they were the appendages of external forces determined to use them as devices of their interests. The concerns of such external forces only contributed to Christians' portrayal as vehicles of imperialism. Although these tropes persist, over the last several years many scholars have begun to explore the ways in which Arab and other Middle Eastern Christians operate as subjects in their own right.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Christian-Muslim polemic'

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