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Journal articles on the topic 'Christian-Muslim polemic'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Thomas, David. "The Bible in early Muslim anti‐Christian polemic." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 7, no. 1 (1996): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596419608721065.

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2

Greifenhagen, F. V. "Scripture Wars: Contemporary Polemical Discourses of Bible Versus Quran on the Internet." Comparative Islamic Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2011): 23–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v6i1-2.23.

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This article argues that on-line polemical discourse between Muslims and Christians deserves not to be dismissed but rather careful examination and analysis. To this end, it engages in the process of describing, categorizing and characterizing online polemical sources dealing with the Quran and the Bible in relation to each other. After a brief consideration of the nature of polemic, and of the themes of past Muslim-Christian polemic, three particular cases are examined in some detail: the suffering servant passage in Isaiah 53, the quranic story of the angels prostrating to Adam, and the mean
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Colominas Aparicio, Mònica. "Translation and Polemics in the Anti-Jewish Literature of the Muslims of Christian Iberia: The “Conversion of Kaʿb al-Aḥbār” or the “Lines of the Torah”". Medieval Encounters 26, № 4-5 (2020): 443–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340082.

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Abstract Muslim anti-Christian and anti-Jewish polemics from Christian Iberia often include references and quotations from the Qurʾān, the Torah, and the Gospels. Even when they are composed in Romance, the script used in their writing is often Arabic. This article discusses the conversion narrative of “the lines of the Torah,” in which translation is halfway between the faithful rendering of the original and its interpretation by its Muslim scribe. I show in this paper that the ability to convey, or so to speak, to “unveil,” new meanings makes translation a powerful means to convert the oppon
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Mardanova, Dinara. "Hasan ‘ Ata Gabashi versus the Missionary Evfimiy Malov: An Example of Muslim-Christian Polemics of the Late 19th Century." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 4 (2020): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-4-343-372.

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The article deals with the Muslim reaction to the Russian Orthodox missionaries’ challenge in the polemic work by Hasan ‘Ata Gabashi “Nur al-haqiqa” (1886). The author explores the internal mechanism of Islamic discourse, which works to protect the sphere of Muslim dogmatic (‘aqida) from the “alien” influence and is realized through the delineation of protective boundaries. As a defence tactic, Gabashi uses the strategy of refuting “false idea” or “false teaching” from ‘Ilm al-Kalam. The paper analyses the development of the narrative, the argumentation used by Gabashi and the behavior of thos
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Dorroll, Philip. "Christian Polemic and the Nature of the Sensual: Depicting Islam in Arabic Christian Theology." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (2014): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0092.

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This paper analyses major examples of some of the earliest Christian theological texts written in Arabic, authored within two centuries of the first Christian contact with Islam. These texts also comprise the first systematic Christian theological critiques of Islam written in Arabic. As with many later Christian polemical engagements with Islam, these texts attempt to associate Islam with violence and sensuality. This paper analyses this highly influential theological and rhetorical strategy and shows that it in fact reveals some of the key theological differences between Christian and Muslim
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Asdullah, Dr Sajid. "A Rare Persian Interpretation Tabjil al tanzil of Subcontinent: research study on Manuscript of Surah Al-fatiha." ĪQĀN 1, no. 02 (2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36755/iqan.v1i02.51.

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The intellectual heritage in British–India includes literature of Christian missionaries which focusses missionary perspective and the literature of Muslim missionary in response. In this Case, literature based on polemic method from both sides has become quite important. Specialists of Muslim Christian relations and religious students should be aware of debates of this ere. The criticism on Quran seems quite abundance on social media from opponents and enemies as well as their efforts are quite evident on minds of habitual valiance to precariousness and skepticism. That’s why, the preacher an
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MONFERRER SALA, Juan Pedro. "Una muestra de kalam cristiano: Abu Qurra en la sección novena del Kitab muyadalat ma' al-mutakallimin al-muslimin fi maylis al-Jalifa al-Ma'mun." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 10 (October 1, 2003): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v10i.9250.

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In this paper, we translate and study the 9th section of the Kitab muyadalat ma' al-mutakallimin al-muslimin fi maylis al-Jalifa al-Ma'mun, atributed to Theodorus Abo Qurrah (c. 750-820), a Melkite from Edessa and later Bishop of Harran. This section includes a «debate» that occured between Abu Qurrah and the Caliph al-Ma'mun concerning the crucifixion of the Messiah, in which the Christian polemist applies and develops a series of apologetic and polemic discursive resources through he defends against the attacks of the Muslim author.
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8

Tottoli, Roberto. "Muslim Traditions Against Secular Prostration and Inter-Religious Polemic." Medieval Encounters 5, no. 1 (1999): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006799x00286.

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AbstractMuslim tradition forbids the prostration before men (secular prostration). The utterances of the Prophet Muhammad highlight this prohibition, contrasting it to the customs in use among Christians and Jews in the regions surrounding the peninsula. This precept is not stated in the Qur¸ān where, instead, the cases of the prostration of Joseph before his father and of Adam before the angels arc mentioned. After the advent of Islam, Christian and Jewish authors tried to give response to Muslim polemical attitudes. John of Damascus and Abū Qurra above all rejected the Muslim accusations, re
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9

Lubanska, Magdalena. "Muslim Pilgrims at the Orthodox Christian Monastery in Hadzhidimovo." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 22, no. 2 (2013): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2013.220206.

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This essay questions the thesis of the supposed syncretic nature of the religion of Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, an idea still espoused in Bulgarian ethnography and popular among the Rhodope Christian population. It examines the Muslim motivations for attending Christian holy places in the Rhodopes, particularly the Monastery of St George in Hadzhidimovo, to gather evidence from the actual participants. It shows that the local Muslims and Christians offer incompatible interpretations of the Muslim practice. Furthermore, it takes into account Muslim and Christian testimonies on how Muslims behav
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10

Salem, Salem A. "Muslims and Christians Face to Face." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (1998): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2187.

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Muslims and Christians Face to Face is an academic research work thatobserves the various response of Muslims to Christianity and Christians toIslam. It is written by Kate Zebiri, who is a lecturer in Arabic and IslamicStudies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.In the first chapter, "Factors Influencing Muslim-Christian Relations," Zebiridiscusses the four factors that affect Mu Jim and Christian perceptions of eachother.The first factor is what the Qur'an says about Christians and Christianity, andthe way in which the Qur'anic material has been interpreted. Wi
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Roth, Norman. "Forgery and Abrogation of the Torah: A Theme in Muslim and Christian Polemic in Spain." Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 54 (1987): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3622585.

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12

Sarwar, Eric. "The Missional Singing of the Psalms in Islamic Contexts." International Bulletin of Mission Research 44, no. 2 (2019): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319848952.

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For fourteen centuries scriptural engagement between Islam and Christianity has focused on the Torah and the Injil (the NT). Common to both traditions, however, is the Zabur, or Psalms. This common text, which has largely been overlooked in Christian-Muslim relations, has recently begun to move interactions from polemic to peaceful. This article explores three similarities between the Psalms and the Qur’an: revelation (prophetic and poetic origin), recitation (oral practice and transmission), and ritual (liturgical and canonical prayers). As Muslims and Christians reimagine scriptural engageme
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Szpiech, Ryan. "«Testes sunt ipsi, testis et erroris ipsius magister»: The Muslim as a Witness in Medieval Christian Polemic." Medievalia 19, no. 2 (2017): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.409.

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14

Catlos, Brian A. "Accursed, Superior Men: Ethno-Religious Minorities and Politics in the Medieval Mediterranean." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 4 (2014): 844–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000425.

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AbstractOne of the most salient features of the medieval Mediterranean is that it was a zone of intense interaction and long-term cohabitation of members of various ethno-religious communities whose relations are usually conceived of as fundamentally adversarial. Yet Christians, Muslims, and Jews lived amongst each other in both the Christian- and Muslim-ruled Mediterranean, even during the era of the crusades. Typically, such relationships have been presented as either fundamentally hostile, or cordial, and as related to the “tolerance” that host cultures were inclined to demonstrate as a con
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15

Mazur, Peter. "Combating “Mohammedan Indecency”: The Baptism of Muslim Slaves in Spanish Naples, 1563-1667." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 1 (2009): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006509x454707.

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AbstractIn the century following the Council of Trent, ecclesiastical authorities in Naples embarked on a campaign, the largest of its kind in Italy, to convert the city's Muslim slaves to Christianity. For the Church, the conversions were not only important for the conquest of individual believers, but symbolic occasions that demonstrated on a small scale important themes of Christian ethics and anti-Islamic polemic. At the same time, the number and frequency of the conversions forced secular authorities to confront the problem of the civil status of newly baptized slaves. During the seventee
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CUFFEL, ALEXANDRA. "From practice to polemic: shared saints and festivals as ‘women's religion’ in the medieval Mediterranean." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 68, no. 3 (2005): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x05000236.

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In this article I examini two problems regarding women's participation in shared saint veneration and festivals in the eastern Mediterranean and Iberia. First, I ascertain what women's practices were, whether women participated in or assigned meanings to rituals that were separate from those of men, and finally, whether these shared practices were enough to break down religious barriers between women so that we may speak of ‘women's piety’ or ‘women's religious culture’ as a category that extends beyond the confines of individual religious affiliations. Secondly, I explore the meanings that ce
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17

Ahmad, Imad A. "Islam and Dhimmitude." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 3 (2004): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1778.

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Islam and Dhimmitude is an attempt to confute the concept of “protectedminority” (under which Islamic civilization established what was, up to itstime, the most successful model of pluralistic society) with the worst aberrationsfrom that model. The subtitle “Where Civilizations Collide” indicateshow the author expects her polemic to serve the current wave of neoimperialism.The book seeks to recruit Christians in support of the Zionistproject by explaining away Christian expressions of appreciation ofMuslim tolerance as a false consciousness inspired by a self-hatred she calls dhimmitude, meani
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18

Zwirahn, Faris. "Typologies and Argumentation Tactics in Religious Polemics - An Analysis of al-Jawāb al Sahih and the Cyprus Letter." Entangled Religions 5 (July 10, 2018): 44–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v5.2018.44-94.

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Christian-Muslim polemical exchanges and the relationship between the two faiths’ religious authorities in the medieval period were often rigid. One exchange between Christian theologians in Cyprus and Muslim theologians in Damascus is evidently polemical and exemplifies the difficult relations that occurred early in the fourteenth century and the nature of challenging religious arguments. That is The Letter from the People of Cyprus and Ibn Taymiyya’s response to it. This article offers a new analysis through the perspective of particular theoretical typologies of religious polemics. Accordin
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19

Johnston, David. "Christian and Muslim Dialogues." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 1 (2013): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i1.1162.

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In his first book David Bertaina, assistant professor of religion in the Universityof Illinois’ History Department (Springfield), makes an important contributionto our knowledge of Christian-Muslim relations in the first fivecenturies of the Islamic era. Also a scholar with the Institute of Catholic Culturein McLean, VA, he is critical of many interreligious dialogues today, asthey tend to be straightjacketed by liberal ideals of tolerance and neutrality.The result is that, unlike the robust and dynamic dialogue literature in the earlycenturies of Islamdom that took “seriously the truth claims
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20

Ropi, Ismatu. "Muslim‐Christian polemics in Indonesian Islamic literature." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 9, no. 2 (1998): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596419808721149.

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21

Siddiqui, Ataullah. "Portrayal of Christianity and Use of Christian Sources in the Tafsir-i Sanai of Sanaullah Amritsari (d. 1948)." International Journal of Asian Christianity 2, no. 1 (2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00201006.

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This article explores Christian-Muslim relations during the colonial period, with special reference to Sanaullah Amritsari. It highlights how his Quranic exegesis responded to the multi-dimensional challenges of the time with special reference to Christianity. It points out how the Charter Act 1813 opened up India to Christian missionaries, and suggests that the polemical responses provided by Amritsari were influenced by successive aggressive missions of the time. The methods deployed to respond to Islam, particularly by converts from Islam, also left a particular impact on the two communitie
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22

Bellver, José. "Mirroring the Islamic Tradition of the Names of God in Christianity: Ramon Llull’s Cent Noms de Déu as a Christian Qurʾān". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 2, № 1-2 (2014): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00201017.

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‭The aim of this paper is to call attention to Ramon Llull’s Cent noms de Déu, or The One Hundred Names of God, and its unique place in the history of medieval Christian-Muslim polemics. Llull (1232–1315) was a writer, logician, philosopher, theologian and mystic born in Mallorca shortly after it was conquered by Christians from the Muslims. Initially living the life of a troubadour, he experienced a religious conversion and committed himself, in turn, to convert the “infidels”. With his Cent noms de Déu, a versified book written under the influence of the Islamic tradition of the asmāʾ Allāh
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23

Abbink, J. "Religion in public spaces: Emerging Muslim-Christian polemics in Ethiopia." African Affairs 110, no. 439 (2011): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adr002.

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24

Westerlund, David. "AHMED DEEDAT'S THEOLOGY OF RELIGION: APOLOGETICS THROUGH POLEMICS." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 3 (2003): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322663505.

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AbstractWithin Africa, as well as outside the continent, the writings and videocassettes of Ahmed Deedat have been, and still are, most influential. In this article, Deedat's great interest in religious polemics, especially against Christianity, has been interpreted primarily as an apologetical endeavour influenced largely by the marginal and exposed situation of the small minority of Muslims in the strongly Christiandominated South Africa. Deedat's main task was to provide Muslims with theological tools for defending themselves against the intense missionary strivings of many Christian denomi
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Grigoryan, Sona. "Diego R. Sarrió Cucarella: Muslim-Christian Polemics across the Mediterranean. The Splendid Replies of Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285)." Entangled Religions 3 (October 17, 2016): CXVI—CXXII. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v3.2016.cxvi-cxxii.

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This contribution offers a review of:Diego R. Sarrió Cucarella: Muslim-Christian Polemics across the Mediterranean.The Splendid Replies of Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī (d. 684/1285). Leiden: Brill, 2015. 368 pages, €135,00/$175.00, ISBN (hardback) 9789004285514
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Griggs, Jennifer. "Beyond the polemics of Christian–Muslim Relations: Exploring a Dialogical Approach." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 30, no. 2 (2013): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378813479220.

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Krstić, Tijana. "Reading Abdallāh b. Abdallāh al-Tarjumān’s Tuḥfa (1420) in the Ottoman Empire: Muslim-Christian Polemics and Intertextuality in the Age of “Confessionalization”". Al-Qanṭara 36, № 2 (2015): 341–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2015.010.

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Tayyara, Abed el-Rahman. "Muslim–Paulician Encounters and Early Islamic Anti-Christian Polemical Writings." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, no. 4 (2016): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2016.1218650.

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Siddiqui, Mona. "Diatribe, Discourse and Dialogue: Reflections on Jesus in the History of Christian-Muslim Encounters." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 435–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050336.

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The history of Christian-Muslim encounter is a growing field in areas of Christian theology and Islamic Studies. While there is arguably no particular systematic discipline or approach, anyone who enters the history of the theological encounters between these two religions is met with a large body of work which reflects an unusual complexity and degree of nuance. These range from polemical and irenic approaches by those who were writing in response to critiques of their faith without any direct contact with one another, to those Muslim and Christian writers who lived and wrote within the share
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Tieszen, Charles L. "Muslim-Christian Polemics across the Mediterranean: TheSplendid Repliesof Shihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 27, no. 3 (2015): 362–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2015.1108627.

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Leirvik, Oddbjørn. "History as a Literary Weapon: The Gospel of Barnabas in Muslim-Christian Polemics." Studia Theologica - Nordic Journal of Theology 56, no. 1 (2002): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003933802760115417.

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32

Mirza, Younus Y. "The Disciples as Companions: Ibn Taymiyya’s and Ibn al-Qayyim’s Evaluation of the Transmission of the Bible." Medieval Encounters 24, no. 5-6 (2018): 530–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340030.

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AbstractStudies of Christian-Muslim polemics often disregard medieval Mediterranean Muslim contributions to the analysis of the biblical tradition. An early golden era of Muslim-Christian engagement in Baghdad is replaced by a decline in the Middle Ages which is only to be reversed with the advent of modernity. In this article, I contend that Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350) critically engage the biblical tradition based on their backgrounds as hadith scholars. Both question whether the Bible was accurately narrated by pointing to perceived gaps in its transm
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McMichael, Steven J. "The death, resurrection, and ascension of Jesus in medieval Christian anti-Muslim religious polemics." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 21, no. 2 (2010): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596411003619806.

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Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava. "Some Neglected Aspects of Medieval Muslim Polemics against Christianity." Harvard Theological Review 89, no. 1 (1996): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000031813.

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Muslim medieval authors were fascinated with religious issues, as the corpus of Arabic literature clearly shows. They were extremely curious about other religions and made intense efforts to describe and understand them. A special brand of Arabic literature—theMilal wa-Niḥal(“Religions and Sects”) heresiographies—dealt extensively with different sects and theological groups within Islam as well as with other religions and denominations: pagan, Zoroastrian, Jewish, Christian, Hindu, and others. Of course, most of the heresiographies were written in a polemical tone (sometimes a harsh one, like
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von Stuckrad, Kocku. "Interreligious Transfers in the Middle Ages: The Case of Astrology." Journal of Religion in Europe 1, no. 1 (2008): 34–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489208x285468.

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AbstractThis article describes the discipline of astrology as an example of manifold interreligious contacts and transfers in the Middle Ages. Over against an image of the Middle Ages as being predominantly Christian and striving to violently suppress science, philosophy, and astrology, it is shown that in fact Christian, Muslim, and Jewish communities shared common interests and participated in an ongoing communication, even if in polemical differentiation. The case of astrology also illuminates the intellectual ties between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, which are much stronger than tr
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Ulbricht, Manolis. "Der Islam-Diskurs bei Niketas von Byzanz." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 3 (2021): 1351–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-0066.

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Abstract The article analyzes the anti-Islamic polemical discourse of Nicetas of Byzantium (9th/10th c.), one of the most important Byzantine apologists and polemicists flourishing in the intellectual-theological context of Patriarch Photios in Constantinople. This paper crystallizes the main topics of discussion in Nicetas’ Refutation of the Qur’an (Vat. gr. 681) and presents his argumentation against Islam.To structure and evaluate the wayNicetas perceives Islam, I have developed a methodology of four thematic categories (Theology, Ethics, History, Physiology) with correspondent polemical su
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TIMMERMAN, DANIËL. "Bullinger on Islam: Theory and Practice." Unio Cum Christo 3, no. 2 (2017): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc3.2.2017.art7.

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Abstract: The present inquiry engages with the perception of Islam and of Christian-Muslim relations in the works of the sixteenth-century Zurich Reformer Heinrich Bullinger (1504–1575). On the basis of previous research, it attempts to deepen our understanding of the Reformer’s theory of Islam by comparing it with the notions of true and false prophecy. This theological perspective is broadened by a discussion of Bullinger’s more practical advice on the Christian presence in Turkish territories and on evangelization of Muslims. These themes are explored through the Reformer’s correspondence,
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Tiburcio, Alberto. "Muslim-Christian Polemics and Scriptural Translation in Safavid Iran: ʿAli-Qoli Jadid al-Eslām and his Interlocutors". Iranian Studies 50, № 2 (2017): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2016.1233806.

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Ziaka, Angeliki. "Rearticulating a Christian-Muslim Understanding: Gennadios Scholarios and George Amiroutzes on Islam." Studies in Church History 51 (January 2015): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050166.

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From the eighth century, the Eastern Orthodox Churches engaged in various forms of theological dialogue and debate with newly emergent Islam. Although scholars have tended to study Islamic-Christian relations in terms of confrontation and direct conflict, this aspect, dominant as it may be, must not lead us to overlook another aspect of the relationship, that of attempts at rapprochement and understanding. Despite the acerbity of Byzantium’s anti-heretical and apologetic literature against Islam, there were also attempts at communication and mutual understanding between Christianity and Islam.
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Martínez-Gázquez, José. "Glossae ad ALCHORAN LATINUM Roberti Ketenensis translatoris, fortasse a Petro Pictauiense redactae: An Edition of the Glosses to the Latin Qurʾān in bnf ms Arsenal 1162". Medieval Encounters 21, № 1 (2015): 81–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342184.

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Robert of Ketton completed his translation of the Qurʾān in Latin in 1143 at the behest of Peter the Venerable. This translation, the first into any Western language, was highly influential on later encounters with the Qurʾān by Western Christians, being published in 1543 and used extensively in polemical writing on Islam and by future translators of the Qurʾān. The oldest manuscript of Ketton’s Qurʾān, Bibliothèque National de France, ms. Arsenal 1162, contains numerous Latin glosses to the text, both polemical and philological, only some of which have been properly studied. This article offe
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Sadan, Joseph. "In the Eyes of the Christian Writer al-Hārit ibn Sinān Poetics and Eloquence as a Platform of Inter-Cultural Contacts and Contrasts." Arabica 56, no. 1 (2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005809x398645.

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AbstractWhile ostensibly aspects of poetics are best discussed within a purely literary perspective, in fact they can hardly be disconnected from their socio-cultural and religious frameworks. Al-Hārit ibn Sinān was a Christian scholar and writer who lived under Muslim rule towards the end of the ninth and apparently also the beginning of the tenth century, precisely at the time when the first fruits of the idea of the Qur‘ān's stylistic inimitability (i’ğāz) began to ripe. Although this concept played a role also in interfaith polemics throughout the Middle Ages, our author shows his temperan
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Reck, Jonathan M. "The Annunciation to Mary: A Christian Echo in the Qurʾān". Vigiliae Christianae 68, № 4 (2014): 355–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341179.

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The Annunciation to Mary as presented in the Protevangelium of James is an early account of Mary’s childhood and the Virgin Birth that flourished in both Western and Eastern Churches. This Annunciation account, distinct from versions found in the canonical gospels of the New Testament, successfully migrated beyond its Christian milieu, where it had traversed primarily by textual means in late-antiquity. The account’s widespread influence is attested to by its entry into the oral milieu of Arabia, the account being the basis by which the Qurʾān vindicates Mary and corrects Christological error
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Carpentieri, Nicole, and Carol Symes. "Introduction." Medieval Globe 5, no. 2 (2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.5-2.1.

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The seven articles in this thematic issue address written responses to different periods of turmoil that impacted Muslim and Christian societies in the western Mediterranean from the ninth to the sixteenth centuries. By highlighting the complexities of the literary artifacts produced in Sicily, al-Andalus, and North Africa, it offers new perspectives on the interactions between Islam and Christendom at a time of traumatic transition from one political and religious hegemony to another, as reflected in a variety of genres: apologetic and hagio-graphical works, interreligious polemics, military
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Szpiech, Ryan Wesley. "The Aura of an Alphabet: Interpreting the Hebrew Gospels in Ramon Martí’s Dagger of Faith (1278)." Numen 61, no. 4 (2014): 334–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341328.

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The writing of the Catalan Dominican Ramon Martí (d. after 1284), well-known for its use of non-Christian sources, is one of the most striking examples of the medieval Dominican interest in the study of Arabic and Hebrew as a means of reading and exploiting Jewish and Muslim scriptures. This paper focuses on one aspect of Martí’s writing that bears directly on his concept of “foreign” scriptures and their place in polemical argument: his citation of New Testament passages in Hebrew translation in his final work, the Dagger of Faith (Pugio fidei, from 1278). Rather than relying on faulty sevent
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Zinger, Oded. "Meanderings in the Arabic Literary Genizot." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 2-3 (2020): 188–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20201012.

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Abstract The Cairo genizot (plural of Geniza) provide not only new Arabic literary texts but also new contexts. This study explores different kinds of context by presenting several examples of Arabic literary material found mostly in the Ben Ezra Geniza (BEG). The examples include three tales that also appear in the Arabian Nights literature, a Judeo-Arabic fragment of a Šīʿī kitāb al-ğafr, a Muslim historical work dealing with Muḥammad’s letters to foreign rulers, a playful romantic polemical exchange between a Jewish man and a Christian woman and more. Thinking about different kinds of conte
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Zaas, Peter. "Symposium on the Shema." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 48, no. 3 (2018): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107918781280.

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A panel of scholars ostensibly addressed “Shema in the Synoptic Gospels” at the 2017 Boston meeting of the National Association of Professors of Hebrew. “Ostensibly” because while all the essays acknowledge the significance of the keystone of both Jewish theology and liturgy for the authors of the New Testament, every essay focused on something larger than the narrow announced topic. Each, following the lead of Dr. Roberta Sabbath of the University of Nevada at Las Vegas, who describes the polemical nature of the Shema, notes how the statement of God's unity (whether or not followed by the Lov
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Wiegers, Gerard A. "The Persistence of Mudejar Islam? Alonso de Luna (Muhammad Abū 'l- Āsī), the Lead Books, and the Gospel of Barnabas." Medieval Encounters 12, no. 3 (2006): 498–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006706779166048.

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AbstractThis article deals with the origins of a famous group of Muslim texts, the so-called Gospel of Barnabas, a pseudoepigraphic piece of anti-Christian polemics in the form of a gospel, and the so-called Lead Books, found in Granada at the end of the sixteenth century. The authorship of these forgeries is controversial, but they seem to have their roots in medieval and renaissance mudejar and Morisco Spain. This essay situates the question of authorship against the background of the transition of mudejar to Morisco culture and deals with the Islamic names of some of those responsible for t
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Wolińska, Teresa. "Elity chrześcijańskie wobec islamu (VII-X wiek)." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 529–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3730.

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It is difficult to find equally important event in history as the birth of Islam and Arab expansion, although their importance was not appreciated at first. Its appear­ance was a breakthrough in several dimensions: religious, political, economic, cultural and lingual. The article attempts to discuss the reaction of Christian elites to the new monotheist religion. Initially, Islam was not identified as a new, separate religion. It was believed that the invaders would be chased away soon. The invasion was perceived in the biblical context, as a punishment for sins and as a work of the devil. So
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George-Tvrtković, Rita. "Bridge or Barrier? Mary and Islam in William of Tripoli and Nicholas of Cusa." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 4 (2016): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342229.

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Both Christianity and Islam claim the Virgin Mary, but most Christians throughout history have seen her as a barrier between the two religions, not a bridge. In the medieval period, Latin Christians noted errors in Qurʾānic Mariology and raised standards of the Virgin in wars against Muslims. By the sixteenth century, the use of Mary as an interfaith barrier escalated among Catholics who employed her to combat both Ottomans and Protestants. Yet two medieval churchmen, William of Tripoli and Nicholas of Cusa, stressed concord between Christian and Muslim Mariologies, despite the fact that they
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Rowe, Paul S. "The Middle Eastern Christian as Agent." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (2010): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000462.

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The greatest accomplishment of the past ten to twenty years of scholarship on Christian groups in Middle Eastern states is the way scholars have recognized the agency of a population long objectified in both academic and polemical circles. Christians have long been viewed as the object of other actors. For some, they were mere products of Muslim societies that imposed upon them the debatably restricted or protected status ofahl al-dhimma. For others, they were the appendages of external forces determined to use them as devices of their interests. The concerns of such external forces only contr
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