To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Christian nationalism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Christian nationalism'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 46 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Christian nationalism.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Backhouse, Stephen. "Kierkegaard's Critique of Christian Nationalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503966.
Full text
2
Wong, Kam-fai John, and 黃錦暉. "Nationalism and the anti-Christian movement in the 1920s." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3195019X.
Full text
3
Fischer, Tahlia G. M. B. "(Re)membering a Christian nation: Christian nationalism, biblical literalism, and the politics of public memory." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4629.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the manner in which theological elements from a biblical literalist perspective undergird and authorize the historical memory texts produced by Christian nationalist advocates in support of conservative Protestant religious establishment. Christian nationalist discourses exploit notions of divine warrant, public remembrance, and "historical evidence" as means to read the nation and contemporary far right ideological commitments as biblically founded, and hence, as binding upon the nation. Focusing on the rhetoric of David Barton, Christian nationalist par excellence and Republican Party operative, I argue that discourses of Christian nationhood mobilize the theologies of providence, inerrancy, inspiration, and literalism as rhetorical strategies to situate God's law as the definitive legal standard through which American law and cultural values are (de)authorized. Drawing upon the presumptions of biblical literalism to present the textual "proof' of a Christian nation, the politics of this memory work (and the many ways these discourses presume to furnish textual proofs of a biblical nation) aims to influence and to shape public memory, opinion, political behavior, and policy formation in favor of far right Protestant hegemonic interests.
4
Baker, Joseph O., Samuel L. Perry, and Andrew L. Whitehead. "Crusading for Moral Authority: Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Science." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1111/socf.12619.
Full textAbstract:
Numerous studies show biblicist Christianity, religiosity, and conservative political identity are strong predictors of Americans holding skeptical attitudes toward publicly controversial aspects of science, such as human evolution. We show that Christian nationalism—meaning the desire to see particularistic and exclusivist versions of Christian symbols, values, and policies enshrined as the established religion of the United States—is a strong and consistent predictor of Americans’ attitudes about science above and beyond other religious and political characteristics. Further, a majority of the overall effect of political ideology on skepticism about the moral authority of science is mediated through Christian nationalism, indicating that political conservatives are more likely to be concerned with particular aspects of science primarily because they are more likely to be Christian nationalists. Likewise, substantial proportions of the well‐documented associations between religiosity and biblical “literalism” with views of science are mediated through Christian nationalism. Because Christian nationalism seeks to establish a particular and exclusivist vision of Christianity as the dominant moral order, adherents feel threatened by challenges to the epistemic authority undergirding that order, including by aspects of science perceived as challenging the supremacy of biblicist authority.
5
Brown, Larry G. "The mind of white nationalism : the worldview of Christian identity /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3115530.
Full text
6
Whitehead, Andrew L., Samuel L. Perry, and Joseph O. Baker. "Make America Christian Again: Christian Nationalism and Voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2597.
Full textAbstract:
Why did Americans vote for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential election? Social scientists have proposed a variety of explanations, including economic dissatisfaction, sexism, racism, Islamophobia, and xenophobia. The current study establishes that, independent of these influences, voting for Trump was, at least for many Americans, a symbolic defense of the United States’ perceived Christian heritage. Data from a national probability sample of Americans surveyed soon after the 2016 election shows that greater adherence to Christian nationalist ideology was a robust predictor of voting for Trump, even after controlling for economic dissatisfaction, sexism, anti-black prejudice, anti-Muslim refugee attitudes, and anti-immigrant sentiment, as well as measures of religion, sociodemographics, and political identity more generally. These findings indicate that Christian nationalist ideology—although correlated with a variety of class-based, sexist, racist, and ethnocentric views—is not synonymous with, reducible to, or strictly epiphenomenal of such views. Rather, Christian nationalism operates as a unique and independent ideology that can influence political actions by calling forth a defense of mythological narratives about America’s distinctively Christian heritage and future.
7
Whitehead, Andrew, Samuel Perry, and Joseph O. Baker. "Make America Christian Again: Christian Nationalism and Voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5385.
Full text
8
Jason, Malcolm Andrew. "A Rhetorical Consideration of Christian Nationalism, Secular Society, and the Need for a Civic Religious Pluralism." Diss., North Dakota State University, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/31923.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation considers the place of religious argument in the public sphere. While deliberation about religion’s place in the formal public sphere within the United States has often been seen as taking place in a two-dimensional space, with Christian nationalism and pure secularism representing the opposite deliberative positions, I argue that in reality, rhetorical engagements over the place of religion often are contested by arguments hewing to Christian Nationalism on one side, but a kind of civic religious pluralism on the other. This dissertation explores the tensions that exist within public discourse in the United States between Christian nationalism and larger secular society. Rather than seeing secularism as a counterweight to Christian nationalism, I argue that instead a civic religious pluralism that allows for religious thought to enter the domain of public deliberation is present in arguments about religion’s role in the democratic process. I also argue that this problem is extended into the three-dimensional space through an added tension between religious citizens who wish to remain isolated from secular culture and the state which must maintain some sense of cultural participation among all of its citizens. Through rhetorical analyses of three cases, I develop a more nuanced perspective on this deliberative space and contend at the end that the civic religious pluralism I find in two of my cases represents a more effective response to nationalist rhetoric than a pure secularist opposition.
9
Wong, Kam-fai John. "Nationalism and the anti-Christian movement in the 1920s Min zu zhu yi yu er shi nian dai de fei Jidu jiao yun dong /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1991. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3195019X.
Full text
10
Baker, Joseph O., Samuel L. Perry, and Andrew L. Whitehead. "Forthcoming. Keep America Christian (and White): Christian Nationalism, Fear of Ethnoracial Outsiders, and Intention to Vote for Donald Trump in the 2020 Presidential Election." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/7802.
Full textAbstract:
Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.
11
Adams, Tyler Anthony. "“We Do Not Want This Sickness!”: Religion, Postcolonial Nationalism and Anti-Homosexuality Politics in Uganda." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306889389.
Full text
12
Starke, Ansunette. "The implications of ideology for society and education in South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8472.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Educationis - MEdIdeology reveals itself in the commonly shared ideas and ideals which act as the driving force responsible for group formation underlying nationalist aspirations in society. It reveals itself in various ways with politics as the most visible and education as the most powerful, yet unobtrusive, manifestation. In South Africa Afrikaner Nationalism and Black Nationalism have been involved in a titanic battle for the last fifty years. The ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism developed as a striving for political, cultural and educational freedom from British imperialist domination. An important part of this struggle was waged in the field of education, leading to the development of the sub-ideology of Christian National Education. The tenacity with which the Afrikaner pursued his nationalist aspirations was rewarded with the recognition of Afrikaans as official language in 1925, the National Party gaining political power in 1948 and the establishment of the Afrikaner educational ideology, Christian National Education, as state education policy in 1967. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power tendency towards communalism in Black society resulted in Black Nationalism adopting the ideology of Black Liberation Socialism, under whose banner many former colonies had attained independence from their European mother countries. The educational sub ideology of People's Education served the Black Nationalist ideal by adopting in its curricula, syllabi and organisational structure an approach which supported Black liberation from the apartheid regime. The South African state (government, the police, the legal system, etc.) acted in a repressive manner under the influence of the Afrikaner ideology. The oppression Afrikaners suffered at the hand of British imperialism was repeated when Afrikaner Nationalism assumed power under the Nationalist government. It subjected Blacks to oppression and totally negated Black nationalist aspirations. Education always serves the dominant ideology - a concept clearly manifested in Christian National Education as it served the Afrikaner Nationalist ideology. In the same manner People's Education proved to be an extension of the Black Liberation Struggle. Ideology is thus in the service of power. Ample evidence exists that Afrikaner Nationalism and Christian National Education served to entrench Afrikanerdom in a position of seemingly unassailable power for an extended period of time after it had discarded the British imperialist yoke. This dominant position was maintained despite being a minority group. Should the same pattern prevail one would expect the African National Congress to abuse its present position of power to oppress the White minority and take revenge for the suffering that the latter had inflicted on Blacks for so many years. Both the Oppressed and the Oppressor are dehumanised in the process of oppression. Although the Afrikaner was in a dominant, powerful position and seemingly free, he became enslaved to his own ideology. He was deprived of independent opinion and thought by the prescriptive ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism and its educational ideology of Christian National Education. Non-compliance was frowned upon and deviants ostracised. It is ironic that, by ousting the Afrikaner nationalist regime, the African National Congress actually became the agent which liberated the Afrikaner from his self inflicted ideological oppression. Oppression thus seems to follow a vicious circle with both the Oppressor and the Oppressed suffering dehumanisation. Unless the Oppressed is rehumanised the oppressive role model presented by the Oppressor is emulated and the former Oppressed become the new Oppressor. The necessity for the process of rehumanisation to occur in the postapartheid South African society can not be over-emphasised and thus various steps that can be taken to effect rehumanisation are suggested.
13
McWilliams, Weldon Merrial. ""To Proclaim Liberty to the Captives": The Pan African Orthodox Christian Church and Its Relationship to Black Liberation Theology." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/79196.
Full textAbstract:
African American StudiesPh.D.
While examining the theology of Black Liberation and its contemporary relevance there are several questions that must be explained. Is there still a need for Black Liberation Theology within Christianity? What makes Black Liberation theology different from other Christian theologies? In recent years Christianity has had to dispute the notion that it is the "White Man's religion" and that Black People cannot benefit from the faith. How is this so if the majority of Black people in the United States identify Christianity as their faith? How have Black people benefited from this religion in the past and present? My research is two-fold. The first part of my research will focus on the history of Black Liberation Theology, its concepts and the historical and contemporary relevance. Black Liberation Theology, as an intellectual enterprise began in the late 1960's. Many credit James Cone with bringing a theology of Black Liberation into the forefront of intellectual discussions at educational institutions. Black Liberation theology seeks to answer the question "What does it mean to be Black and Christian in America?" James Cone posed the question and attempted to answer it in his first two books, Black Theology and Black Power, (1969), and A Black Theology of Liberation, (1970). Although Cone is often times seen as one of the pioneers of the Black Theology of Liberation, in actuality this movement has a very long history and its beginnings can be found in the freedom acts of Black people and the Black Religious experience in America from the time of enslavement (David Walker, Nat Turner, Denmark Vesey, Gabriel Prosser to name a few), through the abolitionist movements (James Forten, Henry Highland Garnett, William Wells Brown, Harriet Tubman, Richard Allen, Absalom Jones), continuing through the early to mid 1900's (Noble Drew Ali of the Moorish Science Temple, Elijah Muhammad of the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X of the Muslim Mosque Incorporated), the Civil Rights Era (Martin Luther King, Vernon Jones, Fred Shuttlesworth, Pastors of Baptist Churches in the American South), the Black Power/Black Arts Movements (Albert Cleage, Jr. of the Shrine of the Black Madonna). It stills functions in contemporary times with the recent resurgence of interest in the subject matter through the media's emphasis on the rhetoric of Rev. Jeremiah Wright and his congregation at Trinity United Church of Christ in the south side of Chicago, whose remarks were seen as controversial and almost jeopardized the candidacy of Senator Barack Obama to the Presidency. Black Liberation Theology holds the position that one's faith should encourage one to fight injustice and oppression on behalf of those who are oppressed and downtrodden. Christianity must be examined holistically which means that the religion carries a socio-political component as well as a spiritual one. Black Liberation Theologians believe that one cannot be concerned with reaching a "heavenly ever after" if he/she has not worked to heal his/her society from the social ills that exist. Working toward freedom and liberation is Christian work. These two must be seen as one and the same; you can't have one without the other. The second part of this study aims to examine a church that has made claims to preaching and putting Black Liberation Theology into practice. The Pan African Orthodox Christian Church (PAOCC) is a Christian denomination that seeks to utilize its religious institution as a tool to implement social change. Followers of this denomination believe the Black Church must utilize its resources and take advantage of its independent position, in order to bring forth freedom and liberation for people of African descent, and they attempt to do this within their place of worship. Dr. Martin Luther King best summarized the mission of the PAOCC best when he stated: [A]ny religion that professes concern for the souls of men and is not equally concerned about the slums that damn them, the economic conditions that strangle them, and the social conditions that cripple them is a spiritually moribund religion only waiting for the day to be buried. It well has been said: "A religion that ends with the individual ends (Clayborne, 18). My research aims to indicate that there is still a need for a theology of Black Liberation in the United States. Through careful analysis of Black Liberation Theology and the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church (PAOCC) this research will demonstrate how Black Liberation Theology has been the way that most men and women of African descent have traditionally accepted Christianity on those terms until two important events in African American history occurred: the end of the institution of enslavement; and the end of the Civil Rights Era. My research demonstrates how the PAOCC exemplifies a Black Liberation Theology. Lastly my research will also show that it is possible to be Christian and Afrocentric, which goes against the prevailing dictation of Afrocentric thought. There are Afrocentric scholars who make the claim that one cannot be both Afrocentric and Christian. My research ultimately intends to state that Afrocentricity should not antagonize the faith, but the Western practice of Christianity and its dominant theology as well as its practice.
Temple University--Theses
14
Khan, Shakir Ali. "From local tensions to ethnic conflict : the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu 'tribal' community in Chhattisgarh, central India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272395.
Full text
15
Leafgren, Luke Anthony. "Novelizing the Muslim Wars of Conquests: The Christian Pioneers of the Arabic Historical Novel." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10362.
Full textAbstract:
During the Arabic cultural renaissance of the nineteenth century known as the nahda, Christian Arabs made a substantial contribution to the development of fiction and journalism. Among these pioneers, Salim al-Bustani, Jurji Zaydan, and Farah Antun were inspired by translations of European fiction to write the first historical novels in Arabic. Their narrations of the Muslim wars of conquest are carefully constructed blends of history and fiction that emphasize the cultural and religious values that Christian and Muslim Arabs hold in common. In their novels, these authors celebrate the historical achievements of the Arabs and seek to inspire a new sense of Arab cultural identity, open to Christians and Muslims alike and based on shared language, history, territory, values, and aspirations for reform. In this way, these authors respond to the sectarian tensions of their time, European imperialism, and the challenges of modernism with ideas that would become central to Arab nationalist discourse in the twentieth century.
16
Young, Park Mi. "Open-ended marginality, Korea and Korean women : the morality of self-love and the 'presence of others'." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683332.
Full text
17
Johnston, Marshall Ron Hankins Barry. "Bombast, blasphemy, and the bastard gospel William Stringfellow and American exceptionalism /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5068.
Full text
18
Moser, Tim. "The Pulpit and the People: Mobilizing Evangelical Identity." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3348.
Full textAbstract:
Using ten sermons from five prominent and politically active evangelical megachurch pastors taken from the 2016 presidential campaign season, this case study utilizes frame analysis to understand the political relevance of modern evangelical sermonizing. An inductive frame analysis allows the concept of a collective action frame to be observed as a process and for patterns to emerge from the source text. Within these sermons, ministers offer self-identifying evangelicals a vocabulary with which to understand and describe their own identity. In this context, the Bible is a powerful cultural symbol that represents an allegiance to traditions that are framed as the bedrock of American exceptionalism. The boundaries that are drawn and vociferously maintained in this sample emphasize exclusion over inclusion, especially in terms of salvation and righteousness, which can emotionally motivate action. In an election year, this sample demonstrates how evangelical identity is mobilized as an electoral force.
19
Teeple, Samuel. "The New Reform Temple of Berlin: Christian Music and Jewish Identity During the Haskalah." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1525882116113423.
Full text
20
Van, Zyl Minette. "Joodse aansprake op die land Israel - teologies oorweeg." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06182009-130057.
Full text
21
Coffey, Quinn. "The political, communal and religious dynamics of Palestinian Christian identity : the Eastern Orthodox and Latin Catholics in the West Bank." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9598.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.
22
Charlas, Joseph-Michel. "Cléricalisme et anticléricalismes à Lyon, de la Commune à la Première Guerre mondiale (1870-1914)." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3088/document.
Full textAbstract:
Les quarante-cinq premières années de la Troisième République se caractérisent par une politique de laïcisation touchant de nombreux domaines, à commencer par l’éducation, politique qui culmine en 1905 avec la loi de Séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat. La ville de Lyon, qui avait connu durant les deux premiers tiers du XIXème siècle une renaissance particulièrement forte du catholicisme, se manifestant par la création d’œuvres dynamiques, se voit confrontée en retour à une vague particulièrement puissante d’anticléricalisme. La confrontation des deux groupes idéologiquement opposés, que l’on peut nommer « clérical » et « anticlérical », détermine toute une succession de crises, d’accalmies, de recompositions, dont les spécificités lyonnaises ne pas toujours liées à celles du contexte national. Dans ses aspects concrets, cette lutte n’est pas perçue de la même façon chez tous ceux qui se rassemblent autour de l'étiquette « anticléricale » : les ouvriers de la Guillotière n’ont pas les mêmes griefs à formuler contre le clergé que les radicaux du « Comité de la rue de Grôlée ». Néanmoins, autant l’anticléricalisme reste assez simple à définir, autant le cléricalisme se révèle plus difficile à appréhender : il dépend d’abord du regard de l’autre, notamment de l’anticlérical. Les diverses manifestations de défense religieuse d’un catholicisme qui se perçoit alors volontiers comme une citadelle assiégée, les multiples attaques contre le clergé, voire contre la religion, des hommes au pouvoir, s’inscrivent à Lyon, sur la longue durée, dans le droit fil d’une série de luttes, d’insurrections et de répressions, dont chaque camp revendique - ou non - la postérité idéologiqueOne of the main features of the first forty five years of the Third Republic is a policy of secularization in many fields, beginning with education and reaching its climax in 1905 when the law on the separation between church and state was passed (given the French context at the time, it especially targeted the catholic church). During the first two thirds of the XIXth century Lyons had known a strong revival of Catholicism which manifested itself by the creation of dynamic charitable organizations. The town then had to face a sudden increase of anticlericalism. The confrontation between two groups that were politically opposed – let us name them “clerical” and “anticlerical” – sparked crisis after crisis, followed by lulls and reconstructions, all these being sometimes different from what was happening at the national level, due to the particular characteristics of the town. In concrete terms not all that had gathered under the banner of anti-clericalism held the same opinion about the struggle: the workers in the district of La Guillotière did not hold the same grievances against the clergy as the radicals in the “rue de Grôlée committee”. Yet, although anticlericalism can be easily defined, clericalism proves more difficult to apprehend: in the first place it depends on the perception the others, and more specifically those who support the anticlerical faction, have of us. Catholicism then tends to see itself as a besieged fortress and the different manoeuvres set up to defend its religion, the numerous attacks against the clergy, even against religion from men in power are, in Lyons, quite in keeping with a long succession of struggles, insurrections and suppressions of which each side claims -or does not claim- the ideological posterity
23
Carmesund, Ulf. "Refugees or Returnees : European Jews, Palestinian Arabs and the Swedish Theological Institute in Jerusalem around 1948." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-129819.
Full textAbstract:
In this study five individuals who worked in Svenska Israelsmissionen and at the Swedish Theological Institute in Jerusalem are focused. These are Greta Andrén, deaconess in Svenska Israelsmissionen from 1934 and matron at the Swedish Theological Institute from 1946 to 1971, Birger Pernow, director of Svenska Israelsmissionen from 1930 to 1961, Harald Sahlin director of the Swedish Theological Institute in 1947, Hans Kosmala director of the Swedish Theological Institute from 1951 to 1971, and finally H.S. Nyberg, Chair of the Swedish board of the Swedish Theological Institute from 1955 to 1974. The study uses theoretical perspectives from Hannah Arendt, Mahmood Mamdani and Rudolf Bultmann. A common idea among Lutheran Christians in the first half of 20th century Sweden implied that Jews who left Europe for Palestine or Israel were not just seen as refugees or colonialists - but viewed as returnees, to the Promised Land. The idea of peoples’ origins, and original home, is traced in European race thinking. This study is discussing how many of the studied individuals combined superstitious interpretations of history with apocalyptic interpretations of the Bible and a Romantic national ideal. Svenska Israelsmissionen and the Swedish Theological Institute participated in Svenska Israelhjälpen in 1952, which resulted in 75 Swedish houses sent to the State of Israel. These houses were built on land where until July 1948 the Palestinian Arab village Qastina was located. The Jewish state was supported, but, the establishment of an Arab State in Palestine according to the UN decision of Nov 1947 was not essential for these Lutheran Christians in Sweden. The analysis involves an effort to translate the religious language of the studied objects into a secular language.
24
Koster, Alexander V. "A past in their image Christian Nationalist reconstruction and use of American history /." [Florida] : State University System of Florida, 1999. http://etd.fcla.edu/etd/uf/1999/amj9747/koster.pdf.
Full text
25
Entwistle, Philip Owen. "The dragon and the lamb : Christianity and political engagement in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e6b9286c-c7bf-43ff-8c1e-34fcb78bbe30.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines political engagement amongst young urban Chinese Protestants. Based on 100 interviews in Beijing and Shenzhen, 50 with Protestants, and 50 with non-Protestants, it focuses on three areas: national narratives (what individuals think about China, its current situation and its future direction), political opinions, and social and political activity. I firstly argue that Protestants generally adhere to a relatively ‘critical’ national narrative, one that is more divergent from the Party-state’s nationalist discourse than that of their demographic peers. I then argue that in causal terms, it is primarily individuals who hold these critical values who are most drawn to Christianity, rather than developing the values as a result of their faith. Secondly, Protestants do not just hold more negative opinions of China's political regime, but that the criteria by which they judge it are different. In contrast to their demographic peers, Protestants do not base their judgements of the regime on its performance at delivering on everyday political issues. Thirdly, Protestantism catalyses the development of a sense of agency in its adherents: a sense of moral responsibility towards China and a desire to bring change through transformative activism. However, factors in China's cultural, historical, social and political context serve to steer Protestants' activism away from engagement with secular society and inward towards the church community. I conclude by arguing that Protestantism poses two challenges to China's Party-state: Firstly, it is symptomatic of an underlying sense of social and political malaise, of scepticism towards the primacy of economic enrichment and towards the Party-state’s attempt to legitimise its rule based upon this. Secondly, Protestantism catalyses the emergence of a critical, morally agentic individualism that anchors its worldview in a discourse outside the control of the Party-state. Adapting to these social shifts presents a major future challenge for the CCP.
26
Stock, Christian [Verfasser]. "Nigeria als Truppensteller der Vereinten Nationen : Multilaterale Verpflichtung vs. nationales Interesse / Christian Stock." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1160483086/34.
Full text
27
May, Cory J. "The racialized-politics within African-American studies as evidenced by the dismissal of the work of Jupiter Hammon and the conservative tradition of African-American slave Christianity." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2018. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=237582.
Full textAbstract:
My dissertation explores the minimizing, and often dismissal, of the evangelical conservative tradition of African-American Christianity within African-American studies. I argue that the primary cause of this development derives from the hermeneutics and methodologies employed by contemporary Black theologians and “Afrocentric-liberationist” scholars. Generally, these hermeneutics and methodologies were originally proposed by secular Black Nationalist and Black Power advocates during the Civil Rights Movement. This is seen in three areas: First, there is an interpretation of “Whiteness,” or European-Americans as completely corrupt and unredeemable. Second, there are calls for “Blackness,” or African-Americans to racially and socially segregate from Whiteness. Last, there are concepts of an “Ideal-Blackness,” a renewed or transformed Blackness created independently from Whiteness. These and other principles were employed by many contemporary Black scholars to various degrees. Furthermore, I argue that these principles sustain influential Black Nationalist/Black Power historiographies, and shape the dominant trends within the discipline. I maintain that there are two conflicting traditions within African American culture: the religious tradition of conservative evangelicalism that was established during colonialism, and the secularist tradition of Black Nationalism and Black Power which originated during the civil rights movement. These traditions opposed one another during the civil rights movement. Later, this conflict was grafted into the academy, where it continues through the scholarship of many Black theologians and Afrocentric-liberationist scholars. Finally, I discuss the theology of Jupiter Hammon, an 18th century Christian slave, as a representative of the conservative tradition of African American Christianity. I argue that it is essential that scholars explore Hammon's theology, and the conservative tradition of African-American Christianity during colonialism, for a variety of reasons: first, it is important to understand this tradition, as it has shaped African-American Christianity and the Black church more than any other; second, exploring the conservative tradition during colonialism provides the constructive theologies, and alternative conservative historiographies, that complement the Black Nationalist/Black Power historiographies advocated by many contemporary Black scholars.
28
Larguèche, Aladin. "Vers une histoire des intellectuels norvégiens : pratiques littéraires, nationalisme et sécularisation à Christiania (1811-1869)." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00877258.
Full textAbstract:
Le présent texte propose de questionner le postulat couramment admis selon lequel l'émergence des intellectuels nationalistes au XIXe siècle est parallèle à une déchristianisation de la vie sociale et culturelle, en se focalisant sur l'ensemble des littérateurs norvégiens publiant dans la période 1811-1869. C'est plus spécifiquement les rapports entre Belles-lettres, construction nationale et sécularisation qui constituent le cœur de cette enquête, avec une attention portée sur la principale arène de la vie scientifique norvégienne : l'université de Christiania. Après avoir recensé les contraintes matérielles, politiques et religieuses qui conditionnent le développement de la vie culturelle dans la capitale du jeune royaume, l'auteur propose une analyse socio-historique systématique de tous les littérateurs norvégiens, ainsi qu'un échantillonnage des auteurs les plus productifs afin de déterminer l'évolution des rapports des écrivains, amateurs de Belles-lettres, nationalistes ou scandinavistes, avec le fait religieux et l'Église d'État norvégienne. La notion de "pratique littéraire" permet d'aborder la littérature comme un phénomène social multiforme, au croisement entre l'histoire de l'éducation, histoire des idées, histoire religieuse et sociologie de la littérature, et permet de comprendre les mutations essentielles et les ambigüités indépassables de l'identité sociale des intellectuels contemporains
29
Guo, Jianhong. "Contesting “Self-Support” in Kit-Yang, 1880s-1960s: American Baptist Missionaries and The Ironic Origins of China's “Three-Self” Church." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1586797053484993.
Full text
30
Sik, Ming Chong. "Transition from missionary leadership to leadership by a team of nationals a reflective study of a Taiwan experience /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
31
Tang, Zhifeng. "Guo jia yu xin yang : yi jiu er ling nian dai Zhongguo Jidu tu dui guo jia zhu yi de hui ying = National and faith : a study on the responses of Chinese christians towards nationalism in the 1920s /." click here to view the abstract and table of contents, 1996. http://net3.hkbu.edu.hk/~libres/cgi-bin/thesisab.pl?pdf=b14245954a.pdf.
Full text
32
Murimi, Sammy. "Factors that keep Africans from entering the missionary vocation an evaluation of perceptions and views of Christian nationals in three churches in Nairobi, Kenya /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
33
Eriksson, Beatrice. "WAR AND FAITH - COPING STRATEGIES AMONG CHRISTIANS SURVIVING ISIS IN NORTHERN IRAQ." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-396411.
Full textAbstract:
During the last decades, the Christian population of Iraq is estimated to have decreased from about 1.5 million people to about 120,000. The historical examples of religious persecution are plenty, and in the last few years, the world again witnessed brutal violence against religious minorities, this time committed by the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). By examining the narrative of the survivors of the persecution and violence, insight can be gained into what becomes meaningful for a person in the darkest situation of violence and threats, and how the available resources can be useful to cope with the situation in a way that makes sense of evil. Through an ethnographic approach, the inner lives of eight Christians from northern Iraq are explored in this thesis. Their personal stories demonstrate how a sense of coherence can be reached through being part of something greater than oneself; activism, nationalism, and most of all; religious faith, practice, and identity.
34
湯志楓. "國家與信仰 : 一九二零年代中國基督徒對國家主義的回應 = National and faith : a study on the responses of Chinese christians towards nationalism in the 1920s." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1996. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/55.
Full text
35
Junior, José Ailton Dutra. "O Líbano e o nacionalismo árabe (1952-1967): o nasserismo como projeto para o mundo árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03102014-164144/.
Full textAbstract:
O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990
36
Berge, Lars. "The Bambatha Watershed : Swedish Missionaries, African Christians and an Evolving Zulu Church in Rural Natal and Zululand 1902-1910." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-743.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the Church of Sweden Mission and the encounter between Swedish missionaries, African Christians and evangelists in Natal and Zululand in the early twentieth century. The ambition with the present study is to demonstrate that the mission enterprise was dependent on and an integral part of developments in society at large. It attends to the issue of how the idea of folk Christianisation and the establishing of a territorial folk church on the mission field originated in the Swedish society and was put into practice in South Africa. It describes how the goals implied attempted to both change and preserve African society. This was a task mainly assigned the African evangelists. By closely focusing on the particular regions where the Church of Sweden Mission was present, conflicts between pre-capitalistand capitalist, black and white societies are revealed. The 1906 Bambatha uprising became a watershed. The present study demonstrates how the uprising differently affected different regions and also the evolving -Zulu church. in the one region where Christianity was made compatible with African Nationalist claims, it was demonstrated that it was possible to be both a nationalist and a Christian, which paved the way for both religious independency and nationalist resistance and, eventually, large scale conversions.
37
Owen, Ceri. "Vaughan Williams, song, and the idea of 'Englishness'." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117f2c64-3b63-43aa-9dd3-15a7ce2f9339.
Full textAbstract:
It is now broadly accepted that Vaughan Williams's music betrays a more complex relation to national influences than has traditionally been assumed. It is argued in this thesis that despite the trends towards revisionism that have characterized recent work, Vaughan Williams's interest in and engagement with English folk materials and cultures remains only partially understood. Offering contextual interpretation of materials newly available in the field, my work takes as its point of departure the critical neglect surrounding Vaughan Williams's contradictory compositional debut, in which he denounced the value of folk song in English art music in an article published alongside his song 'Linden Lea', subtitled 'A Dorset Folk Song'. Reconstructing the under-documented years of the composer's early career, it is demonstrated that Vaughan Williams's subsequent 'conversion' and lifelong attachment to folk song emerged as part of a broader concern with the intelligible and participatory quality of song and its performance by the human voice. As such, it is argued that the ways in which this composer theorized an idea of 'song' illuminate a powerful perspective from which to re-consider the propositions of his project for a national music. Locating Vaughan Williams's writings within contemporaneous cultural ideas and practices surrounding 'song', 'voice', and 'Englishness', this work brings such contexts into dialogue with readings of various of the composer's works, composed both before and after the First World War. It is demonstrated in this way that the rehabilitation of Vaughan Williams's music and reputation profitably proceeds by reconstructing a complex dialogue between his writings; between various cultural ideas and practices of English music; between the reception of his works by contemporaneous critics; and crucially, by considering the propositions of his music as explored through analysis. Ultimately, this thesis contends that Vaughan Williams's music often betrays a complex and self-conscious performance of cultural ideas of national identity, negotiating an optimistic or otherwise ambivalent relationship to an English musical tradition that is constructed and referenced through a particular idea of song.
38
Coetzee, Liesel. "Detecting dominant discourses in selected detective fiction by Enid Blyton and Agatha Christie." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24763.
Full textAbstract:
Enid Blyton and Agatha Christie were the most successful British women writers of their time. Christie and Blyton were contemporaries, living and writing in the United Kingdom during the first half of the twentieth century. This study takes into consideration these similarities in its examination of the depiction of dominant discourses in relation to emergent, alternative and oppositional discourses in their writing. This thesis suggests that while Enid Blyton and Agatha Christie offer alternatives to the dominant patriarchal discourses of the British Empire in the first half of the twentieth century, they show allegiance, too, to the dominant discourses of their time. Specific consideration is given to the portrayal of discourses concerned with gender, feminism, classism, British colonialism, racism, and xenophobia in their writing. The work of Enid Blyton and Agatha Christie was extremely popular in their time and still is today. Their important contribution to popular literature in England in the early twentieth century justifies a study of a selection of their work in relation to detective fiction and children’s literature as well as to studies of social history that include the investigation of how dominant discourse is both endorsed and challenged.Thesis (DLitt)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
English
unrestricted
39
Hanebrink, Paul A. "In defense of Christian Hungary : religion, nationalism, and antisemitism in inter-war Hungary, 1919-1944 /." 2000. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9990555.
Full text
40
"A Battle for Righteousness: Jimmy Carter and Religious Nationalism." Doctoral diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.17817.
Full textAbstract:
abstract: Time magazine called 1976 "the year of the evangelical" partly in response to the rapid political ascent of the previously little-known Georgia governor Jimmy Carter. A Sunday school teacher and deacon in his local church, Carter emphasized the important role of faith in his life in a way that no presidential candidate had done in recent memory. However, scholarly assessments of Carter's foreign policy have primarily focused on his management style or the bureaucratic politics in his administration. This study adds to the growing literature in American diplomatic history analyzing religion and foreign policy by focusing on how Carter's Christian beliefs and worldview shaped his policymaking and how his religious convictions affected his advisors. To better demonstrate this connection, this dissertation primarily discusses Carter's foreign policy vis-à-vis religious nationalist groups of the three Abrahamic faiths (Judaism, Christianity, Islam). By drawing on archival materials from the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library, Carter's own voluminous writings, and memoirs of other administration officials, this dissertation argues that Carter's religious values factored into policymaking decisions, although sometimes in a subtle fashion due to his strong Baptist doctrinal commitment to the separation of church and state. Moreover, Carter's initial success in using his religious beliefs in the Camp David negotiations raised expectations among administration officials and others when crises arose, such as the hostage taking in Iran and the electoral threat of the Christian Right. Despite his success at Camp David, invoking religious values can complicate situations already fraught with sacred symbolism. Ultimately, this dissertation points to the benefits and limits of foreign policy shaped by a president with strong public religious convictions as well as the advantages and pitfalls of scholars examining the impact of religion on presidential decision making.Dissertation/Thesis
Ph.D. History 2013
41
"Creating a Christian America: The Development of Protestant Nationalism in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era." Texas Christian University, 2008. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-04292008-123539/.
Full text
42
Hart, Hendrik, and John Valk. "Perspective vol. 12 no. 4 (Jul 1978)." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251316.
Full text
43
Han, Yong Seung. "The understanding of God in African theology : cotributions of John Samuel Mbiti and Mercy Amba Oduyoye." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/33006.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates how Mbiti and Oduyoye articulate their understanding of God in connection with the African traditional religio-cultural heritage to make the concept of God to become relevant to African Christians and to help African Christians feel at home in the Christian faith. Chapter 1 briefly describes the background of the study, the problem statement, the purpose of the study, the research hypothesis, methodology, delimitation, and structure of the study. Chapter 2 provides a historical sketch of origins and development of African theology and diverse types of African theology. This chapter maintains that African theology emerged not only as a theological reaction to the dominant Western interpretation of the gospel in Africa, but also as a theological attempt to secure the African cultural identity by reaffirming the African past. Chapter 3 describes the basic beliefs in African traditional religions, several African ethnic groups’ concepts of God, and the African theologians’ Christianization of the African God by employing Christian theological terms. This chapter concludes that it is not possible to presume a homogenous or one unified concept of God in Africa. One and the same God whom all Africans have worshipped is not real. In chapter 4, Mbiti’s understanding of God is scrutinized in relation to his methodology, the African concept of time, his understanding of revelation and of salvation. Mbiti has maintained African monotheism and ATR(s) as a praeparatio evangelica and has arrived at his conclusion that the God revealed in the Bible is the same as the God worshipped in ATR(s). This chapter criticizes Mbiti’s way of Christian theological interpretation of anthropological data of the African concepts of God. Chapter 5 presents Oduyoye’s understanding of God, her methodology, the status of African women in ATR(s) and the African church, her appreciation of salvation, of the Bible, and of the locus of experience. In Oduyoye’s theology, women’s experience becomes a crucial factor for doing theology, and salvation is understood as liberation from all oppressive conditions. Her understanding of God is closely connected with the theme of liberation. Chapter 6 examines the similarities and differences between the two theologians’ understanding of God, critically compares their way of understanding the interplay of the gospel and African culture, and categorizes the two theologians’ ways with their models of contextualization: Mbiti’s gospel-culture oriented model of contextualization and Oduyoye’s gospel-liberation oriented model of contextualization.
By a comparative-dialogical study of the two theologians’ models of contextualization, this chapter attempts to make a dialogue possible between the two, and suggests the interculturation model of contextualization in which each theology keeps its own theological characteristic and has an open mind to learn from the other through mutual understanding. It aims to overcome the absolutism of contextualization, syncretism, cultural relativism, and provincialism, to keep a balance between locality and catholicity, and to affirm cultural identity and Christian identity. On the basis of the interculturation model of contextualization, this chapter proposes some criteria for African Evangelical theology in order to do a biblically faithful and practically relevant theology in Africa. This study also suggests some guidelines to articulate the understanding of God so that it has theological relevance and legitimacy to African Christians as well as to Christians worldwide. Chapter 7, as the final chapter, gives a general summary and concluding suggestions for further research related to the subject of African theology.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2013
Science of Religion and Missiology
unrestricted
44
Louw, Reinier Willem. "Vormingsjare van die kerkleier J.D. (Koot) Vorster, 1909-1956." Diss., 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17250.
Full textAbstract:
Text in AfrikaansDr. J D Vorster het gedurende sy bedieningstyd in die N.G.Kerk [1935-1978] ontwikkel en gegroei tot 'n invloedryke kerkleier. Die faktore en omstanighede wat tot sy vorming bygedra het is die onderwerp van hierdie studie. Die f eit dat hy in die Stormberge gebore en getoe is asook .karaktereienskappe wat hy van sy voorsate geerf het, was belangrike komponente in sy vorming. Boustene soos godsdiens en volksliefde het in sy ouerhuis die grondslag gele vir sy teologiese beskouings wat op universiteit ontwikkel het. Sedert 1935 is hy in die bediening verder gevorm deur pastorale werk, kerklike vergaderings en briefwisselings. Kulturele en politieke betrokkenheid asook gevangenisstraf het horn bekend gemaak en gebrei. 'n Doktorsgraad in die Kerkreg was verder die regte skoling vir die amp va.n Aktuarius - 'n pos wat met soveel deeglikheid uitgevoer is dat hy later as kerkleier erken is met sy verkiesing as Moderator.
During his ministry in the D.R.Church, dr.J D Vorster developed and grew to become an influential church leader. The subject of this study is the factors and circumstances which contributed to his forming. The fact that he was born and bred in the Stormberge as well as the characteristics he inherited from his ancestors were important components in his forming. Building stones such as religion and nationalism in his parents home laid the .foundation of his theological views which developed at university. He was further formed in his ministry through pastoral work, church meetings and correspondence. Cultural and political participation as well as imprisonment made him well-known and tough. His doctorate in church law put him on the right track for the post of Actuary - an off ice which he filled with so much efficiency that his leadership in the church was recognised with his election as Moderator.
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
Th. M. (Church History)
45
Masumbe, Benneth Mhlakaza Chabalala. "The Swiss missionaries' management of social transformation in South Africa (1873-1976)." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/695.
Full textAbstract:
This research surveys the Swiss missionaries' management of social transformation in South Africa (1873-1973). It has as its major focus the management of schools, hospitals and churches as the primary institutions of social change in society. The researcher's realisation that more often than not, the changes brought to bear on proselytes by the change forces take time to manifest themselves vividly induced him to extend the scope to include the dawn of the new political dispensation in this country in 1994. This need not surprise the readership as the triadic approach, which is synonymous with historical analyses compels researchers to avail readers of what happened in the past, present as well as what is likely to occur in future. In other words, readers will encounter the ethnic nationalism engineered by different change agents in this country and the repercussions thereof, and the schism within the Swiss Mission in South Africa/Evangelical Presbyterian Church in South Africa that started in 1989 and became reality in 1991. Finally, the thesis also appraises readers of what should be done in periods of rapid social change.Educational Studies
D.Ed. (History of Education)
46
Malan, Jacobus Johannes. "Jurisprudensiële ontleding van die staatlike paradigma en van staatlike identiteit." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18097.
Full textAbstract:
Text in AfrikaansDie basiese tese voortspruitend uit hierdie ondersoek is dat wetenskapsbeoefening binne bepaalde terreine van die regswetenskap ondemeem word ooreenkomstig 'n verswee staatlike paradigma wat deurlopend streef na die instandhouding van die politieke status quo. Die territoriale staat is die hoeksteen van die bestaande politieke orde en terselfdertyd die meester-konsep van die staatlike paradigma. Wetenskapsbeoefening volgens hierdie paradigma is gemik op die instandhouding van die territoriale staat en funksioneer dus as 'n defensief-konserwatiewe politieke projek. Uitsluitsel oor welke vrae en antwoorde as wetenskaplik ter sake kwalifiseer, word gegee aan die hand van die behoeftes van die bestaande territoriaalstaatlike orde. Antwoorde kwalifiseer as wetenskaplik houdbaar alleenlik indien dit met die belange van die bestaande territoriale staat vereenselwigbaar is en nie die staatlike status quo sal ontwrig nie. Intellektuele aktiwiteit wat nie die staatlike gebaseerde status quo ter wille is nie en dit moontlik mag ontwrig, haal in terme van hierdie paradigma moeilik die drumpel van wetenskaplikheid. In die ondersoek word die vestiging van die staatlike paradigma histories nagegaan en daama word die hoofmomente van die paradigma blootgele. Die belangrikste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening kragtens die staatlike paradigma word daama uitgepluis. Benewens die feit dat die produkte deurlopend die staatlike orde onderskraag, vervul dit ook die strategiese funksie om uitdagers van die staatlike orde te domestiseer en in die diens van die staatlike orde te plaas. Die prominentste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening volgens die staatlike paradigma word ontleed: - staatsbou, dikwels verkeerdelik voorgehou as nasiebou; - demokrasie wat onderhewig aan die dissipline van die staatlike paradigma tot staatlike demokrasie omvorm is; - menseregte wat burgerlike afhanklikheid van die staat bevorder en die staat sodoende teen opposisie vrywaar; - die misdaad, hoogverraad en die intemasionaalregtelike figuur van selfbeskikking wat deur die staatlike paradigma tot 'n staatsdienende staatlike selfbeskikking omvorm is. Die staatlike paradigma word egter onder toenemende spanning geplaas en daar bestaan die moontlikheid van 'n rewolusionere herwaardering van verskeie sleutel-konsepte wat deur die staatlike paradigma gevange gehou en in diens van die bestaande staatlike status quo gedomestiseer is. Die rewolusionere vrystel van hierdie konsepte kan die weg baan na 'n nuwe politokrasie anderkant die staatlike orde.
The basic thesis emanating from this research holds that scientific enterprises within certain fields of the legal science are undertaken in pursuance of a tacit statist paradigm which consistently preserve the political status quo. The territorial state is both the keystone of the existing political order and the master concept of the statist paradigm. Scientific activity according to this paradigm seeks to protect the territorial state and functions as a defensive conservative political project. The scientific relevance of questions and answers is determined by the exigencies of the existing order composed of territorial states. Answers are viewed as scientifically authentic only if they are compatible with the interests of the prevailing territorial state and when they do not pose a threat of disruption to the existing statist status quo. Intellectual activity that does not affirm the statist predicated status quo and which poses the risk of disruption of the this order would seldom qualify as scientific in terms of this paradigm. This study examines the historical establishment of the statist paradigm and debunks the main pillars of the paradigm. The foremost products of scientific activity in accordance with the statist paradigm are then analyzed. These products invariably safeguard the statist order and also succeed in domesticating the challengers of the statist order and placing them in the service of this order. The most outstanding developments of the scientific endeavour in pursuance of the statist paradigm are analyzed, which are: - state building, often inaccurately portrayed as nation building; -democracy which, subjected to the discipline of the statist paradigm, had been transformed into statist democracy; - human rights which cultivate civic dependence upon the state, thus safeguarding the state against opposition; -the crime ofhigh treason and the international law concept of self-determination which was transfigured by the statist paradigm into a state serving statist self-determination. The statist paradigm is however placed under increasing tension and there is a possibility of a revolutionary reappraisal of several key concepts which the statist paradigm has kept in captivity and which have been domesticated and placed in the service of the statist status quo. By releasing these revolutionary concepts, the way to a new politocracy, beyond the statist order, may be paved.
Jurisprudence
LL.D.