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Journal articles on the topic 'Christian nationalism'
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1
Edwards, Mark. "From a Christian World Community to a Christian America: Ecumenical Protestant Internationalism as a Source of Christian Nationalist Renewal." Genealogy 3, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020030.
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Christian nationalism in the United States has neither been singular nor stable. The country has seen several Christian nationalist ventures come and go throughout its history. Historians are currently busy documenting the plurality of Christian nationalisms, understanding them more as deliberate projects rather than as components of a suprahistorical secularization process. This essay joins in that work. Its focus is the World War II and early Cold War era, one of the heydays of Christian nationalist enthusiasm in America—and the one that shaped our ongoing culture wars between “evangelical” conservatives and “godless” liberals. One forgotten and admittedly paradoxical pathway to wartime Christian nationalism was the world ecumenical movement (“ecumenical” here meaning intra-Protestant). Protestant ecumenism curated the transformation of 1920s and 1930s Christian internationalism into wartime Christian Americanism. They involved many political and intellectual elites along the way. In pioneering many of the geopolitical concerns of Cold War evangelicals, ecumenical Protestants aided and abetted the Christian conservative ascendancy that wields power even into the present.
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Miller, Daniel D. "Queer Panic." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 50, no. 3 (January 26, 2022): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.21029.
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This essay utilizes a theory of social embodiment as an analytical frame for the consideration of contemporary Christian nationalists’ near obsession with criminalizing trans and gender nonconforming (TGNC) embodiment and denying fundamental legal protections to TGNC individuals. It first presents a brief overview of Christian nationalism, understood as an expression of populist and nationalist identity, and Christian nationalists’ anti-TGNC efforts. Utilizing a constructive theoretical account of the metaphor of society as a kind of body, the paper goes on to argue that Christian nationalism takes shape as the expression of a desire for the imposition and maintenance of a very particular social and political order, grounded in the social body’s imagined normative shape or morphology. Within this theoretical frame, the essay argues that, in trans and gender nonconforming individuals, Christian nationalists are confronted with queer forms of embodiment that fundamentally undermine the imagined normative or “natural” embodiment, both individual and social, around which their social and political identity has taken shape. Considered from this theoretical perspective, Christian nationalist efforts aimed at criminalizing trans and gender nonconforming embodiment and denying the rights of trans and gender nonconforming individuals represent visceral, dysphoric responses toward individuals whose presence disfigures or transmogrifies the social body.
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Liu, Yan. "Understanding Chinese Christian Far-Right Narrative in the COVID-19 Context: A Cross-Disciplinary Perspective." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 109–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2022-0005.
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Abstract This article introduces the controversy over the naming of COVID-19 as the “Chinese Virus” and the related hate crimes in the US. It focuses on a group of Chinese Christians in North America who devote themselves to defending and legitimising the concept of the “Chinese Virus” within various social media. This research analyses the content of the related texts and videos and defines the Christian far-right narrative and reviews the relationship between the Christian far-right narrative, Christian fundamentalism, and Christian nationalism. It explores the frame alignment process of American Christian nationalism and evaluates the frame bridging, amplification, extension, and transformation dynamics of the Chinese Christian far-right narrative. It discusses the similarity between Chinese Christian far-right and religious nationalism in different countries and evaluates the cultural and structural factors that contributed to Christian nationalism with Chinese characteristics. The Chinese Christian far-right narrative tends to adopt a friend/foe binary interpretation of political issues, moralise the goal of nation-building, downplay the democratic process and legal systems, and put religious communitarian values over the secular state’s responsibility to protect human rights. The Christian far-right narrative reflects a religious nationalist sentiment to exclude political, religious, and cultural others, which is fundamentalist theologically, opposing to system politically, anti-secular humanism culturally, and anti-progressive morally.
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Clark, Roland. "Nationalism and orthodoxy: Nichifor Crainic and the political culture of the extreme right in 1930s Romania." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.633076.
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This article explores the interplay of religion, anti-Semitism, and personal rivalries in building the ultra-nationalist movement in 1930s Romania, using the career of Nichifor Crainic as a case study. As a theologian, Crainic created and taught a synthesis of nationalism and Romanian Orthodoxy which was broadly accepted by most ultra-nationalists in interwar Romania. As a journalist, Crainic directed several newspapers which spearheaded acrimonious attacks on democratic and ultra-nationalist politicians alike. As a politician, he joined and left both Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's Legion of the Archangel Michael and A.C. Cuza's National Christian Defense League before attempting to form his own Christian Workers’ Party. Crainic's writings ultimately earned him a place as a minister in two governments and membership of the Romanian Academy. His career reveals an ultra-nationalist movement rife with division and bickering but united around a vaguely defined ideology of religious nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism.
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Elton, Louis. "Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea? Re-Examining Christian Engagement with Ba’athism in Syria and Iraq." Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry 2, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.33929/sherm.2020.vol2.no2.06.
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This article re-examines the dominant scholarly perception that Christian support for Arab Nationalist regimes is primarily a product of fear of Islamism. After a brief examination of the Christian origins of Ba’athism—a form of Arab Nationalism—the author argues that a more granular understanding of the current Christian politics of Syria and Iraq reveals that while some Christians have supported regimes out of fear, there is also significant strain of active, positive support, though to what extent this is a product of Christian identification with Arab identity requires further research. The study employs an examination of posts from pro-Assad Syrian Christian Facebook pages.
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Shortle, Allyson F., and Ronald Keith Gaddie. "Religious Nationalism and Perceptions of Muslims and Islam." Politics and Religion 8, no. 3 (June 19, 2015): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000322.
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AbstractWe test for relationships between anti-Muslim attitudes and opinion and competing religious identity and religious belief variables in an evangelical Christian constituency. Original survey data from a statewide sample of 508 likely voters in Oklahoma are subjected to a robust regression analysis to determine (1) indicators of holding Christian nationalist beliefs and (2) the relationship between belief measures of Christian nationalism, evangelical Christian identity, and subsequent anti-Muslim sentiment. Christian nationalism is more prevalent among self-identified evangelicals. Christian nationalist beliefs and strong belief in Biblical literalism are significantly related to negative and restrictive views of Muslims. Anti-Muslim sentiments in the form of general disapproval and the desire to limit Muslim worship are shaped more by beliefs than identities or behaviors. Evangelical self-identification does not help us disentangle domestic opinion regarding Muslims as well as measures that disentangle beliefs from identity.
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Stroope, Samuel, Heather M. Rackin, and Paul Froese. "Christian Nationalism and Views of Immigrants in the United States: Is the Relationship Stronger for the Religiously Inactive?" Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312098511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023120985116.
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Previous research has shown that Christian nationalism is linked to nativism and immigrant animus, while religious service attendance is associated with pro-immigrant views. The findings highlight the importance of distinguishing between religious ideologies and practices when considering how religion affects politics. Using a national sample of U.S. adults, we analyze immigrant views by measuring levels of agreement or disagreement that undocumented immigrants from Mexico are “mostly dangerous criminals.” We find that Christian nationalism is inversely related to pro-immigrant views for both the religiously active and inactive. However, strongly pro-immigrant views are less likely and anti-immigrant views are more likely among strong Christian nationalists who are religiously inactive compared with strong Christian nationalists who are religiously active. These results illustrate how religious nationalism can weaken tolerance and heighten intolerance most noticeably when untethered from religious communities.
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Gaut, Greg. "Can a Christian Be a Nationalist? Vladimir Solov'ev's Critique of Nationalism." Slavic Review 57, no. 1 (1998): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502053.
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If my entire argument could fit under this rubric: Russia is a Christian nation andthereforeshould always act in a Christian way, my opponents’ argument can be expressed in the following formula: The Russian nation…is the only truly Christian nation, butnevertheless,it should act in a pagan way in all of its affairs.—Vladimir Solov'ev, Preface toThe National Question in Russia, Part II(1891)In the 1880s and 1890s, Vladimir Solov'ev worked out a Christian approach to nations and nationality, and a moral critique of nationalism, while waging a polemical battle against the Russian conservative nationalists of his day. His ideas emerged primarily from his own social gospel theology, but they were marked by both the Slavophile romanticism of his early career and the western liberalism of his later years. Solov'ev is most often treated as a philosopher, a mystic, or a literary figure, and as a result, his journalistic writings on nationalism and other topics have often been overlooked by scholars, even though they constitute at least a third of his published output.
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Upenieks, Laura. "Do Beliefs in Christian Nationalism Predict Mental Health Problems? The Role of Religious (Non)Involvement." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (January 2022): 237802312210816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221081641.
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An area that has received little attention in the stress process model of mental health is belief systems and values. A belief system that has been the focus of considerable recent research attention is Christian nationalism, an ideology that advocates a fusion of American civic life with a particular type of Christian identity and culture. Using nationally representative data from the United States (2017 Baylor Religion Survey), the author examines the extent to which Christian nationalist ideology represented a unique and independent influence on two mental health outcomes, depression and anxiety. The results suggest that stronger beliefs in Christian nationalism were associated with higher depression and anxiety, but the link between Christian nationalism and depression was significantly stronger for those with lower individual religiosity. The author discusses the implications of our findings and offer directions for future research.
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Miller, Daniel D. "American Christian Nationalism and the Meaning of “Religion”." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 34, no. 1-2 (November 18, 2021): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341533.
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Abstract American Christian nationalism highlights the entanglements of identity and power as they relate to the category of “religion.” Like many populist movements, Christian nationalism emerges out of a power-devaluation crisis stemming from the diminishment of White Christians’ social and political hegemony, coalescing around the affirmation that the US is a properly “Christian” nation. However, an examination of Christian nationalism reveals that the meaning of “Christian” within Christian nationalism cannot be captured by traditional measures of individual religiosity that tacitly presuppose that religion is essentially private, belief-focused, and non-political in nature, but must recognize that it expresses a complex social identity involving multiple social domains (e.g., race, gender, political ideology) and, as such, contests of power. This analysis is significant for religious studies because it suggests that religion is better approached analytically as an active process of socially-shared identity formation than as a belief system or Gestalt of individual religious practices.
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Turek, Lauren Frances. "Rethinking Christian Nationalism." Politics, Religion & Ideology 19, no. 2 (December 12, 2017): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2017.1409689.
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Haynes, Naomi. "Taking Dominion in a Christian Nation." Pneuma 43, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 214–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10036.
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Abstract This article traces some of the North American theological influences on contemporary Christian nationalism in Zambia. Beginning with an overview of key tenets of Christian Reconstruction and the New Apostolic Reformation, I show how these movements have influenced the writing of some key players in Zambia’s Christian nationalist project. I also demonstrate how these authors have modified the Western ideas that have shaped their thought. This analysis responds to calls in the anthropology of Christianity for better documentation of the various forms Christian nationalism takes around the world, perhaps especially outside the West. It also challenges easy arguments about the influence of Western Christian activists on Christian politics in Africa by foregrounding the agency of local writers and theologians, even as they engage with theological ideas that originated in the West.
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Perry, Samuel L., Andrew L. Whitehead, and Joshua T. Davis. "God’s Country in Black and Blue: How Christian Nationalism Shapes Americans’ Views about Police (Mis)treatment of Blacks." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218790983.
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Research shows that Americans who hold strongly to a myth about America’s Christian heritage—what is called “Christian nationalism”—tend to draw rigid boundaries around ethnic and national group membership. Incorporating theories connecting ethnic boundaries, prejudice, and perceived threat with a tendency to justify harsher penalties, bias, or excessive force against racial minorities, the authors examine how Christian nationalist ideology shapes Americans’ views about police treatment of black Americans. Analyses of 2017 data from a national probability sample show that adherence to Christian nationalism predicts that Americans will be more likely to believe that police treat blacks the same as whites and that police shoot blacks more often because blacks are more violent than whites. These effects are robust even when including controls for respondents’ religious and political characteristics, indicating that Christian nationalism influences Americans’ attitudes over and above the independent influences of political conservatism or religious parochialism. In fact, the authors find that religiosity influences policing attitudes in the opposite direction. Moreover, observed patterns do not differ by race, suggesting that Christian nationalism provides a cultural framework that can bolster antiblack prejudice among people of color as well as whites. The authors argue that Christian nationalism solidifies ethnic boundaries around national identity such that Americans are less willing to acknowledge police discrimination and more likely to victim-blame, even appealing to more overtly racist notions of blacks’ purportedly violent tendencies to justify police shootings. The authors outline the implications of these findings for understanding the current racial-political climate leading up to and during the Trump presidency.
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Pinontoan, Denni H. R. "Manguni and Christian Nationalism (in) Minahasa." Kawanua International Journal of Multicultural Studies 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30984/kijms.v2i1.9.
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This article describes the process and meaning of the reconstruction of Manguni, as the sacred bird in the old Minahasa religion which became a symbol of Gereja Masehi Injili in Minahasa (GMIM) in the context of colonialism. In particular, that thing to be discussed is the reconstruction of meaning, from Manguni as a mythological belief to Manguni as an ecclesiastical symbolic motive that carries a message of nationalism. Since the early of 20th century, the historical context and discourse of the Minahasa Christian intellectuals have been the subject of research to trace the development of Christian nationalism (in) Minahasa. In the context of GMIM, the interesting things are constituted as the dialogues and debates in colonial church forums, namely the Indische Kerk delivered by Christian leaders. This articles shows that, as a reaction to colonialism whic has changed many things predominantly in Christan Minahasa society, nationalism has grown and developed uniquely through discourse of community elites and church leaders. The expression of nationalism is through political and ecclesiastical path, which both of them use the legacy of religious tradition as tool of negotiation, namely the symbol of the institution with the motive of Manguni bird.
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Whitehead, Andrew L., Landon Schnabel, and Samuel L. Perry. "Gun Control in the Crosshairs: Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Stricter Gun Laws." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 4 (January 1, 2018): 237802311879018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023118790189.
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Despite increasingly frequent mass shootings and a growing dissatisfaction with current gun laws, American opposition to federal gun legislation remains strong. The authors show that opposition to stricter gun control is closely linked to Christian nationalism, a religious cultural framework that mandates a symbiotic relationship between Christianity and civil society. Using data from a national population-based survey, the authors show that Christian nationalism is an exceptionally strong predictor of opposition to the federal government’s enacting stricter gun laws. Of all the variables considered, only general political orientation has more predictive power than Christian nationalism. The authors propose that the gun control debate is complicated by deeply held moral and religious schemas that discussions focused solely on rational public safety calculations do not sufficiently address. For the substantial proportion of American society who are Christian nationalists, gun rights are God given and sacred. Consequently, attempts to reform existing gun laws must attend to the deeper cultural and religious identities that undergird Americans’ beliefs about gun control.
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Batnitzky, Leora. "Between Ancestry and Belief: “Judaism” and “Hinduism” in the Nineteenth Century." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 41, no. 2 (April 5, 2021): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjab001.
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Abstract This article argues that thinking about disputed conceptions of religious conversion helps us understand the emergence of both Jewish and Indian nationalism in the nineteenth century. In today’s world, Hindu nationalism and Zionism are most often understood to be in conflict with various forms of Islamism, yet the ideological formations of both developed in the context of Christian colonialism and, from the perspectives of Jewish and Indian reformers and nationalists, the remaking of Hinduism and Judaism in the image of Christianity. Even as they internalized some aspects of Protestant criticisms of “Judaism” and “Hinduism,” nineteenth century Jewish and Hindu reformers opposed definitions of “Judaism” and “Hinduism” based upon what they regarded as a one-sided emphasis on individual belief at the expense of ancestry and national identity. In making arguments about what constituted “Judaism” and “Hinduism” respectively, Jewish and Hindu reformers also rejected what they claimed was the false universalism of Christianity, as epitomized by Christian missionizing. For Jewish and Hindu reformers of the nineteenth century, “Jewish” and “Hindu” ties to ancestry marked not a parochial intolerance of others, as many Christians had long maintained, but a true universalism that, unlike Christian missionizing, allowed, promoted and embraced human difference. In these ways, contested characterizations of “Judaism” and “Hinduism” in the nineteenth century set in motion a series of arguments about conversion that became central to Jewish and Indian nationalism, some of which remain relevant for understanding conversion controversies in Israel and India today.
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Baker, Joseph O., Samuel L. Perry, and Andrew L. Whitehead. "Keep America Christian (and White): Christian Nationalism, Fear of Ethnoracial Outsiders, and Intention to Vote for Donald Trump in the 2020 Presidential Election." Sociology of Religion 81, no. 3 (2020): 272–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socrel/sraa015.
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Abstract Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.
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Nguyen, Quang Hung, Nikolay N. Kosarenko, Elmira R. Khairullina, and Olga V. Popova. "The Relationship between the State and the Catholic Church in Postcolonial Vietnam: The Case of Christian Village of Phung Khoang." Bogoslovni vestnik 79, no. 2 (2019): 521–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.34291/bv2019/02/nguyen.
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Christian missionaries found Vietnam a spiritual country, and many Vietnamese converted to Christianity. On the other hand, during history, the Christian religious identity has brought various tensions due to the issues of colonialism, nationalism, and communism. Most Vietnamese Christians lived in pure Christian villages (lang cong giao toan tong) or mixed villages with Christians accounting for about a half of the population (lang cong giao xoi do). They have played an important role in the social, economic and cultural life of these villages. This article presents the historical background of a mixed village called Phung Khoang, contrasting the Christian vs. non-Christian cultural-religious views, and then discussing both the collaboration and tension played out over various historical periods.
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Koval, Anatoliy. "Nationalism in the Context of Christian Religion." Religious Freedom 1, no. 19 (August 30, 2016): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2016.19.1.927.
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When the term "nationalism" is mentioned, then people with different political and social experiences, respectively, have different connotations that cover a very wide range. For some, nationalism is a positive and practical phenomenon of social consciousness, in which man is self-affirming as a citizen and a member of a nation. For another (which is probably more familiar with the history of nationalism and political speculation on it), nationalism is a manifestation of intolerance and limited thinking. Such a dualistic range of values of nationalism as a term is recognized by almost all authors of research on this topic. The history of this phenomenon makes it possible to look at nationalism as broadly as possible.
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Korkut, Umut. "Nationalism versus Internationalism: The Roles of Political and Cultural Elites in Interwar and Communist Romania." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 2 (May 2006): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600617698.
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This paper has two main goals. First, it illuminates continuities between the ideas of “true Romanian-ness” as held by both the Romanian cultural elite and the Romanian political regimes in the interwar and communist periods. A manufactured definition of a “true” Romanian—as a Romanian Orthodox Christian, natively Romanian-speaking, and ethnically Romanian—formed the core of Romanian nationalism, regardless of the ruling ideology. This definition did not include the Roman and Greek Catholics of Romanian ethnicity on the grounds that they were not Orthodox Christians. It goes without saying that these criteria also excluded Hungarians, Germans and other ethnic minorities on the basis of ethnicity, language and religion. Second, the paper demonstrates that the principal ideas of Romanian nationalism developed in overt contrast to the internationalist ideological movements of both periods. Both the liberals and the Marxists misunderstood nationalism, claimed Ernest Gellner in 1964: liberals assumed that nationalism was a doomed legacy of outmoded irrationalism, superstition and savagery, and Marxists considered it a necessary but temporary stage in the path to global socialism. Gellner's comments are evidently appropriate to Romania, where nationalist responses developed first to the Westernization of the interwar period and second to communist internationalism after 1948.
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Klinken, Adriaan van. "Homosexuality, Politics and Pentecostal Nationalism in Zambia." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (December 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0095.
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Building upon debates about the politics of nationalism and sexuality in post-colonial Africa, this article highlights the role of religion in shaping nationalist ideologies that seek to regulate homosexuality. It specifically focuses on Pentecostal Christianity in Zambia, where the constitutional declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation has given rise to a form of ‘Pentecostal nationalism’ in which homosexuality is considered to be a threat to the purity of the nation and is associated with the Devil. The article offers an analysis of recent Zambian public debates about homosexuality, focusing on the ways in which the ‘Christian nation’ argument is deployed, primarily in a discourse of anti-homonationalism, but also by a few recent dissident voices. The latter prevent Zambia, and Christianity, from accruing a monolithic depiction as homophobic. Showing that the Zambian case presents a mobilisation against homosexuality that is profoundly shaped by the local configuration in which Christianity defines national identity – and in which Pentecostal-Christian moral concerns and theo-political imaginations shape public debates and politics – the article nuances arguments that explain African controversies regarding homosexuality in terms of exported American culture wars, proposing an alternative reading of these controversies as emerging from conflicting visions of modernity in Africa.1
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Baskoro, Dhama Gustiar, and Dirk Roy Kolibu. "The Impact of Christian Religious Education on Generation Z Christian Nationalism Insight, with Spirituality as a Mediating Variable." ENDLESS: International Journal of Future Studies 5, no. 3 (December 18, 2022): 267–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endlessjournal.v5i3.113.
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The plurality of the Indonesian nation raises several important issues in the life of the Christian faith. Among the most important are the problems of religious syncretism with culture, pluralism, radicalism and intolerance. Of course, a multicultural diversity-based Christian Religious Education (CRE) curriculum is needed so that Christian spirituality can be translated well on the Indonesian context which adheres to Pancasila as an ideological view of nation and homeland, as well as diversity within unity. This research tries to test the relationship between the variables of Multicultural CRE (X), to dependent variable (Y) Christian Nationalism Insight, with the variable spirituality (Z) as the moderator variable. Data analysis was conducted using Structural Equation Modelling-Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS) using SmartPLS software version 3, with a small sample of 40 students participating in the Multicultural CRE course. The results explain that there is a significant effect between Multicultural CRE and Christian Nationalism Insight, also significant effect of Multicultural CRE to Spirituality, but the result is not show spirituality as a mediating variable has significant effect to Christian Nationalism Insight. This result show, the magnitude of the contribution of CRE to develop Spirituality and Christian Nationalism Insight.
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Sturm, Tristan. "Religion as nationalism: the religious nationalism of American Christian Zionists." National Identities 20, no. 3 (January 17, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2016.1255187.
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Smith, Jesse, and Gary J. Adler. "What Isn’t Christian Nationalism? A Call for Conceptual and Empirical Splitting." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (January 2022): 237802312211244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221124492.
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In the years surrounding Donald Trump’s presidency, a burgeoning strand of literature has emphasized the role of Christian nationalism in American political conflict. The authors argue that this literature contains mutually reinforcing theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Theoretically, the concept of Christian nationalism is overextended and conflates multiple conceptualizations of religion in public life. Empirically, the standard scale used to measure Christian nationalism contains survey items that are too ambiguous to adequately inform (or constrain) interpretations of findings. The authors draw from cultural sociology and political science to highlight key questions current Christian nationalism scholarship does not adequately address. The authors present results from a latent class analysis to show how the same survey items allow other interpretations of how Americans think about religion, state, and public life. The authors conclude with a discussion of theoretical and empirical steps that may strengthen the contributions of this scholarship.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Catholic and monarchist nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 2 (December 27, 2021): 19–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.2.2.
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The subject of this article is Christian nationalism in twentieth-century Portugal in its two ideological and organizational crystallizations. The first is the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista), operating in the late period of constitutional liberal monarchy, founded in 1903 on the basis of Catholic circles, whose initiator, leader, and main theoretician was Jacinto Cândido da Silva (1857–1926). The second is the metapolitical movement created after overthrowing the monarchy in 1914, aimed against the Republic, called Integralismo Lusitano. Its leader and main thinker was António Sardinha (1887–1925), and after his untimely death — Hipólito Raposo. Both organizations united nationalist doctrine with Catholic universalism, declaring subordination to the idea of national Christian ethics and the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. The difference between them, however, was that, although the party led by Cândido was founded, i.a., to save the monarchy, after its collapse, it doubted the sense of combining the defence of Catholicism against the militant secularism of the Republic with monarchism. Lusitanian integralists, on the other hand, saw the salvation of national tradition and Christian civilization in the restoration of monarchy — not liberal, but organic, traditionalist, anti-parliamentary, anti-liberal, and legitimistic. Eventually, the Nationalist Party gave rise to the Catholic-social movement from which an António Salazar’s corporate New State (Estado Novo, 1889–1970) originated, while Lusitanian Integralism was the Portuguese quintessential reactionary counter-revolution, for which Salazarism was also too modernist.
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Tocar, Sebastian. "CULTURAL DETERMINANTS OF FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT: NATIONALIST-XENOPHOBIC ATTITUDES." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no. 2 (March 25, 2022): 146–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-2-146-152.
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Cultural characteristics related to the values of national identity (patriotism, nationalism) and attitudes toward other peoples (xenophobia) represent important elements of cultural specificity that influence various dimensions of socioeconomic life, including economic processes. Unfortunately, these specific characteristics are not often investigated, especially in this context, probably because of the difficulty of quantifying them and the general sensitivity of the topic. This study presents an original approach to the study of nationalist-xenophobic attitudes and their relationship to foreign direct investment (FDI). The aim of this study is to identify theoretical benchmarks for approaching the topic of nationalism-xenophobia, to develop a synthetic indicator to quantify nationalism-xenophobic attitudes, and to highlight the mechanism of their influence on FDI attraction. The methodology used for conducting this research comprises the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction (for logical connections and theoretical argumentation), weighted average technique (for the elaboration of Nationalism-xenophobia Index), Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient of internal consistency (to test the reliability of the construct) and Pearson correlation coefficient (for the correlation analysis). The author's contributions include a study of the relationship between nationalist and xenophobic sentiments, the development of the Nationalism-xenophobia Index, an indicator of the intensity of these sentiments in society, an analysis of the relationship between nationalism-xenophobia relations and the amount of FDI attracted per capita, the identification and explanation of the cultural mechanism by which nationalist and xenophobic sentiments influence various phenomena, including FDI. Logical-theoretical assumptions and arguments are confirmed by the results of quantitative data analysis. The findings of the study confirm that the cultural characteristics associated with nationalism and xenophobia represent important elements of cultural specificity that influence economic processes, including FDI. Numerous studies show that the nationalist dimension of ethnocentrism is closely related to xenophobia. Analysis of countries' scores on the nationalism-xenophobia index depending on the dominant Christian denomination and the presence of a communist past shows a link between nationalist-xenophobic, Orthodox (and, to a lesser extent, Catholic) values and the values of communist ideology, which negatively affect FDI attraction. Furthermore, nationalist-xenophobic attitudes have a negative impact on FDI attraction, both directly and indirectly, showing a strong negative impact.
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Thang, Ram Hlei. "Secularism and Religious Nationalism: A Historical Study of Ethnic Conflict in Myanmar." IKAT: The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (August 16, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v3i1.44955.
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Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been plagued by ethnic conflict and civil war for decades since its independence in 1948. Applying historical method, this study examines the relationship between the issue of secularism and ethnic conflict in the country by focusing on the rise of religious nationalisms. This study finds that the rise of Buddhist nationalism among Burmese majority, as well as the rise of Christian nationalism among minority ethnics-have challenged peaceful coexistence and vision of a secular state as aspirated by Burmese founding fathers. This study argues that this failure to adopt the principles of secularism was the root cause of ethnic conflict that has raged the country for over six decades.
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Mahadev, Neena. "The Charism of the Christian Left." Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2022.400107.
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Through ethnography of recent peaceful dissent by Catholic and Protestant activists, life histories, and a reading of a postcolonial archive of contextually grounded liberation theology, I explore the theopolitics of grace that fuels the habits and habitus of Sri Lanka’s ecumenical left. Pluralistic and indigenised forms of Christianity emerged in the era of decolonisation and nationalisation and were emboldened by Vatican II. Distinguishing ecumenical Christian pluralism from evangelical Christian expansion in the region, this article historicises Cold War religiosity, drawing out ‘bi-polar’ contrasts of politically left and right forms of Christian grace. In doing so, I situate religious pluralism within the convulsive era of class and ethnic-based insurrections in Sri Lanka. Analysing the ‘catholicity’, civic nationalism, and post-nationalist self-conceptions held by Sri Lanka’s Christian left, I argue that the ‘something extra’ of grace can be fruitfully understood as the cultural accretions and theo-political formations that accrue through localised emplacements of global Christianity.
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Bjork-James, Sophie. "Christian Nationalism and LGBTQ Structural Violence in the United States." Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no. 3 (2019): 278–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv202031069.
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This paper uses anti-LGBTQ bias within evangelical Christianity as a case study to explore how nationalist movements justify prejudicial positions through framing privileged groups as victims. Since Anita Bryant’s late 1970s crusade against what was dubbed the “homosexual agenda,” white evangelicals have led a national movement opposing LGBTQ rights in the United States. Through a commitment to ensuring sexual minorities are excluded from civil rights protections, white evangelicals have contributed to a cultural and legal landscape conducive to anti-LGBTQ structural violence. This opposition is most often understood as rooted in love, and not in bias or hate, as demonstrated during long-term ethnographic research among white evangelical churches in Colorado Springs. Engaging with theories of morality and nationalism, this article argues that most biased political movements understand their motivation as defending a moral order and not perpetuating bias. In this way they can justify structural violence against subordinated groups.
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Ivanov, A. A. "Orthodox Church and Russian Nationalism in the Second Half of the 19th Century and Early 20th Century." Orthodoxia, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 60–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-4-60-83.
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The article is based on the pre-revolutionary journalism. It reveals the attitude of Orthodox church authors of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century to a number of subjects related to the problems of the Russian nationalism. The traditionally high interest of the Russian society in general and Orthodox Christians in particular in the attitude of the Russian Orthodox Church to nationalism in its various manifestations accounts for the relevance of the publication. Considering the return of the modern church journalism to the same range of problems that concerned representatives of the Orthodox clergy, theologians, missionaries and teachers of theological schools in the pre-revolutionary period, it would seem that an appeal to the historical experience of their understanding is fairly significant and essential. The article examines the ways in which church authors used to understand the nationalism, their ideas about its place in the life of an Orthodox Christian, along with its challenges and threats. It is noted that although the Orthodox Church did not have a single and consistent view of the nationalism, most church authors tried to give this phenomenon a direction that would not contradict the gospel teaching and could become a constructive and creative factor for the Russian life. At the same time, it is noted that, when discussing the nationalism, church authors of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century often gave this concept a meaning different from that of modern scientists, politicians and journalists. Standing at the Christian viewpoint, church authors rejected the militant, “pagan”, secular kind of the nationalism that involved only the earthly prosperity of the people. They supported another kind of nationalism consisting in the right of peoples to a special spiritual path, cultural and state identity and independence.
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Ma, Li, and Jin Li. "Divergent Paths of Protestantism and Asian Nationalism: A Comparison of Two Social Movements in Korea and China in 1919." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 4 (May 29, 2018): 316–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939318775259.
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In Korea, the March First Movement in 1919 fused Christian identity with nationalistic rituals, making Korean Protestants respectable patriots in the eyes of their countrymen. In China, however, the fledgling nationalism nurtured by the May Fourth Movement in the same year soon gave rise to strong anti-Christian sentiments, culminating in major waves of anti-Christian movements in the 1920s. How do we explain these different outcomes? We argue that the encounters between two different types of Protestantism and two variant forms of nationalism led Korea and China on divergent paths.
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Lamothe, Ryan. "SALVATION COMING: CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM AND PASTORAL CARE." Journal of Pastoral Theology 18, no. 1 (July 2008): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jpt.2008.18.1.002.
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Dubow, Saul. "Afrikaner Nationalism, Apartheid and the Conceptualization of ‘Race’." Journal of African History 33, no. 2 (July 1992): 209–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700032217.
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This paper analyses the ideological elaboration of the concept of race in the development of Christian-nationalist thought. As such, it contributes to our understanding of the ideological and theological justifications for apartheid. The paper begins by pointing to the relatively late moment (c. mid-1930s) at which Afrikaner nationalist ideologues began to address the systematic separation of blacks and whites. It takes its cue from a key address given by the nationalist leader, Totius, to the 1944 volkskongres on racial policy. Here, racial separation was justified by reference to scriptural injunction, the historical experience of Afrikanerdom and the authority of science. Each of these categories is then analysed with respect to the way in which the concept of race was understood and articulated.The paper argues that both scientific racism and distinctive forms of cultural relativism were used to justify racial separation. This depended on the fact that the categories of race, language and culture were used as functionally interdependent variables, whose boundaries remained fluid. In the main, and especially after the Second World War, Afrikaner nationalist ideologues chose to infer or suggest biological notions of racial superiority rather than to assert these openly. Stress on the distinctiveness of different ‘cultures’ meant that the burden of explaining human difference did not rest solely on the claims of racial science. As a doctrine, Christian-nationalism remained sufficiently flexible to adjust to changing circumstances. In practice, the essentialist view of culture was no less powerful a means of articulating human difference than an approach based entirely on biological determinism.
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Celestini, Carmen, and Randi R. Warne. "From the Cave of Adullam a King Shall Rise." Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 3, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v3i2.75.
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Christian nationalism, populism, and conspiracy theories interconnected online during the COVID-19 pandemic, and eventually erupted in offline acts of protest against governments, with cabals attempting to create a New World Order and against the “tyrannical” COVID-19 mandates. In this paper we focus on the role of the Calgary-based Pastor Artur Pawlowski in building a religio-political social movement both in Canada and America, founded upon tropes of Christian persecution, conspiracy theories, Christian nationalism, and populism. This transnational online movement, in which national borders are blurred, helped to fuel the occupation of Canada’s capital city in December 2021, and continues to spur a Christian movement both in America and Canada as the pandemic wanes.
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Biggar, Nigel. "Honey from the Lion: Christianity and the Ethics of Nationalism." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 3 (June 26, 2014): 357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000167.
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This book comprises a Christian apologia for nationalism in general and for Scottish separatist nationalism in particular. It is only fair that the reader should know that its reviewer is an Anglo-Scottish unionist.
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Neumann, Iver B. "Russia’s Return as True Europe, 1991-2017." Conflict and Society 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2017.030107.
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Since the reign of Peter the Great, Russia has identified itself in opposition to Europe. In the late 1980s, Michael Gorbachev and associates forged a liberal representation of Europe and initiated a Western-oriented foreign policy. Against this westernizing or liberal representation of Europe stood what was at first a makeshift group of old Communists and right-wing nationalists, who put forward an alternative representation that began to congeal around the idea that the quintessentially Russian trait was to have a strong state. This article traces how this latter position consolidated into a full-fledged xenophobic nationalist representation of Europe, which marginalized first other forms of nationalism and then, particularly since 2013, liberal representations of Europe. The official Russian stance is now that Russia itself is True Europe, a conservative great power that guards Europe’s true Christian heritage against the False Europe of decadence and depravity to its west.
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Farah, Caesar E. "Lebanese Christian Nationalism: The Rise and Fall of an Ethnic Nationalism, Walid Phares." Digest of Middle East Studies 5, no. 2 (April 1996): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1996.tb00643.x.
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Haynes, Naomi. "Concretizing the Christian Nation." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 166–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127037.
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Abstract In October 2015 the Zambian president broke ground on a new National House of Prayer, a building project meant to reaffirm the country's status as Africa's only self-proclaimed “Christian nation.” Over the next four years architects produced three separate sets of plans for the House of Prayer, images of which were circulated among Zambian Christians, primarily church leaders. Each set of plans has provoked conversations about what the House of Prayer should look like. This article shows how discussions of the building's aesthetic features were connected to the theological-political possibilities of Christian nationalism, crystalizing around two competing models of how to go about making Zambia a (more) Christian nation. By tracing the tension between these models through architectural and aesthetic debates, this article shows the link between images and the theological-political imagination. It therefore builds on anthropological analyses of other parts of the world that have emphasized the political power of aesthetics as more than representations of already existing ideas—that is, as an ideologically and politically productive force in its own right.
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Walsh, Lorcan. "Nationalism in the textbooks of the Christian brothers." Irish Educational Studies 6, no. 2 (January 1986): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0332331860060204.
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BLACK, MICHAEL. "KIERKEGAARD'S CRITIQUE OF CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM by Stephen Backhouse." New Blackfriars 93, no. 1047 (August 6, 2012): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2012.01506_8.x.
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Cox, W. F. "Christian Nationalism and its Implications for Educational Philosophy." Journal of Church and State 39, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/39.1.131.
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Satyavrata, Ivan. "Hindu Nationalism, Challenges and Opportunities for Christian Mission." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 20, no. 4 (October 2003): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537880302000402.
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Mallampalli, Chandra. "Book Review: Nationalism and Hindutva: A Christian Response." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930603000222.
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Pophaides, Irene. "Christian Cypriot perceptions of Muslim Cypriots, 1878-1931: an interpretation of the sources." Turkish Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2011): 177–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187754611x603100.
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AbstractChristian Cypriot perceptions of Muslim Cypriots went through several transformations in the period 1878-1931. This procedure, located in the context of the development of the Greek Cypriot nationalist movement, the political activity of the British administrators and the Church of Cyprus, the attempts of the Greek state to communicate the notion of the Megali Idea in the island, the shift in the allegiances of the Muslim Cypriot community as well as of international events the ramifications of which were experienced in Cyprus, can be vividly revealed through the sources. In exposing it, this article will suggest another interpretative tool which can enlighten the complex evolution of Greek Cypriot nationalism in the island.
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Ivanov, Andrey A. "Topics of Russian Nationalism in Ecclesiastic Journalism in the Second Half of the 19th and the Beginning of the 20th Century." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-176-196.
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The article deals with the attitude of the orthodox ecclesiastic authors of the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century (clergy, theologians, journalists) toward such phenomenon of the social and political life of Russian society as nationalism. On the basis of articles and sermons published in eparchial media outlets, religious journals, newspapers and individual brochures, the article reconstructs and analyzes the insights of ecclesiastic journalists in the problem of relationship in Orthodox Christianity between the universal and the national; their ideas of nation and nationalism; the attitude toward cosmopolitanism. Special attention is paid to the issue of the existence of national Orthodox churches as integral parts of the unique Christian Church, to the craving of Orthodox nations for cultural and political separation, and acceptability of nationalism for Orthodox Christians. The author of the article argues that in spite of opinions pluralism regarding these issues, the judgment of the Church representatives about nationalism had much in common which allows to speak about the zeitgeist in assessments of the place of the national in Orthodox Christianity developed in that period of time in the Russian ecclesiastic environment. While not doubting the “universality” of Orthodox Christianity and denouncing national intolerance and “secular” nationalism of West European-style, the majority of ecclesiastic journalists, at the same time, criticized cosmopolitanism and tried to direct Russian nationalism, that was gaining popularity in society, to the ecclesiastic track, placing it at the service of Christianity.
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Clark, Roland. "Nationalism, Ethnotheology and Mysticism in Interwar Romania." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 2002 (January 1, 2009): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2009.147.
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Scholarship on Christian mysticism underwent a renaissance in Romania between 1920 and 1947, having a lasting impact on the way that Romanian theologians and scholars think about Romanian Orthodoxy Christianity in general, and mysticism in particular. Fascist and ultra-nationalist political and intellectual currents also exploded into the Romanian public sphere at this time. Many of the same people who were writing mystical theology were also involved with ultra-nationalist politics, either as distant sympathizers or as active participants. This paper situates the early work of the renowned theologian Dumitru Stăniloae within the context of mystical fascism, nationalist apologetics, and theological pedagogy in which it was originally produced. It shows how a new academic discipline formed within an increasingly extremist political climate by analyzing the writings of six key men whose work significantly shaped Romanian attitudes towards mysticism: Nae Ionescu, Mircea Eliade, Lucian Blaga, Nichifor Crainic, Ioan Gh. Savin, and Dumitru Stăniloae. The contributions of these thinkers to Romanian theology are not dismissed once their nationalism is noted, but they are contextualized in a way that allows twenty-first century thinkers to move beyond the limitations of these men and into fresh ways of thinking about the divine-human encounter.
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Ishii, Noriko. "“Difficult Conversations across Religions, Race and Empires: American Women Missionaries and Japanese Christian Women during the 1930s and 1940s”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 4 (October 31, 2017): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02404004.
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This essay examines how American and Japanese women in the foreign missionary movement struggled to reconcile the rise of state Shintoism, Japanese patriotic nationalism, and American racism and nationalism with their Christian faiths during the 1930s and 1940s when the United States and Japan were moving towards war. It applies Kris Manjapra’s notion of “aspirational cosmopolitanism” as the conceptual framework in its exploration of how an American woman missionary and her Japanese convert developed different visions of egalitarian cosmopolitanism and remained faithful to their Christian faiths as the states of Japan and the United States demanded more conformity to their wartime notions of patriotism. Charlotte B. DeForest, the last missionary president of Kobe College, who struggled with the questions of shrine visits and racism against Japanese Americans, managed to shape a new hybrid identity as Christian and “supernational.” Takeda (Cho) Kiyoko, her former student, finally identified a Japanese dual consciousness through the image of “humans in shells”—a clue to another cosmopolitan vision rooted in Christian faith appropriate to Japanese culture in reconciliation with Asia.
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Acors, Brittany. "Masks vs. God and Country: The Conflict between Public Health and Christian Nationalism." Studies in Church History 58 (June 2022): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2022.20.
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From its inception, the United States Public Health Service (USPHS) has been expressly areligious, aiming to promote the health of the American people during specific crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as responding to endemic issues such as heart disease, opioid addiction and obesity. However, some Christian nationalists perceive this areligious advocacy of science as a challenge to the moral authority of Christianity and the Bible. Protests against public health guidelines have utilized religious language to defend what participants see as their civil and God-given rights, deepening the divide between science and religion. Yet historically, public health advocates have built relationships with religious community leaders and employed educational campaigns to bridge this gap. Drawing on an analysis of USPHS history, Christian nationalist ideology and recent COVID-19 protests, this article argues that public health has historically used specific strategies to ensure a more favourable response and compliance, and makes the case that it should do so again.
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Pan, Lucilla. "Abraham against the Political." Svensk Teologisk Kvartalskrift 98, no. 2 (November 18, 2022): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51619/stk.v98i2.24621.
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This article is concerned with Søren Kierkegaard's implicit critique of Christian nationalism in Fear and Trembling (1843). By comparing the story of Abraham and Isaac to the stories of three tragic heroes, Kierkegaard unveils the problems of Christian nationalism: that it seeks to systematize what should not be systematized and that in such a political system, the individual is subsumed under the communal. The example of Abraham – someone who forgoes both his ethical duty to his child and to his promised nation for the sake of his relationship with the divine – reflects Kierkegaard's concerns about nationalism: that humans would be forced to sacrifice their individuality out of a so-called good of the whole. Instead, Kierkegaard praises Abraham because he obeys God instead of the ethical. For Kierkegaard, interpersonal relationships are what are most important for communal and political living. Abraham's faith enables him to preserve his relationships with God and with Isaac because he does not fall into the temptation of the ethical qua universal.
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Žvirgždas, Manfredas. "Ethnolinguistic Nationalism and Other Political Contexts of Maironis." Interlitteraria 24, no. 2 (January 15, 2020): 436–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2019.24.2.13.
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Widely acclaimed as the Lithuanian national poet, the Catholic clergyman Jonas Mačiulis-Maironis (1862–1932) in his canonical poems of the epoch of national revival expressed his romantic primordialist point of view that every nation has an inherent right to its independence that had been given by divine institution. Linguistic factors determined national identity in Eastern Europe of the late 19th century. Maironis as a follower of linguocentric nationalism modelled the conditions for the elite Lithuanian culture which would be significant at the European level. The longing for the so-called European virtues (universally based on Christian ethics) penetrated through all the poet’s world-view, therefore he was impressed by the diligence and activism of Western nations but did not support the ideas of social activism and individual liberties, opposed the ideas of secular philosophical trends, especially socialism and scientism. Eurocentrist motives in his rhetoric did not mean any challenge to the governing conservative Russian regime because they did not invoke opposition to the ideology of Pan-Slavism which was supported by the Tsarist ideologues. The poetical archetype of springtime awakening was related to the youthful activism of the “new” political nations of Eastern and Central Europe. Maironis was one of the first Lithuanian authors who openly criticized ideas of socialism and positivism; on the other hand, he provoked discussions of the enlightened group of the developing Lithuanian-speaking elite. He regarded the slogans of liberty, equality and fraternity as deceptive justification of populism and collective violence. Sceptically regarding parliamentary democracy, he emphasized the principles of Classical-Christian law and justice and the need for solidarity, consciousness and creativity. Maironis related the ideological dispute of conservative and radical trends to the decisive struggle of Christianity and atheism. He was a consistent and orthodox Catholic thinker, the opponent of any revolutionary upheavals; discussing social questions he emphasized that politicians should take into account doctrine of the Holy See on the obligations of Christians and principles of charity.