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Škrobonja, A., I. Kontošić, J. Bačić, V. Vučevac-Bajt, A. Muzur, and V. Golubović. "Domestic animals as symbols and attributes in Christian iconography: some examples from Croatian sacral art." Veterinární Medicína 46, No. 4 (2015): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/7863-vetmed.
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The aim of this paper was to register the domestic animals appearing in the iconography of Christian saints and to explain their association. The source of knowledge was literature dealing with hagiographies of saints, sacral iconography and liturgy along with visiting churches, monasteries and museums throughout Croatia. After research in sacral literature and works of art lasting several years, it was observed that the following domestic animals appear as accompanying about seventy Christian saints: bees, bull, camel, cow, dog, donkey, goose, dove, horse, lamb, pig, sheep, steer. Reasons and explanations of their association are most often in practical relations (the animal serves and helps the man). However, in the animal, the most varied symbolic, especially ethical and morality messages are personified very often. Especially interesting are saints honoured as patrons of particular animals and of professionals occupied with animals. In human medicine, they are most frequently protectors from zoonoses, too. In some cases, animals are attributed to saints because of the linguistic association resulting from similarity of the names of animals and saints. In the same way, domestic animals are present in sacral art as a part of ambient decoration, too. In addition, it can also be interesting from the historical and ethnic veterinary point of view. Presented examples show how, by interdisciplinary approach to sacral art and tradition, we can come to other numerous findings surpassing mere religious messages. In this case, these are contributions to the history of veterinary medicine in the widest sense.
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Rigby, Kate. "Ancient Christian Ecopoetics: cosmologies, saints, things." Green Letters 23, no. 4 (2019): 422–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14688417.2019.1694747.
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Costlow, Jane. "Animals, Saints and the Anthropocene." Russian Literature 114-115 (June 2020): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ruslit.2020.07.008.
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Gusakova, Olga. "A Saint and the Natural World: A Motif of Obedience in Three Early Anglo-Saxon Saints’ Lives." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000486.
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Saints’ interactions with the natural world (with beasts and birds as well as the elements) as represented in hagiographical literature constitute an integral part of a much wider theme concerning Christian perceptions of nature and the place of humankind in it. While being in line with the general Christian ideas on creation, hagiographical accounts of the saints’ relationship with nature may reveal different aspects of such ideas and perform diverse narrative functions in various traditions and texts. This paper will look at the Anglo-Saxon hagiographical tradition which was enriched in its development by Irish, Continental and Eastern influences. Thus analysis of Anglo-Saxon saints’ Lives is an essential part of a broader study of medieval hagiographical literature, both Eastern and Western.
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Vanderspoel, J. "Claudian, Christ and the Cult of the Saints." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (1986): 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800010697.
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Current scholarly opinion holds that the poet Claudian was a pagan who was able to hide sufficiently his personal views at a largely Christian court. This opinion is not unanimous: Claudian has in the past occasionally been considered a Christian, and recently that view has reappeared in print. That Claudian wrotecarm. min.32,de saluatore, should not be doubted; yet this collection of stock phrases cannot be considered Claudian'scredo. As Gnilka has shown, Claudian's treatment of the traditional gods and goddesses displays warmth and fondness beyond the requirements of epic and consequently reveals his true beliefs. The poem is an Easter card for Honorius, displaying not religious convictions, but an instinct for survival at a Christian court. The exegesis ofCarmina Minora50 here proposed suggests that Claudian was familiar enough with Christian ideas to criticise them. Nothing hinders him from repeating them when it proved advantageous.The interpretation ofcarm. min.50 depends in some measure on the literary relationship between Claudian and the Christian poet Prudentius. Specifically, it is important to ascertain whether Claudian was aware of the work of his contemporary. Several studies have argued that Prudentius read and used Claudian, but only recently has Cameron suggested Claudian also read and used Prudentius. His arguments and example are convincing and conclusive, revealing at the same time the nature of Claudian's use of his contemporary's words and ideas. Because similar echoes of Prudentius' poetry will appear in the interpretation ofcarm. min.50, it will be useful to cite the example here.
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Linzey, Andrew. "Jesus and Animals in Christian Apocryphal Literature." Modern Believing 48, no. 1 (2007): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.48.1.48.
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Anderson, Rachel S. "Ancient Christian Ecopoetics: Cosmologies, Saints, Things. By Virginia Burrus." ISLE: Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 27, no. 3 (2020): 670–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isle/isaa067.
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Kuznetsova, Olga A. "HELLMOUTH IN THE JAWS OF CERBERUS. IN RUSSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 17TH AND BEGINNING OF THE 18TH CENTURY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 4 (2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-4-65-75.
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The paper is focused on the adaptation of the image of Cerberus in Russian culture of the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Times. Fragmentary information about some characters of the Greco-Roman mythology penetrated into Russian medieval literature from the Byzantine. Christians often borrowed and reinterpreted those images in the traditions of Christian symbolism. One of these characters, Cerberus, the dog of Hades, became an infernal character: a guard or a demon of the Christian Hell. As a dog it turned into an Evil animal, executioner of sinners. Аs a three-headed creature it resembled dragons and other legendary monsters. Perhaps, the story about Hercules, who tamed Cerberus, became the basis of novel in the Sinai Patericon (story about Saint John Kolobos and graveyard hyena). At the beginning of the 18th century Russia experienced a secondary influence of Ancient symbolism through Western European emblematic collections and similar translated works. A lot of exotic images were rediscovered and aquired new meanings. Under the influence of the Jesuit theatre, the mouth of Cerberus became a variation of a well-known in Russia iconographic image of Hellmouth. In the plays by Dimitri of Rostov, the characters sent to the underworld found themselves in the mouth of a monstrous dog – inside an ingenious stage device. Toward the end of the 18th century Hell as a dog’s head appeared also in Russian popular prints, lubok.
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Carson, Rebekah. "The quintessential Christian tomb: saints, professors, and Riccio's tomb design." Renaissance Studies 28, no. 1 (2013): 90–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rest.12009.
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Wicke, Jennifer. "Guest Column—Epilogue: Celebrity's Face Book." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 4 (2011): 1131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.4.1131.
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Celebrity relies on a gaze, a collective or public regard that, in gazing, confers value. Celebrity also demands a face to celebrate—faciality is a sine qua non of “celebrification.” The historian Peter Brown demonstrates in The Cult of the Saints that late antiquity introduced the overriding importance of saints' images, bodies, relics, or tomb sites in a Christian worship that emphasized the mediation of saints between heaven and earth and in place of angels; celebrity had its origins in the woodcut portraits and wayside shrines that proliferated as well as in the professionally wrought iconic images of the saints. Against David Hume's judgment of this phenomenon as “vulgar” and a remnant of pagan folk religion, he argues that the rise of the cult of the saints was as influenced by elites, including Augustine, as by supposedly lesser folk, and that the latter, especially women and the poor, were thus able to participate in a democratizing of culture profoundly indebted to graveside practices that promoted personal relationships, even friendships, with the dead saints and the circulation of their faces in imagery and their body parts as relics (17). Moreover, far from introducing vulgarity into Christian rituals, Brown shows how the cult was imbued with the culture of classical antiquity and with values associated with Athenian democracy and the philosophy of nous, a non-rational intelligence linking us to the divine (48). That we deploy the term celebrity icon for such figures as Oprah or Angelina Jolie only underscores the vestiges of public religious ritual that remain embedded in celebrity practices and the nimbus of the sacred that haloes even seemingly debased celebrity discourses.
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Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Renate. "Saints and Animals in the Middle Ages. Dominic Alexander." Speculum 84, no. 3 (2009): 665–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400209366.
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Christensen, Maria Munkholt, and Peter Gemeinhardt. "Holy Women and Men as Teachers in Late Antique Christianity." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 23, no. 2 (2019): 288–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2019-0015.
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Abstract This article shows how the theme of education was treated in late antique hagiographical discourse. Brief references are made to two ascetic archetypes, Antony and Macrina, who are both styled in their vitae in relation to education, either by rejecting classical education or appropriating philosophy and substituting classical literature with biblical literature. On this basis the article focuses in more detail on six hagiographical texts and their protagonists, i. e. three texts primarily on men (the Life of Hypatius of Rufiniane, the saints of Theodoret of Cyrus’ Religious History and Cyril of Scythopolis’ Lives of the Monks in Palestine) and three texts on women (the Lives of Marcella, Melania the Younger, and Syncletica). Although classical education is evaluated differently in these texts, and ascetic formation takes various shapes, it is obvious that both male and female saints played a role in the discussion about the Christian appropriation of classical education as well as in the development of particular Christian ideas of formation. A correct use of education was not a hindrance for holiness, but rather a sign of ascetic wisdom. That both men and women, on a literary level, incarnated Christian teachings in their Lives, and that they were able to live and teach Christian ideals, tells us much about the ambitious transformation of education that was visualized in the ascetic literature. The hagiographical texts themselves both reflect the discussion of education and are didactic texts with the aim of establishing new norms.
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Magennis, Hugh. "Warrior Saints, Warfare, and the Hagiography of Ælfric of Eynsham." Traditio 56 (2001): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002403.
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Among the saints celebrated by the major vernacular Anglo-Saxon hagiographer Ælfric of Eynsham, one interesting group that has not received much scholarly attention is his warrior saints. In his lives of these saints Ælfric the monk, who has abjured violence, proclaims the spiritual achievements of men who have been military leaders and of ordinary soldiers serving in the ranks. The most famous of Ælfric's soldiers, St. Martin, was an unwilling one, but others commended by him were not unhappy to embrace the military life, even indeed when serving under pagans. Warrior saints were a distinctive and popular class of saints in the earlier Christian Mediterranean world. In the writings of Ælfric, as in Anglo-Saxon hagiography generally, they are a small group, but they are a group that illustrates strikingly Ælfric's approach to writing about saints, and study of them helps to throw light on the work he intended vernacular hagiography to perform. Part of that work, as argued below, was to provide ideologically suitable spiritual heroes for the faithful. But how should the potentially problematic group of warrior saints be presented, whose lives combine sanctity and violence and whose exploits might have disconcerting associations with the world of secular heroism?
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Goffart, Walter. "Christian Pessimism on the Walls of the Vatican Galleria delle carte geografiche." Renaissance Quarterly 51, no. 3 (1998): 788–827. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901746.
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AbstractThe Vatican Map Gallery (1579-81) contains fifty-one historical paintings in its vault and twenty-three historical vignettes on its monumental maps of Italy. Inspired by an early-Christian conception of the past, the vault paintings illustrate a "perfect" history, typified by saints' miracles. The contrasting vignettes demand more painstaking interpretation. Embedded in geography, they appear to exemplify a terrestrial history (reminiscent of Orosius) that, when not bathed in blood, teaches the vanity of earthbound strivings. Maps for history did not again take this form.
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Skowronek, Małgorzata, and Marek Majer. "The First Witnesses. Martha, Longinus and Veronica in the Slavic Manuscript Tradition (Initial Observations)." Studia Ceranea 1 (December 30, 2011): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.01.07.
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The epithet ‘first witnesses’, conferred on the three saints in the title, is but a conventional designation; it seems fitting as common for the figures of saints, who gave proof of their devotion to Christ. Otherwise, although they make no simultaneous appearance in any of the canonical texts, there are – interestingly – far more interconnections between the three characters in pseudo-canonical and legendary literature than could be surmised from the lack thereof in the Bible. The aim of the paper is to present a literary picture of three New Testament heroes, as commemorated in different literary texts representing diverse cultural registers, even from the Ancient Christian Times until the close of the Middle Ages. Among them there are short and extended lives and passions of saints, liturgical poetry, as well as specific, more popular texts, such as ‘tales’ and legends. The material under discussion largely includes texts that form a part of the Slavic Orthodox tradition, depicting them on the background of fairly wellknown works belonging to the Western Christian tradition. It turns out that the legends are inspired by the canonical text on the one hand, while on the other hand they themselves infiltrate official texts – they become officially sanctioned as soon as their popularity is taken over and adopted by liturgical practice. It should be borne in mind that those legends – part of which is known both in the Eastern and in the Western Christianity – confirm one further crucial characteristic of texts constituting the canonical and pseudo-canonical tradition: the commonness of themes and motifs which can without exaggeration be called ‘wandering’. They determine the fact that there is hardly any originality in the formation of the characters of patron saints; moreover, on the level of creating the notion of sainthood and its reception, there seem to be far more common points than differences between both of the Early Christian traditions – the East and the West. The paper is an attempt to point out how the Christian tradition exemplifies various manifestations of holiness, what means it has for annotating, elucidating and embellishing the Biblical hypertext, and how it adapts pseudo-canonical legends for the purposes of liturgical use.
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Benevich, Grigory. "Presence and absence of προαίρεσις in Christ and saints according to Maximus the Confessor and parallels in Neoplatonism". Byzantinische Zeitschrift 111, № 1 (2018): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2018-0002.
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Abstract The article shows that prior to the debate with the Monothelites, Maximus the Confessor followed the Christian tradition going back to Gregory of Nyssa in recognizing the presence of προαίρεσις in Christ and the saints. Later during the debate, Maximus declined to apply προαίρεσις to Christ and started to speak about the deactivation of προαίρεσις in the saints in the state of deification. Maximus was the first Orthodox author who distinguished deliberate choice (προαίρεσις) and natural will (θέλημα), and defended the presence of natural will in Christ according to His humanity. At the same time, the opposition of desire (βούλησις) and deliberate choice (προαίρεσις) can be found in some Neoplatonists, such as Iamblichus, Proclus, and Philoponus. Iamblichus and Proclus rejected the presence of προαίρεσις in the gods and god-like humans, admitting only the presence of βούλησις - the desire for the Good. Thus, the evolution of the doctrine of Maximus the Confessor, regarding the application of προαίρε- σις to Christ and the saints, finds a parallel doctrine (and even possibly a source) in Neoplatonism.
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Vuković, Marijana. "Role Of Apocrypha and Saints’ Lives, Their Transmission and Readership in The history of Childhood and Family." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 48, no. 3-4 (2020): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.38480.
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The article proposes to explore the potentials of examining Apocrypha and saints’ lives in pursuit of knowledge about children, childhood, and family in the past. It first stresses a necessity to accurately define Apocrypha and saints’ lives within early Christian literature. The transmission of Apocrypha and saints’ lives in their textual varieties, the number of manuscripts they appear in, and their absence of authorship also demand further discussion. Scholars additionally do not reach the consensus over their readership, reputation, and audience in the same period. 
 Although a great deal of potential remains in these genres for the pursuances named above, one has to bear in mind the restrictions. One has to be cautious when prying out social realities from hagiography. One also has to distinguish the theological and religious aspects from the social realities and realities of everyday life in such texts, as well as to pay attention to their literary and genre aspects. Finally, one may wish to trace varieties of individual texts in manuscripts, because they sometimes give different information about our matters of interest.
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George, C. H. "Parnassus Restored, Saints Confounded: The Secular Challenge to the Age of the Godly, 1560–1660." Albion 23, no. 3 (1991): 409–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051110.
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The conception of English culture in the century that was brought to a climax in Cromwellian triumph and tragedy has suffered from a flatness of historical perception, one major cause of which has been insufficient recognition of the thought and esthetic creativity of nominal Christian and emphatically non-Puritan intellectuals and artists. We have concentrated too much on defining the novelties, indeed often inappreciable differences, that characterized pre-revolutionary and revolutionary Christian factionalism in England: Anglicanism, Puritanism, Sectarianism, Laudianism, and now Arminianism. I want instead to make a case for the neglected power, pervasiveness, and perdurability of varieties of secularism in the age of the Godly.Although a growing number of scholars are aware of the importance of literature to the dynamics of this astonishing epoch, the redoubtable spirit of William Haller prevails still in historical efforts to reconstitute the cultural context of that literature. The pagan bedrock laid down by a century of humanist imports is obscured by the flood of ephemeral sermons and miscellaneous religious discourse. Recent literary scholarship, on the other hand, having shaken the incubus of F. R. Leavis and not yet succumbed to post-structuralism, has given us models with which to illuminate prerevolutionary English culture: the monographs of Stephen Greenblatt, Jonathan Dollimore, and Stephen Orgel investigate the penetration of secular humanism into literature, historical writing,and popular and court theatre. They could lead us out of the fog created by the supersaturated climate of Protestant culture.
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Carey, John. "Isle of the Saints; Monastic Settlement and Christian Community in Early Ireland.Lisa M. Bitel." Speculum 67, no. 3 (1992): 631–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863663.
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ECONOMOU (Α. ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΟΥ), A. "Cultural and social aspects of animal domestication in Greek traditional society." Journal of the Hellenic Veterinary Medical Society 62, no. 2 (2017): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/jhvms.14848.
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The study of the ways, perceptions and practices by means of which a traditional society domesticates animals constitutes an important chapter in the understanding and interpretation of the making of its civilization, as the presence of animals can be found in all its facets and expressions. In the present paper which, in its initial form, was delivered as a lecture to the Hellenic Veterinary Medical Society, reference was made to the ways the Greek traditional society uses to integrate animals in its cultural system. This reference, however, was a brief and indicative one, as these ways have not been sufficiently studied from a folkanthropological point of view in Greece. This integration happened in many different ways, through the production and reproduction of the animals in their quality as financial asset, the consumption of their meat during week days and celebrations, their naming, the care to prevent and to cure illnesses affecting them, their participation in the worship rituals of saints as sacrificial offers, both real and symbolic, their position in the symbolic and the imaginary as it is depicted in oral narrative (legends, fairy tales, traditions, proverbs). Special mention is made to the saint patrons (St. Modestos, St. Mamas, St. Minas) of the animals in orthodox Christian religion and in Greek popular beliefs and practices.
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Jacobs, Ine. "Old statues, new meanings. Literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence for Christian reidentification of statuary." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (2020): 789–836. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0035.
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AbstractThis article examines literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence for the Christian reidentification of statuary and reliefs as biblical scenes and protagonists, saints and angels. It argues that Christian identifications were promulgated, amongst others by local bishops, to make sense of imagery of which the original identity had been lost and/or was no longer meaningful. Three conditions for a new identification are discussed: the absence of an epigraphic label, geographical and/or chronological distance separating the statue from its original context of display, and the presence of a specific attribute or characteristic that could become the prompt for reidentification. In their manipulation and modernization of older statuary, Christians showed a much greater appreciation of the statuary medium than generally assumed.
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Lazorevich, Irina. "SACRALITY IN THE DIVERSITY OF MODERN LITERATURE: HUMANISM OR VALUE DESTRUCTIVENESS?" Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 16, no. 2 (2020): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2020.16.6.
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In a secularized society, on the base of the rapid development of technologization and globalization, we also observe an intensive "return" of the sacred. It "returns" with the growth of nostalgia for the personalism of social relationships. And this return is reflected, in particular, through the phenomena of contemporary art – some of them are filled with appropriate symbolism and emotional atmosphere. Undoubtedly, there is no historical period, which would be characterized by complete secularization and the absence of any sacredness. However, in the modern era, the uniqueness of the sacred is that it is not just a religious phenomenon. Because today's semantic space of the sacred is not only the idea of God, it is also about justice, identity, self-sacrifice and the search for answers. This is one of the main categories of value orientations, which relates to anthropological reality in all its diversity. In this article, the author analyzes the manifestations of the Christian worldview and sacred meanings in modern literature work: the means of their expression and symbolism. After all, the Bible in modern literature is used in a unique way. Definitely, there are still a number of important Christian literature works, but more and more often artists use biblical symbolism to embody their creative ideas without mentioning Christian saints or biblical quotations. The researcher examines a number of particularly popular fantasy novels of the early third millennium, in which the plotline is interwoven with elements of Christian sacredness and value categories, the meanings of their ideological guidelines. Cult literature works are also analyzed, where sacredness is hidden under other layers of meaning. In these works, the sacred is not immediately demonstrated, it may be seen in the value potential of the profane. The reverse side of Christian sacredness is also comprehended – on the basis of works of art about demons and Satan, the artistic and ideological purpose of these works is considered. All this is subordinated to the goal of understanding the influence of ideas about the sacred (and in general – the transcendent) in its modern cultural expression on the transformation of the aesthetic axiosphere. The research is at the interdisciplinary intersection of religious studies, philosophy of religion, culturology and aesthetics.
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Шлёнов, Дионисий. "The Title of St. Nicholas θαυματουργός in the Byzantine Christian Tradition". Метафраст, № 1(1) (15 червня 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-770x-2019-1-1-19-34.
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В статье рассматривается история эпитета «Чудотворец» применительно к личности свт. Николая Мирликийского. Исследование всех упоминаний в греческой христианской литературе приводит к выводам об особом распространении этого эпитета во втором тысячелетии. История эпитета в первом тысячелетии характеризуется тем, что чудотворцем с IV в. христианские авторы именовали Христа Спасителя, а затем, и по аналогии с Ним, - избранных святых. Античный термин «чудосовершение» (θαυ - ματοποιία) уступил более сильному по выразительности термину «чудотворение» (θαυ - ματουργία) в период христианской традиции. В конце статьи приводится вывод о том, что христоподражательные черты в литературном образе свт. Николая, раскрытом в поздневизантийской литературе, не случайны. The article contains the history of the epithet «Wonderworker» in relation to the person of St. Nicholas of Myra. The study of all occurrences of this word in Greek Christian literature leads to the conclusion that the epithet was very commonly used in the II millennium. The history of the epithet in the first millennium is characteristic of certain persons: first, beginning from the IV century Christian authors called Christ the Savior and, by analogy, certain saints by the name «wonderworker». The ancient term «miracle-making» (θαυματοποιία) gave way to a stronger «wonder-working» (θαυματουργία) in the Christian tradition. As a result, it is concluded that the features imitative of Christ in the literary image of St. Nicholas, disclosed in the late Byzantine literature are not accidental.
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HANKELN, ROMAN. "Reflections of war and violence in early and high medieval saints' offices." Plainsong and Medieval Music 23, no. 1 (2014): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137113000181.
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ABSTRACTChanging attitudes towards violence and war are important markers of medieval European cultural development and, as such, have been the focus of numerous historical studies. Saints' offices have not, however, been analysed along these lines, an unjustified neglect given their central place in the daily cultural life of ecclesiastical institutions, not to mention the large range of related scholarly topics they represent. Offered here is an overview of these topics, beginning with an examination of offices with roots in Merovingian and Carolingian times, and proceeding to later offices originating in the crucial time of the first crusades and beyond. How is violence described in chants with texts drawn from the Old and New Testaments? How is it handled in chants based on later hagiographic literature? Is Christian military violence legitimised in these chants? How are enemies portrayed? How are the messages of these texts articulated in their musical settings? Answers to these questions might place the sacred monophony of the Latin Church into its proper context, that is, as a means of socio-political reflexion during the Middle Ages.
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González Abascal, Pedro. "El deseo de fama en la épica anglosajona y las vidas de santos ingleses de Aelfric." Estudios Humanísticos. Filología, no. 16 (December 1, 1994): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehf.v0i16.4227.
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<p>El deseo de fama como rasgo caracterizador de los héroes de los poemas épicos en inglés antiguo, pertenece asimismo a la tipología de los santos ingleses de AElfric: San Swituno, San Edmundo, San Oswaldo, San Albano y Santa AEtheldreda. Para San Agustín, cuyas obras son fuente de inspiración para ambos géneros de la literatura anglosajona, el deseo de fama de los héroes evita vicios más nocivos en cuanto estimula a imitar a quienes realizan hechos en beneficio de la nación. La difusión de la fama de los santos igualmente propone un modelo, no sólo de virtud cristiana sino también de héroe germánico-cristiano al servicio de su gente.</p><p>The desire of fame as a characterization trait of the heroes of the epic poems in Old English, also belongs to the typology of AElfric's English saints: St Swithun, St Edmund, St Oswald, St Alban and St AEthelthryth. To St Augustine, whose works are a source of inspiration to both genres of the Anglo-Saxon literature, the heroes' desire of fame prevents from other more harmful vices inasmuch as it encourages to imitate those who carry out deeds for the benefit of the nation. The spread of the saints' fame likewise proposes a model, not only of Christian virtue but also of a Germanic Christian hero in the service of his people.</p>
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Farris, Joshua R., and Ryan A. Brandt. "Ensouling the Beatific Vision. Motivating the Reformed Impulse." Perichoresis 15, no. 1 (2017): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/perc-2017-0004.
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Abstract The beatific vision is a subject of considerable importance both in the Christian Scriptures and in the history of Christian dogmatics. In it, humans experience and see the perfect immaterial God, which represents the final end for the saints. However, this doctrine has received less attention in the contemporary theological literature, arguably, due in part to the growing trend toward materialism and the sole emphasis on bodily resurrection in Reformed eschatology. As a piece of retrieval by drawing from the Scriptures, Medieval Christianity, and Reformed Christianity, we motivate a case for the Reformed emphasis on the immaterial and intellectual aspects of human personal eschatology and offer some constructive thoughts on how to link it to the contemporary emphasis of the body. We draw a link between the soul and the body in the vision with the help of Christology as reflected in the theology of John Calvin, and, to a greater extent, the theology of both John Owen and Jonathan Edwards.
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Rončáková, Terézia. "Media as Religion. Stardom as Religion. Really? Christian Theological Confrontation." Religions 11, no. 11 (2020): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110568.
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In the more recent scholarly literature on media, pop culture or celebrity studies, there has been a growing tendency to identify media, stardom and other pop culture forms of cult with religion. An increasing number of concepts have sprung up such as “media as religion” or “stardom as religion”. However, these concepts need to be critically scrutinized as to whether the use of specific theological terms in those concepts is sound and consistent—or, as the case may be, superficial. The primary aim of this paper is to examine whether there are essential intrinsic similarities between religion and media. To answer this question, we have examined the structural similarities between media and religion (by comparing their use of ritual and liturgy; emotions; cosmology; myth and archetype; and the cult of individualism in particular). Subsequently, we have analyzed the key terms that have emerged from those comparisons (religion and faith; God; emotions; community; liturgy; cosmology; archetypes; saints; individualism). The term religion is used in its broad sense; however, the subject is examined in detail within the context of Christian theology. We came to the conclusion that media religion is a non-theistic religio without God, with an exclusive emphasis on social cohesion. The absence of verticality, lack of transcendence to eternity as well as the non-existing relationship with God as a person—have determined the remaining partial conclusions presented herein.
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Divnogortseva, Svetlana Yu. "Hagiographic literature as a practical pedagogy of orthodox culture." Science and School, no. 4, 2020 (2020): 198–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/1819-463x-2020-4-198-206.
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Throughout the millennium, the phenomenon of Orthodox pedagogical culture has been developing in Russia. Its theory was formed on the basis of the generalization of the experience of religious and moral development and upbringing of personality, presented, among other things, in hagiographic literature. The purpose of the article is to characterize the dominant ideas of Orthodox pedagogical culture, based on examples from the practice of the lives of saints. The methodological basis of the research was philosophical and anthropological ideas - characteristics of a person as an individual personality; ideas about deterministic influence of axiology on spiritual culture, a variety of which is Orthodox pedagogical culture. As a result of analysis, the author concludes that hagiographic literature has a significant pedagogical potential, as it illustrates, from the point of view of the Orthodox faith, the built up activity of the individual; it illustrates the theoretical provisions and spiritual dominants of the Orthodox pedagogical culture, which reflect its value orientation, standards that serve as a basis for building and verification of the behavior of an Orthodox Christian. From this point of view, hagiographic literature can be called practical pedagogy in Orthodox culture and can be studied in order to fix and reproduce the standard height of the image of a spiritually and morally developed person.
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Rose, Els. "Virtutes apostolorum:Origin, Aim, and Use." Traditio 68 (2013): 57–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001628.
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The history of Christianity shows roughly two ways of remembering the apostles: as acollegiumof twelve and as individual authorities or saints. In the earliest centuries, the reference to Christ's disciples as a group predominates. Both in the visual arts and in writing, “the twelve” are undiscriminated, forming a collective representation of testimony to Christian teaching. Prescriptive writings from the first four centuries dealing with matters of ecclesiastical organization, doctrine, and worship may serve as an example, such as the first-century document entitled “Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles,” better known asDidache, and the second- to fourth-century related sourcesDoctrina apostolorum, Didascalia apostolorum, andConstitutiones apostolicae.
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Okafor, Amaechi Henry. "Isolation and Integration: Case Study of Latter-Day Saints in South-Western Nigeria." Religions 12, no. 6 (2021): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060445.
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Isolation and integration are two sides of the same coin, the former denoting negativity with the latter denoting positivity. The penetration of the LDS church into Nigeria in general and south-western Nigeria in particular has been faced with a considerable amount of opposition from the populace and the government. Nigeria is one of the most religious countries in Africa. Due to the vast demographic space, I am limiting our study to the south-western states, where it seems the church is growing more. The eastern region, to an extent, has also been experiencing considerable growth. Our queries are: what are the elements that depict isolation from other religious sects and society? What are the parameters for this phenomenon? Is there any evidence of integration? If so, how is this manifested? How are the male and female members of the LDS church trying to integrate into society and how has the response been? These among other questions are examined. Nigeria is originally a Catholic and Pentecostal religious environment, where open miracles, wonders and other phenomena are visible. These are hardly visible in LDS services, and this serves as motivation for non-members to oppose and isolate members of the LDS church from the fibers of society. The undetermined position of the LDS church and its non-registration with the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) has and continues to have relevant effects on the integration of the church and its members into the Christian circle of the country in general and the south-west in particular. I have discovered that, though the church’s growth in the south-west is visible, the possibility of integration has proven difficult. Due to the limited literature on this subject in the country, I have utilized semi-structured direct and indirect interviews of pioneers of the wards/units in the south-west, and also those who have investigated the church, many of whom still view the church as a cult. I also used an analytic approach that straddles critical discourse analysis and postcolonial theory. This paper proposes ways in which the members of the LDS church can better integrate themselves in a society that has a very different religious and cultural background to that of American society, where the church has more fully moved from isolation to integration.
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King, John N. "The Godly Woman in Elizabethan Iconography." Renaissance Quarterly 38, no. 1 (1985): 41–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861331.
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Emblematic figures of godly and faithful women proliferate throughout the literature of the English Renaissance and Reformation. Characteristically they hold books in their hands symbolic of divine revelation, or they appear in books as representations of divine inspiration. While such representation of a pious feminine ideal was traditional in Christian art, Tudor reformers attempted to appropriate the devout emotionality linked to many female saints and to the Virgin Mary, both as the mother of Christ and as an allegorical figure for Holy Church, providing instead images of Protestant women as embodiments of pious intellectuality and divine wisdom. Long before the cult of the wise royal virgin grew up in celebration of Elizabeth I, Tudor Protestants began to praise learned women for applying knowledge of the scriptures to the cause of church reform.
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Toft, Lasse Løvlund. "Tjenere, pryglestokke og kropslige lidenskaber." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 71 (December 22, 2020): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v71i0.123568.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: According to Gen 1:26–28, the human being was given rule over the animals, even though this apparently conflicts with the lived reality on earth. To judge from sources from the Early Church, this apparent dichotomy posed a serious challenge to the claim of the goodness of God, which had to be defended accordingly. The present article investigates different Early Christian views on the relationship between animals and humans. Through a series of Danish translations of extracts from eastern patristic writings from around the 4th century, it is argued that despite a certain diversity of argument, two different ‘zoologies’, or views on animals and on the human rule over especially wild animals appear. These views seem to revolve around the two Christian centres of theology and biblical exegesis of the time – Alexandria and Antioch. Insights from the readings of the patristic literature are subsequently used as a hermeneutical key in order to understand encounters between animals and holy persons found in other parts of the Early Christian literature, namely the apocryphal Acts of the Apos-tles, martyr literature and ascetic literature. The article ends with a view to the Western church.
 DANSK RESUME: Mennesket blev ifølge Gen 1,26–28 sat til at herske over dyrene – men stemmer dette overens med den erfarede virkelighed? At dømme ud fra oldkirkelige kilder udfordrede dette tilsyneladende modsætningsforhold den kristne forståelse af Guds godhed, som følgelig måtte forsvares. I denne artikel undersøges forskellige oldkirkelige forestillinger om forholdet mellem dyr og mennesker. Gennem en række oversættelser af uddrag fra skrifter skrevet af østlige kirkefædre omkring det 4. århundrede argumenteres der for, at der trods en vis diversitet i argumentationen grundlæggende viser sig to forskellige forestillinger om dyr, eller ‘zoologier’, og om menneskets herredømme over særligt vilde dyr. Disse forskelle synes at være mellem det alexandrinske teologisk-eksegetiske miljø og det antiokenske. Indsigter fra disse undersøgelser bruges desuden som hermeneutisk nøgle til forstå relationer mellem dyr og hellige personer i anden oldkirkelig litteratur såsom de apokryfe apostelakter, martyrlitteratur og asketisk litteratur. Slutteligt gives der et udblik til vestlige kirkefædre.
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Kupisiński, Zdzisław. "Remembrance of the Deceased in Annual Rituals in Poland." Anthropos 115, no. 2 (2020): 527–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2020-2-527.
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The article presents beliefs and rituals related to All Souls’ Day typical for folk Catholicism in Poland. It is based on the results of the ethnographic fieldwork conducted by the author in Radom and Opoczno regions (central Poland), in the years 1980-1983, 1990-1993 and 1998-2005 (a total of 414 days, 650 interviews with 998 informants), as well as on the literature concerning this and other regions of Poland. The popular remembrance of the dead and care for their graves is noticeable throughout the year. Cemeteries in Poland are often visited by people whose relatives passed over to “the other world,” who place flowers and candles on the graves, tidy them up, and pray. Commemoration of the dead takes on a special dimension such days as Christmas, Easter, All Saints’ and All Souls’ Day. Many old All Souls’ rituals disappeared already in the Middle Ages as a result of Christianization and eradication of pre-Christian beliefs. Still, until the 1970s one could observe or reconstruct (relying on the memory of informants) many pre-Christian beliefs and customs that used to be regulated by the ancient ritual calendar based on the solar cycle and the worship of ancestors. The presence of those ancient elements in folk beliefs and rituals indicates a strong faith of the people in life after death, exhibited also by the inhabitants of the area under study both in past centuries and today, although today those customs are given a Christian theological interpretation.
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DICKSON, GARY. "Revivalism as a Medieval Religious Genre." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 3 (2000): 473–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002870.
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Perhaps because the classification of religious behaviour in the Middle Ages has not received much attention, there seems to be no scholarly consensus concerning the number or nature of its genres. This means that at present we tend to have either inadequately differentiated, broad categories of medieval religious acts, or somewhat incoherent lists of highly specific religious practices. That a good number of these religious forms pre-existed and continued long after the Christian Middle Ages is not in doubt; nor is the fact that such religious behaviours are not necessarily confined to the Christian tradition. The present discussion, however, will focus exclusively upon the Latin Christian tradition, c. 1000–c. 1500.Surveying the expressive modes of medieval religion presents less difficulty than grouping such behaviours within larger intelligible categories. Current scholarly literature makes it clear that certain varieties of medieval religious practice are almost universally acknowledged: veneration of the saints; attendance at sermons; private prayer; participation in public, collective liturgies (for example, processions on diverse occasions); acting under the influence of prophecy; setting off on pilgrimage, whether penitential or devotional; taking the Cross; performing formal or informal acts of devotion or piety (‘devotion’ is one aspect of the medieval religious life urgently in need of sharp definition); and attempting, often through ascetic exercises, to experience God (mysticism). By no means is this an exhaustive list. The titular subject of this essay, as the reader will have noticed, does not appear in it.
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Daiber, Thomas. "Semiose des Wunderbaren in Hagiographie und Märchen." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 63, no. 2 (2018): 236–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2018-0018.
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SummaryThe Lives of Saints as well as fairy-tales eventually tell of animals which have the gift to speak. The categorization of phenomena like speaking animals is dependent on the epistemic structure of the narrated world. On the example of ‘speaking deers’ the paper outlines, that in hagiographic literature speaking animals are reported as miracles, which are to testify either the holiness of a place or the person they are speaking to. On the contrary, in fairy-tales speaking animals are part of the expected actors to appear in the structure of the narrated world and are not marked as miracles, at all. Consequently, the semiotic status of such phenomena can be differentiated: hagiography tends to symbolical or metaphorical meaning, fairy-tales to allegoric meaning. The difference between symbolic and metaphorical meaning in hagiography is shown in comparing two episodes including a speaking deer as if Christ himself is speaking. In Vita Placida, the deer has the specific and contextually supported gnostic meaning ‘soul’, while in Vita Huberti the deer only takes iconically induced metaphoric meaning (wearing cross-like antlers = carrying the cross), but in the fairy-tale the deer is an allegory of a human character trait and thus can be substituted by another allegory without change of context.
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Corbett, John H. "Hagiography and the Experience of the Holy in the Work of Gregory of Tours." Florilegium 7, no. 1 (1985): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.004.
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The rich literature associated with the Desert Fathers provides con-vincing evidence of the important role played by charismatic figures in the transformation of Late Antiquity. In the West the Life of St Martin by Sulpicius Severus and, even more explicitly, his Dialogues (Concerning St Martin) demonstrate how quickly and completely this charismatic style infected the Latin-speaking western Empire, hardly a century after it had come to attract widespread attention in the East. Several studies by Peter Brown have done much to clarify the social processes attested to in this literature, the rise of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity, and his function as a "village patron.These great "friends of God" served as the centres around which the new Christian social order accreted, leading in the East to a revival of the urban life of pagan antiquity but in the West to a new social order — essentially the social order of mediaeval Christendom — organized around the cult of the saints, now carefully regulated by an episcopal elite largely drawn from the old Gallo-Roman aristocracy.
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Zimbalist, Barbara. "Comparative Hagiology and/as Manuscript Studies: Method and Materiality." Religions 10, no. 11 (2019): 604. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110604.
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Although the academic study of hagiography continues to flourish, the role of comparative methods within the study of sanctity and the saints remains underutilized. Similarly, while much valuable work on saints and sanctity relies on materialist methodologies, issues of critical bibliography particular to the study of hagiography have not received the theoretical attention they deserve. This essay takes up these two underattended approaches to argue for a comparative materialist approach to hagiography. Through a short case study of the Latin Vita of Lutgard of Aywières (1182–1246) written by the Dominican friar Thomas of Cantimpré (c. 1200–1270), I suggest that comparative material research into the textual history of hagiographic literature can provide us with a more comprehensive and nuanced picture of the production of any specific holy figure, as well as the evolving discourses of sanctity and holiness in general. While this suggestion emerges from my own work on medieval hagiography from the Christian Latin West, it resonates with recent arguments by Sara Ritchey and David DiValerio to call for a materially comparative approach to narratives of holy lives in any religious tradition in any time period. Furthermore, I suggest that medieval studies, and in particular medieval manuscript studies, may have much to offer to scholars of sanctity working in later periods and other settings. Offering a view of material textual scholarship as intrinsically comparative, we may expand our theoretical definitions of the comparative and its possibilities within the study of sanctity.
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Hawkins, Peter S. "All Smiles: Poetry and Theology in Dante." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 2 (2006): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081206x129602.
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The greatest master of the “Gothic smile” was not one of the anonymous visual artists who made saints and angels beam in the mid-thirteenth century; rather, it was Dante. Smiling is the hallmark of the presumably “sage and serious” poet and a sign of his distinctive originality as a Christian theologian. While this is true as early as La vita nuova and the Convivio, the Commedia shows how Dante journeys toward the beatific vision of God through the smile (on the faces of Vergil, Beatrice, and others). Sorriso/sorridere and riso/ridere–as noun or verb, and apparently interchangeable in meaning–appear over seventy times in the poem, in a wide variety of contexts: twice in Inferno, on more than twenty occasions in Purgatory, and double that number in Paradiso. As he develops the poem, Dante uses the smile to express the unique individuality not only of the human being but also of the triune God. (PSH)
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OSINCHUK, Yurii. "A VOCABULARY FOR MARKING GOD'S PEOPLE, SAINTS AND ANGELS IN THE UKRAINIAN HISTORICAL DICTIONARY EDITED BY YEVHEN TYMCHENKO." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-213-232.
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In the article, based on the material of the multi-genre Ukrainian monuments of the writing of different styles of the 14–18 centuries, included in the database of the sources “Mapping of the Historical Dictionary of the Ukrainian Language”, edited by Ye. Tymchenko was studied religious vocabulary in the diachronic aspect, in particular, the lexical-semantic group of words and derivatives from the formations expressing the concept of "God's people, saints, angels". The illustrative material of the dictionary represents various thematic groups of religious vocabulary: the names of performers and members of the liturgy; the names of liturgical objects, their varieties, and parts; the names of liturgies; the names of ceremonies; Christian rites, their varieties and parts; the names of the temple and its parts, etc. The studied vocabulary is captured by almost all genres of the Ukrainian language of the ХІV–ХVІІІ centuries, in particular, acts, judicial documents, wills, charters, сhronicles, works of confessional, polemic and fiction literature, liturgical literature, epistolary legacy, etc. The article focuses on the etymological analysis of religious names, which mainly consisted of determining their semantic etymon. It is established that genetically the words of the studied lexical-semantic group are not homogeneous, because it consists of lexemes of different origins, in particular borrowings from the Greek, Church Slavonic, Polish language, etc. Some Church Slavonic names emerged as semantic tracings to Greek words. It has been discovered that some of the lexemes under study often serve as the core components of various binomial or threefold stable and lexicalized word combinations. Polysemy, synonymy, and antonymy are typical for certain words indicating God's personality, saints, and angels. It has been established that mostly all the words considered have been preserved until today in the Ukrainian literary language and church-liturgical practice. Keywords historical dictionary, the monuments of writing, semantics, phrase, Church Slavonic language
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Ryabokin, Alina. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PROFESSIONAL CHRISTIAN MUSIC IN THE EARLY MEDIEVAL TIME." EUREKA: Social and Humanities 3 (May 31, 2020): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001319.
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The article deals with the formation of sacred music by Christians in the early Middle Ages. Basing on the historical sources and scientific literature, the authors show a connection between the musical traditions of Rome, the Western Goths of Spain and the empire of Charlemagne. The teaching of professional church singers, the birth of Mass, the complexity of the musical pattern of Christian singing, the educational ideas of Isidore of Seville and Alcuin of York, the metriz school timely opened by Christian mentors – all of it contributed to the formation of the early medieval educational process. Alcuin is the author of many (about 380) Latin instructive, panegyric, hagiographic, and liturgical poems (among the most famous are The Cuckoo (lat. De cuculo) and The Primate and Saints of the York Church (lat. De pontificibus et sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis )). Alcuin also wrote puzzles in poetry and prose. Alkuin conducted the extensive correspondence (with Charles the Great, Anguilbert, Pope Leo III and many others, a total of 232 letters to various people); Alcuin's letters are an important source on the history of the Carolingian society. At the Palace Academy, Alquin taught trivium and quadrivia elements; in his work On True Philosophy, he restored the scheme of the seven liberal arts, following Kassiodor’s parallel between the seven arts and the seven pillars of the temple of Wisdom of Solomon. He compiled textbooks on various subjects (some in a dialogical form). The Art of Grammar (lat. Ars grammatica) and the Slovene of the Most Noble Young Man Pipin with Albin Scholastic (Lat. Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi juvenis Pippini cum Albino scholastico) became very famous. Alcuin’s textbooks on dialectics, dogmatics, rhetoric, and liturgy are also known.
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Kato, Daniela. "Women, Other Animals, and the Genetic Imagination of the Fairy Tale: Paula Rego’s Hans Christian Andersen Pastels." ISLE: Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 26, no. 3 (2019): 726–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isle/isz066.
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Cragoe, Carol Davidson. "The Architectural Setting of the Cult of Saints in the Early Christian West, c.300-1200. John CrookCathedral Shrines of Medieval England. Ben Nilson." Speculum 76, no. 4 (2001): 1018–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903635.
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Oikonomou-Koutsiari, Anastasia, Georgios Zografos, Epameinondas Koutsiaris, Evangelos Menenakos, and Effie Poulakou-Rebelakou. "Milestones in the History of Pediatric Surgery During the Byzantine Times." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 18, no. 1 (2020): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.18.1.7.
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During the Byzantine Times, medicine and surgery developed as Greek physicians continued to practice in Constantinople. Healing methods were common for both adults and children, and pediatrics as a medical specialty did not exist. Already Byzantine hospitals became institutions to dispense medical services, rather than shelters for the homeless, which included doctors and nurses for those who suffered from the disease. A major improvement in the status of hospitals as medical centers took place in this period, and physicians were called archiatroi. Several sources prove that archiatroi were still functioning in the late sixth century and long afterward, but now as xenon doctors. Patients were averse to surgery due to the incidence of complications. The hagiographical literature repeated allusions to doctors. Concerns about children with a surgical disease often led parents to seek miraculous healings achieved by Christian Protectors – Saints. This paper is focused on three eminent Byzantine physicians and surgeons, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, who dealt with pediatric operations and influenced the European Medicine for centuries to come. We studied historical and theological sources in order to present a comprehensive picture of the curative techniques used for pediatric surgical diseases during the Byzantine Times.
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Ryan, Salvador. "‘No Milkless Cow’: The Cross of Christ in Medieval Irish Literature." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000125x.
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The cross of Christ in the Middle Ages was the most powerful symbol of God’s victory over sin, death and the forces of evil, while also representing the most abject suffering and degradation of Jesus Christ, the God-Man. A simplistic reading of the evolution of the theology of the cross during this period posits a transition from the early medieval victorious and heroic Christ figure, reigning and triumphant upon the cross, to a late medieval emaciated and tortured object of pity whose ignominious death was supposed to elicit heartfelt compassion for his plight and sincere sorrow for the sin which placed him on the beams of the tree of crucifixion. Of course, there is a great deal of value in this argument, and much evidence might be brought forward to support its central thesis. However, it should not be pushed too far; it might also be remembered that the essential paradox of Christ the victor-victim is a constant theme in Christian theology, expressed in the sixth-century Vexilla regis in its identification of the cross as ‘victim of the passion’s glory, by which life brought death to an end, and, by death, gave life again’ and in the hymn Victimae paschali laudes from the central medieval period: ‘Death with life contended, combat strangely ended, life’s own champion slain yet lives to reign’. The image of the victorious cross of Christ, conceived of as simultaneously an instrument of triumph and of torture, would persist right through the late medieval period, despite the development of a greater emphasis on the physical sufferings of Christ in his passion and their ever more graphic depictions. This essay, which examines the way in which the cross of Christ is presented in medieval Irish literature, provides sufficient examples to make this point clear; these are drawn from a variety of sources including religious verse, saints’ lives, medieval travel accounts and sermon material. Of course, these examples are best viewed within the context of a broader medieval European devotional culture from which Ireland was certainly not immune.
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Valdés Sánchez, Amanda. "“A Desora Desperto y vio una Grand Claridat”: The Role of Dreams and Light in the Construction of a Multi-Confessional Audience of the Miracles of the Virgin of Guadalupe." Religions 10, no. 12 (2019): 652. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10120652.
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This paper examines the religious proselytizing agenda of the order of Saint Jerome that ruled the Extremaduran sanctuary of the Virgin of Guadalupe since 1389. To this end, I analyze how the Hieronymite’s used literary motifs such as dreams and light in the codex of the Miracles of the Virgin of Guadalupe to create a multi-confessional audience for their collection of miracles. I contend that these motifs were chosen because they were key elements in the construction of a particular image of the Virgin that could appeal to pilgrims of different faiths. Through them, the Hieronymites evoked in the minds of Muslim pilgrims and Christian captives beyond the sea the imagery and rhetoric of Sufi devotional literature and Islamic hagiography, in order to create a vision of the Virgin that was able to compete with the more important Islamic devotional figures: the Prophet, Sufi masters and charismatic saints. Finally, I explore how the possible influence of North African devotional models, such as the Shadhiliyya order or the hagiography of the Tunisian saint, Aisha al-Manubiyya, suggests that the aims of the monastic authors of this Marian miracles collection went far beyond the conversion of Castilian Muslims, aiming at the transformation of the Extremaduran Marian sanctuary of Guadalupe into a Mediterranean devotional center.
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Marks, Susan. "Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture. By Jason König. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. xi + 417 pp. $120.00 cloth." Church History 83, no. 2 (2014): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000158.
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Newlon, Brendan. "Muslims in the Western Imagination." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 1 (2016): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i1.885.
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Through research spanning 1,300 years, Sophia Rose Arjana presents a historicalgenealogy of monstrous representations of Muslims that haunt thewestern imagination and continue to sustain the contemporary bigotry of Islamophobia.The central question introduced in the first section, “Introduction:Islam in the Western Imagination,” is “How did we get here, to this place ofhijab bans and outlawed minarets, secret renditions of enemy combatants,Abu Ghraib, and GTMO?” (p. 1).To answer this question, Arjana highlights connections between historicalrepresentations of Muslims and monstrosity in imagery, literature, film, andpopular culture to produce a volume she describes as “an archive of Muslimmonsters” and “a jihad – an effort – to reveal Muslims as human beings insteadof the phantasms they are often presented as” (p. 16). This work is a timelycontribution that will benefit scholars researching anti-Muslim sentiment, Islamophobia,postcolonial and subaltern studies, the psychology of xenophobiaand genocide, or who are interested in historical manifestations of Islamophobia,antisemitism, and racism in art, literature, film, and media.In the first chapter, “The Muslim Monster,” the author argues that cultural“ideas of normativity are often situated in notions of alterity” and thatmonstrous representations of Muslims have functioned as an enduring signifierof alterity against which the West has attempted to define itself sincethe Middle Ages. Through the production of dehumanized and monstrousrepresentations, Muslims became part of a mythological landscape at theperipheries of Christian civilization that included dragons, giants, and dogheadedmen. The grotesque and uncanny attributes of monsters reveal theanxieties of the society that produces such images, and chief among thoseis the fear of racial contamination and the dissolution of culture through interminglingwith the foreign and the strange. Each of the following chaptersfocuses on depictions of Muslims as monsters in visual arts and literaturewithin a particular era or context.The second chapter, “Medieval Muslim Monsters,” introduces Muslimmonsters of the Middle Ages, many of which survived as tropes used to vilifyMuslims, Arabs, Jews, and Africans for centuries thereafter. This chapter introducesmonsters such as “the giant, man-eating Saracens of medieval romancesand the Black Saracens, often shown in medieval art executing saints,harassing and killing Jesus, and murdering other Christian innocents” (p. 19) ...
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Wilkins, John. "J. KÖNIG, SAINTS AND SYMPOSIASTS: THE LITERATURE OF FOOD AND THE SYMPOSIUM IN GRECO-ROMAN AND EARLY CHRISTIAN CULTURE. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Pp. xi + 417, illus. isbn9780521886857. £70.00/US$115.00." Journal of Roman Studies 104 (October 13, 2014): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435814000549.
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Nepomnyashchikh, N. А. "VARIANTS OF THE SIN ATONEMENT MOTIF: ON THE LIFE OF NEKRASOV’S PLOT ABOUT A GREAT SINNER IN THE RUSSIAN CULTURE OF THE XX CENTURY." Siberian Philological Forum 11, no. 3 (2020): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.25146/2587-7844-2020-11-3-48.
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Problem statement. There are two versions of the plot about two great sinners in the Russian literature and culture. The first version is Nekrasov’s one, based upon a folk tale, in which one sinner killed the other and earned God’s pardon for this. The second version is the same Nekrasov’s text, shortened and transformed into a song in which only one great sinner remains. Instead of committing a murder, he repented in a monastery. The versions express the opposite positions. The second one preaches such Christian virtues as repentance and humility. On the contrary, the first version shows that one can achieve salvation only by rebellion and murder. It has a revolutionary/ social connotation. The purpose of the article. These two versions of the plot are not always distinguished in the research literature. The purpose of the article is to draw a distinction between the versions and to analyze their functioning. Review of scientific literature on the problem. Nekrasov’s plot was thoroughly studied in 1920s-1960s. M.N. Klimova examined the second version in her book Ot protopopa Avvakuma do Fiedora Abramova: Zhitiya greshnykh sviatykh v russkoi literature (From the archpriest Avvakum to Theodore Abramov: hagiography of the sinful saints in the Russian literature), 2003. Methodology and research results. The comparative method along with the motif analysis leads to the conclusion that the full version of the plot was used by A. Kuprin in Demir-Kaya: Vostochnaya legenda (Demir-Kaya), 1906. The shortened version, widely known as the song performed by F. Chaliapin, could affect Stepan Razin’s image created by V. Shukshin in his film as well as the concept of the Strannyie liudi (Strange people) film (1969). The unique version of the plot, which differs from both full and short versions, is discovered in L.M. Leonov’s Deianiya Azlazivona, 1921. Conclusion. When analyzing the plot, one should identify the possible sources of the plot on the basis of the differences of two versions mentioned above.
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Pihkala, Panu. "Ecotheology and the theology of eating: controversies and convergencies." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 26 (April 13, 2015): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67447.
Full textAbstract:
Environmental theology (or, ecotheology) developed slowly during the first half of the twentieth century and has become a major field of study since the late 1960s. While many of the issues discussed in ecotheological works have included consequences for food production and eating habits, these themes were often not explicitly discussed. The reasons for this are interesting and complex. Issues related to food have been culturally very sensitive and have manifold connections to religiosity. In regard to the discussion about the rights and value of animals, controversies have been seen to arise between ecotheology and ‘animal theology’. Recently, a new interest has arisen in the themes of food, eating, and Christian theology, which has resulted in a new field of literature which could be called the ‘theology of eating’. This article gives an overview of the relations between these fields, with an emphasis on both early ecotheology and new literature about the theology of eating.